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~SKID ROW~: A GEOGRAPHICAL PERSPECTIVE
by
LARRY LLOYD KING
A DISSERTATION
Presented to the Department of Geography
and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
December 1982
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APPROVE~:
Everett G. Smith, Jr. , ,
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© Larry Lloyd King 1982
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An Abstract of the Dissertation of
for the Degree of
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Larry Lloyd King
in the Department of Geography to be taken
Doctor of Philosophy
December 1982
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Title: SKID ROWS: A GEOGRAPHICAL PERSPECTIVE
Approved: '_ .. -v. _>I'"-,-l. r'
Everett G. Smith, Jr. '
This study will focus on changes that skid row is experiencing.
Following an introductory statement which defines skid row and reviews
the area historically, an examination of skid row evolution on a
national basis is presented. Specifically, this involves a comparative
analysis of thirty-one skid rows representing all regions of the United
States. Each skid row is examined as to its 1950, 1968, and 1979 size.
and location. Much of the information for this analysis is based on
responses to questionnaires and census data.
With few exceptions, skid rows have changed substantially from
1950 to 1979. Most have declined significantly in size or relocated to
new sites in the central business district. Almost all the cities
surveyed have retained a skid row, in some form, over the thirty years
studied.
A closer view of skid row evolution and change is presented
utilizing a case study of Portland, Oregon. Portland was selected for
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study because it is fairly representative of skid rows in general. It
has had a skid row for approximately a century and its process of
establishment, growth, and decline through the years has followed a
pattern which is typical of other skid rows studies throughout the
United States. For example, the current "0ld Town" trend occurring in
some skid rows is also happening to Portland1s skid row. Sanborn Maps,
city directories, field observations, and census tract reports provide
land use data for Portland.
Despite the efforts of planners and others to remove skid row
from the landscape, with rare exceptions it has existed as an urban
phenomenon for at least a century to the present day.
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VITA
NAME OF AUTHOR: Larry Lloyd King
PLACE OF BIRTH: Eugene, Oregon
DATE OF BIRTH: February 25, 1942
UNDERGRADUATE AND GRADUATE SCHOOLS ATTENDED:
Linfield College
Portland State University
University of Oregon
DEGREES AWARDED:
Bachelor of Science, 1964, University of Oregon
Master of Science, 1968, University of Oregon
AREAS OF SPECIAL INTEREST:
Urban Geography
Geographic Education
Environmental Perception
PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE:
Instructor, Department of Geography, Portland
Community College, 1969-1982
AWARDS AND HONORS:
NDEA Institute for Advanced Study in Physical and
Resource Geography, Oregon State University~ 1967
NSF Institute for Application of Systems Analysis to
Viable Solutions for Land Use Problems, Oregon State
University, 1972
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PUBLICATIONS
King, Larry. "Mabel, Oregon: Dependence on One Industry and Its
Effect on Sequent Occupance. II Oregon Geographer (Fall 1967).
___,' liThe Effects of a Kraft Mi 11 on the Toledo, Oregon,
Landscape. II Oregon Geographer (Winter 1968).
. "Field Methods for Ninth Graders." Journal of Geography
---{April 1969).
__----.. IIPeople in the Eugene CBD: Do They Vary with Time?1I
Oregon Geographer (Summer 1969).
__-.' "What Detroiters Taught a Geographer about Detroit. II
Oregon Geographer (Winter 1971).
___,' "Visualizing the Landscape of Census Tracts." Oregon
Geographer (Fall 1972).
_____,. "Wilsonville: The Costs of Growth Without Adequate
Political Control. lI Oregon Geographer (Fall 1973).
Searl, Gary H., King, Larry L., and Anderson, Ryan V. Places People
Live: An Urban and Social Geography. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendell/
Hunt Publishing Company, 1971.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I wish to thank my committee, Dr. William Loy, Dr. Clyde·
Patton, Dr. Lawrence Carter, and, especially, the committee chair
Dr. Everett Smith. Their encouragement and assistance have made the
preparation of this manuscript possible. I would also like to thank
the following people for their help: Jack Harper, Mike Jones, Julie
OIBrien, Gary Searl, and the staff of the Oregon Historical Society.
Finally, I am very appreciative of my family for their patience,
encouragement, and assistance over the past four years.
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DEDICATION
Dedicated to my mother and the memory of my father.
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Chapter
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Defining Skid Row................................... 1
History of Skid Row................................. 5
Perceptions of Skid Row............................. 10
Research Prey; ew ..........•.......•..•.....••....... 14
Chapter Endnotes .........•...•.......•.............. 16
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I. INTRODUCING SKID ROW ................................... 1
II. SURVEY OF UNITED STATES SKID ROWS ...................... 18
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Methods .•••••••..•.•••••••.•••••..•..••••.••.•••••.•
Patterns .
Census Data Analysis .•••••.•.••..•.•••••••..•••••
Skid Row Classification Model •..••.••.••••••.••.•
National Survey: Similarities and Differences
by Type •.•••••••••.••••.•.•••••.•••.•.••••.••.
Analysis of Selected Census Data .••.•.••••••••.••
Treatment of Skid Row Inhabitants ..•••••.•••.••..
Concl usian .
Chapter Endnotes .•..•...•••..•...••.....••...•......
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SKID. ROW IN PORTLAND, OREGON •••••••.•••••••.•••••••••••
Methods .••••.••••••.••...•••••••••••••.•••••••••.••.
Patterns .
Section One: Sanborn Map Analysis ..•••••...•.••..
Section Two: City Directory Analysis .••••••.••.••
Section Three: Field Observation Analysis .•••.••.
Conclusion .
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III.
Chapter Endnotes ....................................
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IV. CONCLUSIONS ............................................
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APPENDICES
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Findings .
Chapter Endnotes
Census Data Characteristics
Skid Row Questionnaire ...••••••.•.•••..•.•.....•••.•
Letter to City Planners ..•••••••.•.•••.•••••••.•••.•
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 198
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Table
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LIST OF TABLES
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Selected Social Data Comparisons for 20 u.S. Central
Cities and Their Skid Rows, 1940-1970 ...••.•.•••••••
Skid Row Classification System .••••.•.••••..•••.••••••.
Location of Skid Row in Relation to Selected Features
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for 31 U.S. Cities.................................. 33
Selected Social Data Comparisons for Cincinnati, Ohio,
1940-1970 39•
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Skid Row Size in Blocks for 31 U.S. Cities ...•.••.••••.
Selected Social Data Comparisons for New Orleans,
Louisiana, 1940-1970 .
Selected Social Data Comparisons for Oakland,
California, 1940-1970 .•.••••.••••.•••...••.••••..••.
Selected Social Data Comparisons for Portland, Oregon,
1940-1970 .
Selected Social Data Comparisons for Portland, Oregon,
Census Tracts 51,54, and 57, 1940-1970 .•••.••••••••
Selected Social Data Comparisons for Boston,
Massachusetts, 1940-1970 .•.••.••••••••..•••••.••••••
Selected Social Data Comparisons for Toledo, Ohio,
1940-1970 .
Selected Social Data Comparisons for Indianapolis,
Indiana, 1940-1970 ~ ..•........................
Selected Social Data Comparisons for Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania, 1940-1970 .•..•••..••••.•..•.••..•••.•.
Selected Social Data Comparisons for Seattle,
Washington, 1940-1970 ..•••..•••••••.••••.•••...••.••
Selected Social Data Comparisons for Milwaukee,
Wisconsin, 1940-1970 ......•........•................
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16. Selected Social Data Comparisons for Rochester, New
York, 194'O~ 1970 85
Selected Social Data Comparisons for Minneapolis,
Minnesota, 1940-1970 ..........•.•.•..•.•............ 91
18. Selected Social Data Comparisons for Fort Worth,
20. Selected Social Data Comparisons for Baltimore,
Maryland, 1940-1970 II II......... 101
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Texas, 1950-1970 96
Selected Social Data Comparisons for Oklahoma City,
Oklahoma, 1940-1970 .•..•......•.......•...•......... 99
Selected Social Data Comparisons for Sacramento,
California, 1950-1970 .... II......................... 106
22. Selected Social Data Comparisons for Houston, Texas,
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1940-1970 110
Selected Social Data Comparisons for Birmingham,
Alabama, 1940-1970 ....................••........•... 115
24. Selected Social Data Comparisons for Omaha, Nebraska,
26. Selected Social Data Comparisons for 6 U.S. Cities
and Their Skid Rows, 1940-1970 II... 122
28. Summary of Portland, Oregon, City Directory Data,
1873-1980 160
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1940-1970 118
Selected Social Data Comparisons for Richmond,
Virginia, 1940-1970 II II..... 121
Summary of Portland, Oregon, Sanborn Map Data 157
Summary of Portland, Oregon, City Directory Data,
1873-1980 162
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30. Summary of Portland, Oregon, Field Observations, 1980.. 172
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Figure
LIST OF FIGURES
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Skid Rows Studied by Bogue and King ..•...•.•••.••.••.•.
Location of Cities Containing Skid Rows Studied by
Bogue and King ..•...•..........••......••.......•...
Skid Rows by Classification Type, 1979 .•••.•..••....•.•
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4. Single Unit Skid Rows, 1979 •••••••••••••..••..•...••..• 31
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Austin Skid Row
Cincinnati Skid
Dallas Skid Row
Row ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
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New Orleans Skid Row .••••.•.••••..••.•••••••.•...•...••
Oakl and Ski d Row .
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10. Portland Skid Row . 47
San Diego Ski d Row .•••.•••••••.•.•.••.••.•••••••.•..•..
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12. Boston Skid Row · .
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13. Dayton Sk i dRaw · . 57
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14. El Paso Ski d Row ..•.••.••••.•••.•••••.••.•.••••.•.••..• 58
15. Toledo Skid Row . 59
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Multiple Unit Skid Rows, 1979 .•..••.•.••.••.••••.•.••.•
Indianapolis Skid Row
Philadelphia Skid Row
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19. Seattle Ski d Row . 70
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20. Tampa Ski d Row . 75
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Sacramento Sk; d Row ....•..........•.•....•...........•.
Des Moines Skid Row ..•..........•.•...............••...
Tul sa Ski d Row ............•...•..•.•......•..•.•.••....
Fort Worth Ski d Row .
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Row .•••••••••••••••••••.••••••••••••
Richmond Skid Row .
Birmingham Skid Row .
Oklahoma City Skid
Baltimore Skid Row
Minneapolis Skid Row .
OmahaSk;d Row ..
Houston Skid Row .
Albuquerque Skid Row ...•.........•.....................
Cities Having No Skid Row •...•..•••..•...•....•..•.•...
Jacksonville Skid Row .
Milwaukee Skid Row ...••.•.....••......••....•.•.•.•...•
Nashville Skid Row .
Rochester Ski d Row ....•...........•....................
Combination Unit Skid Rows, 1979 .••......•.............
Portland, Oregon ,Study Area ..•.......•••.....••.•..•..
Portland, Oregon, Comparison Area .•..•.•...•.••..••.•••
Study Area Single Family Houses, 1879 .••...•.••..•.•.••
Study Area Land Use, 1879 .••....••.••....•...••.••.•...
Comparison Area Land Use, 1879 .••......••...•.....•••.•
Comparison Area Single Family Houses, 1879 .•........•..
Figure
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Figure Page
45. Study Area Land Use, 1898 ·............................. 146
46. Comparison Area Land Use, 1898 ·........................ 148
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47. Study Area Land Use, 1932 ·............................. 150
48. Comparison Area Land Use, 1932 ·........................ 152
49. Study Area Land Use, 1955 ·............................. 153
• 50. Study Area Parking Lots, 1955 .......................... 154
51. Comparison Area Land Use, 1955 ·........................ 155
52. Study Area Land Use, 1980 ·............................. 168
• 53. Land Use Oriented to Skid Row Inhabitants, 1980 ........ 169
54. Comparison Area Land Use, 1980 ·........................ 171
55. Study Area Parking Lots, 1980 .......................... 174
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CHAPTER I
INTRODUCING SKID ROW
Defining Skid Row
Skid Rows are controversial living areas in large North
American cities. Visually they are unattractive because of their down
and out inhabitants and older, deteriorating buildings. Specifically,
Skid Rows are older, declining areas serving elderly males living on
the edge of poverty.
Even though the term Skid Row lends itself to connotations of
downsliding personalities and life-styles, and most skid rowers seem to
accept this definition of personal failure (referring to themselves as
bums, tramps, and winos), the phrase originated in a legitimate
economic phenomenon. 1
The name "skid row" evolved from the term "skid road" which
originated in the Pacific Northwest. A skid road was a dirt road used
to transport logs to the river or mill by skidding them over inlaid
logs. These inlaid timbers were curved on top to keep the logs from
sliqing off. Oxen were used to pull the logs over the road while a
IIgreaser" walked in front, greasing down the inlaid timbers with axle
grease to let the load slide easier. In Seattle, the lodging houses,
saloons, and other working men oriented establishments were contiguous
to the skid road running from the top of the ridge down to Henry
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Yesler's mill on Puget Sound, and the term skid road was applied to the
community which grew up next to it. 2
Sociologist Ronald Vander Kooi summarizes the creation of a
permanent skid row population in the following words:
After loggers had spent months in the woods, they arrived in
Seattle and Spokane, Washington, Portland, Oregon, Muskegon and
Saginaw, Michigan, Bangor and Portland, Maine and lesser lumber
ports. They picked up their pay and, quite naturally, stayed to
celebrate at conveniently located saloons, gambling places, houses
of prostitution and various kinds of male lodging houses. Many
loggers blew all their pay in the cities and after a few days or
weeks returned to work. But some stayed on, unable or unwilling
to work or unneeded during off seasons or other periods of employ-
ment. They became IIbums,1I a term which, opposed to IIhobo ll and
II tramp II denoted those wh03stayed in one place and did a lot ofdrinking and little work. .
Furthermore, there is much disagreement over the definition of
skid row. Whereas geographers, Ward in particular, examine skid row
from the perspective of land use change, spatial locational attributes,
and behavior spaces, some sociologists and anthropologists are
concerned about homelessness, disaffiliation, and the social organi-
zation of skid row. These different definitions are reviewed in the
following passages.
Sociologists have tended to focus on the residents of skid row
rather than skid row as a physical place. Sociologist Samuel Wallace
has defined skid row as the most deviant community in the United
States. He says,
The skid rower does not bathe, eat regularly, dress respectably,
marry or raise children, attend school, vote, own property, or
regularly live in the same place. He does little work of any kind.
He does not even steal. The skid rower does nothing, he just is. 4
Another sociologist supports Wallace's conclusions when he states,
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Skid Row is not so much a place as a human condition. To be a skid
row person is to be poor, to live outside normal family relation-
ships, to live in extremely low-cost housing, to have high
probabilities of coming to police attention for behavior related to
alcohol use, to be more vulnerable to victimization than other
destitute people, to have a superficial style of social relations,
and to have a prognosis for continued low status or even downward
mobility. 5
The work of sociologists Blumberg, Shipley, and Barsky resulted
in a unique definition of skid row. In fact, their book Liguor and
Poverty is a direct assault on the traditional definitions of skid row
and its people. The geographic or natural area perspective is firmly
rejected. Skid Row, they argue, is not merely or even primarily a
specific neighborhood. Rather, Sk~d Row-like people are found wherever
there is poverty. This can occur in the slum neighborhoods, the low-
income racial and ethnic enclaves, and even in the suburbs. Conse-
quently, by limiting the definition of Skid Row to a geographic place,
little attention will be given to many "skid row-like" people who need
help but live outside the traditional skid row boundaries. In short,
the basic theme of Blumberg and Associates is that skid row should be
defined as a human condition rather than a geographic place. 6
In contrast to these sociological perspectives is the approach
taken by geographer Jim Ward. He is concerned with social and physical
aspects of skid row which make it a unique geographic entity. For
example, he states that one of the notable features of skid row is the
physical plant that houses essential skid row services. These include
barber colleges, blood clinics, employment agencies, hotels, liquor
stores, men's clothing stores, missions, pawn shops, restaurants,
rooming houses, secondhand clothing stores, taverns.
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They tend to cluster in certain areas of particular cities largely
because of the strong pull of a highly specialized market
population because of the latter's very high tolerance for these
particular services, this fact being in large part linked to the
generally impecunious nature of most skid row inhabitants. For
example, the barber colleges on New York's Bowery will give hair-
cuts for 50 cents whereas those just a few blocks away would charge
at least three times that amount, but the high tolerance of the
skid row inhabitants for poor quality haircuts is probably as
important as the low price. The rooming houses (flophouses)
offering beds for one dollar per night on Toronto's skid row can
only hope to attract those with a high tolerance for bed bugs and
filth and with too little ready cash to opt for better accommo-
dations. Similar forces are at work in determining a high
concentration of secondhand clothing stores in skid row areas; the
high tolerance in this case is that for out-of-style clothing, as a
wa"lk down any skid row will show.
Thus, the spatial clustering of such services offers important
visual clues regarding the presence and magnitude of a particular
skid row. Changeover time can be measured by perusal of city
business directories, such data providing an indication of
development trends. 7
Ward also examines the locational characteristics of skid row
and how its location may affect the types of labor vacancies its
inhabitants are likely to fill. Beside locational characteristics,
Ward concentrates on linkage characteristics. The amount of migration
flowing between a particular skid row and other skid rows is some
indicator of how strongly that skid row is linked into the total
network.
An American anthropologist refers to the skid row inhabitant
and his lifestyle as an lI urban nomad culture. II He points out that the
use of the word culture refers to the knowledge skid row residents have
acquired and use to organize their behavior. Their culture is the set
of rules they employ, the characteristic ways in which they categorize,
code, and define their experiences. In short, Spradley says urban
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nomads are a category of urban males who share a common way of life t a
culture. 8
History of Skid Row
The history of skid row is really a history of homeless
individuals. The initial problem of homelessness or vagrancy in the
United States can be traced to the first boatload of England's homeless
deported to this country.
Attempts to control vagrancy in England date back to the 14th
century. From 1388 t well into the 16th centlJrYt the numerous legis-
lative attempts to suppress vagrancy were marked by an increasing
severity of penalties imposed. For example t King Edward VIis response
to this growing problem was a statute unparalleled in severity.
This act of 1547 ordained that all persons loitering t wandering t
and not seeking work were to be taken before jlJstices of the peace
and marked with a hot iron in the breast the mark of V. The
culprit was to be presented to his captor as a slave for two years
and to be fed on bread and water and such refuse meats as the
master thinks fit. He was to be caused to work by any means. If
he ran awaYt he was to be branded on the cheek in the sign of an St
and the second time he escaped t he was to be put to death. Those
not taken into any service were to be marked on the breast with a V
and returned to their birthplace with an official pass t there to
become the slaves of that town or city. The truly impotent poor
were to be provided with lodging at the expense of the local
inhabitants. No one was permitted to beg.9
Since punishment t no matter how severe t left the fundamental
causes of homelessness or vagrancy untolJched t the number of homeless in
England continued to increase. Many of the same causes which created
the homeless problem in England--crop failure t civil strife t escape
from slaverYt harsh treatment t and criminal prosecution--were respon-
sible in shaping America1s vagrancy problem. In fact t many of
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England's vagrants and undesirables were forcibly deported to the
Colonies. The United States, like England, passed several laws in an
*attempt to deal with the homeless problem. The results of this
legislation paralleled that of England's and transients and migrants
continued to be reported with increasing regularity from Colonial days
on.10
It wasn't until the early 1800's that the United States
responded to the homeless problem with any concentrated effort. One of
the first occupational groups of homeless individuals to draw the
attention and assistance of concerned society were seamen. In 1802,
the first recorded soup kitchen was opened in New York to serve seamen
who were temporarily out of work, usually between ships. By 1840,
there were at least seven different organizations devoted to the relief
of seamen in New York City, New Orleans, and Philadelphia. However,
according to Bahr, many of the early institutions (pre-1872) which
provided help to the destitute and homeless cannot be cited as literal
ancestors of skid row because, with the exception of seamen, they did
not cater to a male clientele. 11
Though various organizations had been established to help the
homeless in the early 1800's, there was no distinct ecological area in
American cities for the housing of those who belonged nowhere and to no
one. There was no skid row. Skid row wasn't truly born until October
1872. It was on this date that Jerry McAuley began his Water Street
* According to Wallace, the term homeless stems from the period before
the vagrant community became spatially fixed in a separate and
specialized ecological area of the city.
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mission in New York City. He became the first person in the world to
open the doors of a religious institution every night of the year
specifically for outcasts of society. Ayear later, the Reverend John
Dooley opened the first cheap Bowery lodging house. With the appear-
ance of these two dominant institutions, the gospel mission and the
lodging house, skid row was born. 12
At least three historical processes continued to produce the
conditions leading to the establishment of skid rows in the United
States. The first of these was the Civil War. Like all wars, it
created homelessness on a vast scale, and many of those uprooted by the
war were driven to the nation's cities. Second was the continuing
European immigration. Migrants, poor and without families, increased
the pool of potentially homeless persons and the need for cheap lodging
facilities in major cities. Third, there was the panic of 1873 and the
depression which followed. During the depression, the idea of setting
up cheap dormitories or lodging houses caught on, and when prosperity
returned, the facilities created to serve the unemployed and outcast
continued as fixed features of urban life. 13
By the turn of the- twentieth century, skid row in the United
States had come into its own. It was well established with 104 lodging
houses in New York City, 200 in Chicago, 106 in Philadelphia, 113 in
Baltimore, 120 in Washington, D.C., 113 in Minneapolis, and 45 in
Denver. At first, the areas containing homeless men were called by a
variety of local and descriptive names such as: Lower Town, The Bowery,
The Mission District, Beer Gulch, Chippie town, the Red Light District.
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Finally, Seattle contributed the term skid road which was later changed
to skid row. 14
In the early years of the 1900's, skid rows expanded rapidly.
Men were needed to fell trees, pick fruit in orchards, lay railroad
tracks, and follow the harvest of field crops. When men weren't
working, they lived on skid row between jobs. During the early 1900's
Chicago had an estimated forty to sixty thousand men living on its skid
row. 15
The number of inhabitants living on skid row varied with the
health of the economy following 1900. During World War I, manpower
needs and prosperity drained the country's skid rows of the major
portion of their population. Following the war, the veterans, like
those of the Civil War who had helped establish skid row, helped to
re-establish it. Thousands of veterans, either unwilling or unable to
adjust to the demands of ordinary society, found a place for themselves
among the skid rowers.
During the Great Depression early in the 1930's, the number of
people living on skid row reached an unprecedented level. Government
authorities estimated the number of transients and homeless persons in
the United States at a million and one half to five million. Men
started returning to mainstream society during the recovery of 1936,
and with the onset of the war effort in the later thirties, the
populations of skid rows throughout the country nearly disappeared. 16
The Second World War ended and the populations of skid rows
continued to decrease. Returning veterans from other wars had contri-
buted heavily to the ranks of the homeless. However, the G. I. Bill,
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the Veterans Administration, and a series of social welfare benefits
ranging from education to psychiatric treatment enabled most veterans
of World War II to return to civilian society. Very few found their
way to skid row. 17
Recent articles have predicted the disappearance of skid row in
the near future. (Bahr, 1967; Lee, 1980; Rooney, 1970; Rubington,
1971; Vander Kooi, 1973; Wallace, 1965) This demise is being measured,
by researchers, both in terms of population composition and population
size.
Some studies indicate that the demographic composition of skid
row is less distinctive now than it once was. For example, Bogue noted
that between 1940 and 1950 skid rows across the country were becoming
increasingly non-white. 18 Recent analysis confirms Bogue's finding and
indicates a continuation of the trend in racial composition away from
the predominantly white skid row neighborhoods of the past. According
to Lee, liThe hypothesized effect of these shifts has been to make the
skid row neighborhood more like the surrounding urban population and,
thus, to hasten its disappearance in a relative sense." 19
Bogue also drew conclusions pertaining to the population size
of skid rows. On the basis of 1950 census tract data, he estimated a
total skid row population of approximately 100,000 for the 41 cities in
his sample, with the five largest skid row districts exceeding 5,000 or
6,000. Bogue further concluded that these -41 skid row neighborhoods
increased in population by an average of 2.9% from 1940 to 1950. 20
However, since the time of Bogue's investigation, several studies have
shown a population decline and spatial shrinkage occurring in many skid
row.
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rows. 21 The decline has most often been attributed to urban renewal
and to skid row's loss of its historical function as an unskilled labor
pool.
Sociologist Vander Kooi discusses the disappearance of skid
He writes,
While few were watching, a number of our large and smaller skid
rows have disappeared, often leaving only small remnants ...
American skid rows are being replaced by large projects such as
cultural centers, hotel and transportation concentrations. Until
financing and other arrangements are completed, and this may take
decades, the space is usually used for parking. Replacing the men
and buildings with more downtown space for America's cultural
centerpiece, the automobile, is considered a wonderful achievement.
Not only is skid row to be eliminated, as many city newspapers
have bragged, but money is to be made. The economics of skid row
are such that more can be made operating parking lots. In the
affluent post-war era, the skid row population has dropped, but
more important, there are many more profitable ways to invest money
and efforts, even in decaying downtown areas than in skid row
businesses. The buildings are very old, and any rigorous enforce-
ment of building and health codes means that the owners would have
to spend excessive amounts to come up to code. No wonder many skid
row businessmen have branched out into apartment buildings and
other non-skid row businesses.22
Perceptions of Skid Row
Perceptions or attitudes toward skid row fall into two cate-
gories. The first of these are attitudes concerning the inhabitants of
skid row. The second are attitudes toward skid row as a place. In
some cases, it is not possible to separate the two attitudes. In
short, people combine their feelings about skid row and its residents
and make no effort to perceive each on its own merits.
An anthropologist presents four models which reflect how
experts and laymen feel about both skid row inhabitants and skid row.
He refers to these models as identities.
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1. Popular identity - Skid row inhabitants are seen as people
who fail, are dependent on society, lack self-control, drink too much,
are unpredictable, and often end up in jail for their criminal
behavior. A number of widely used names reflects this popular
identity: derelict, bum, wino, and transient.
This is the viewpoint of the outsider who sees this way of life as
irrational, immoral, and irresponsible, but it is important to
understand this model since it has influenced professional and
layman alike. As part of American culture, it is learned early in
1ife and taken for granted.23
2. Medical Identity - Skid row inhabitants are defined on the
basis of a disease: alcoholism.
3. Legal Identity - They are seen as criminals, guilty of
many minor crimes, but especially of public drunkenness. The police
refer to those men as drunks and vagrants and view them in much the
same way as the general public does.
4. Sociological Identity -
Some social scientists have adopted the perspective of the medical
or legal models while others have selected geographic boundaries
and focused upon that section of American cities known as skid
road. One of the most widely used criterion has been the lack of a
home, giving rise to the concept of the homeless man. Age, race,
sex, income and drinking behavior have all been used by researchers
for identifying this population. Most of these criteria have
implicit values drawn from the popular image of the bum. The focus
upon drinking behavior and homelessness, for instance, reflects the
dominant values in American society of sobriety, self control and
the home. The popular image has influenced social science studies
of these men in many ways 24
Sociologist Howard Bahr examined the attitudes of both experts
and laymen toward skid row and its inhabitants and found both groups
held similar views about skid row residents. For example, they
perceive the skid rower as subhuman. Bahr says, liThe professional
•12
rehabilitation agents seem to share the view that skid row men are less
than human. A journalist quotes the director of a relocation center
for alcoholics as saying 'We are trying to make them social beings
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see skid row men as polluting an area so that it is not fit for other
urbanites. In keeping with this IIl ess than human ll attitude is the
professionals' use of labels ~~plY failure and inadequacy. IIThus,
the singularly consistent labeling of the skid row man as defective and
unredeemable is common even among the professionals whose function it
is to treat the deviant. 1I26 Finally, one of the most dominant
responses, especially among laymen, to 'skid row people is fear. When
students were polled by me regarding their feelings about skid row, the
most prevalent concern expressed was one of fear and avoidance.
Students felt as if harm would come to them in the skid rowand, conse-
quently, they would avoid the area whenever possible.
Bahr summarizes these various attitudes best when he writes,
The homeless man is seen as dirty, defective, and morally inferior;
he is diseased, hopeless, and non-redeemable. He tends to be
treated by agents of society with intolerance and disrespect,
avoidance and fearfulness, disgust and apprehension. In the public
press, people are warned against him, and terms like depraved,
degenerate, derelict, and degraded are frequently used. The
dangerous misfits--and a skid row address is enough to mark a man
as misfit--are best shut away, shut out, avoided, or contained.
Even representatives of helping professions or charitable organi-
zations are more apt to refer homeless men elsewhere, to where they
belong, than to treat them as people with soluble problems. The
lepers may be fed and clothed, but only at SQecial stations for the
unclean in the colonies set aside for. them. 27
Beside the inhabitants, people have mixed attitudes toward skid
row as a place. Many perceive skid row as a place where homeless indi-
viduals belong. When they are in their place, the pUblic will tolerate
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certain behaviors by these people that would not be tolerated in other
areas of the city. Ward analyzes this attitude in terms of territorial
security. He writes,
This territorial security was seen to be related to some extent
to the tolerance of citizens for this type of behavior in certain
parts of the city, namely the skid row area, whereas such behavior
outside skid row area is likely to elicit hostile responses that
may lead to incarceration of the skid row inhabitant.28
This same attitude is expressed by Bahr, but in different words when he
states,
. it was apparent that the Bowery, a collection of special
institutions and services in a distinct geographic location,
performed important functions in the New York community. Among
other things, its presence allowed local authorities to shift the
responsibility for homeless people in their neighborhoods to some
other area where they belonged. 29
Another perception of skid row is based on the work of
geographers Lanegran and Palm. They are concerned with comparing
attitudes toward places, in particular skid row. They state,
Antisacred places also exist in the United States. These are
locales where people we do not like are forced to live. Our urban
areas contain several such places. They are not all contiguous
spaces easily defined in absolute terms, but they are nonetheless
very real. Consider the space, occupied by the group called "home-
less men," "urban nOl11ads,1I or IIbums,1I according to the view of the
describer. These people live in the streets, alleys, and old
buildings fringing the central commercial core of cities. They
sleep ... under bridges, in parks, behind empty buildings, or in
missions. The distance between these men and most Americans cannot
be measured in miles. They are separated from you by a gulf in
relative distance so great that you cannot see or feel across it.
Our society has confined these men to valueless space, to areas we
don1t occupy. When they venture into public places such as warm
libraries on cold winter nights, they are hurried out to make room
for legitimate patrons. 30
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Research Preview
Inspiration for this study can be traced to several sources. A
student research project on the area titled, liThe Past, Present, and
Future of Portland1s Skid Row ll prompted my interest. Part of that
research was based on participant observation. Once the student
graduated from college with a degree in sociology, he founded and
operated a bank for skid row residents. During the years of skid row
contact, the student kept me informed as to changing conditions in the
area.
Other sources of inspiration included the research of socio-
logist Donald Bogue and geographer Jim Ward. Bogue utilized census
data to examine 40 skid rows in the United States. Ward studied land
use and other characteristics peculiar to skid row. According to Ward,
with the exception of his research, only one other geographer has
concentrated on the skid row area.
This study will foc~s on changes that skid row is experiencing.
Chapter II analyzes these changes on a national basis. Specifically,
this chapter represents a comparative analysis of twenty skid rows
representing all regions of the United States. Each skid row is
examined as to its 1950, 1968, and 1979 size and location. With few
exceptions, skid rows have changed substantially from 1950 to 1979.
Most have declined significantly in size or relocated to new sites in
the central business district. Almost all the cities surveyed have
retained a skid row, in some form, over the 30 years studied.
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Chapter III examines Portland, Oregon, as an example of the
changes skid rows are undergoing. Sanborn Maps, city directories,
field observations, and census tract reports provide land use data for
Portland. Portland was selected for study because it is fairly repre-
sentative of skid rows in general. It has had a skid row for approxi-
mately a century and its process of establishment, growth, and decline
through the years has followed a pattern which is typical of other skid
rows studied throughout the United States. For example, the current
"Old Town" trend occurring in some skid rows is also happening to
Portland's skid row.
Chapter IV concludes the study. Despite the efforts of
planners and others to remove skid row from the landscape, with rare
exception it has existed as an urban phenomenon for at least a century
to the present day.
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Chapter I Endnotes
1Ronald Vander Kooi, liThe Main Stem: Skid Row Revisited,"
Society 10 (1973):64.
2Ibid ., pp. 64-5.
3Ibid ., p. 65.
4Samuel E. Wallace, Skid Row as a Way of Life (Totowa, N.J.:
Bedminster Press, 1965), p. 144.
5Leonard U. Blumberg, Thomas E. Shipley, Jr., and Joseph O.
Moor, Jr., liThe Ski d Row Man and the Ski d Row Status Conmunity, II
Quarterly Journal of Studies on Alcohol 32 (December 1971):912.
6Leonard U. Blumberg, Thomas E. Shipley, Jr., and Stephen F.
Barsky, Liquor and Poverty--Ski d Row as a Human Condition (New
Brunswick: Rutgers Center of Alcohol Studies, 1978), pp. 195-198.
7Jim Ward, "Skid Row as a Geographic Entity," The Professional
Geographer 27 (August 1975):286.
8James P. Spradley, You Owe Yourself a Drunk (Boston: Little,
Brown and Co., 1970), pp. 6-7.
9Wallace, p. 6.
lOIbid., p. 11.
11Howard M. Bahr, Skid Row--An Introduction to Disaffiliation
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), p. 32.
12Ibid., pp. 31-32.
13Ibid ., p. 35.
~4wallace, pp. 17-18.
15 Ibi d., p. 19.
16 Ibid ., pp. 20-21.
17 Ibid ., pp. 22-23.
18Donald J. Bogue, Skid Row in American Cities (Chicago:
Conmunity and Family Study Center, 1963), p. 12.
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19Barrett A. Lee, liThe Disappearance of Skid Row--Some
Ecological Evidence," Urban Affairs Quarterly 16 (September 1980):83.
20Bogue, pp. 8-12.
21Lee, p. 83.
22Vander Kooi, p. 68.
23Spradley, p. 66.
24 Ibid ., pp. 67-68.
25Bahr , pp. 61-62.
26 Ibid ., p. 5l.
27 Ibid., p. 86.
28ward , p. 292.
29Bahr , p. 66.
30David Lanegran and Risa Palm, An Invitation to Geography (New
York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1973), pp. 18-19.
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CHAPTER II
SURVEY OF UNITED STATES SKID ROWS
Methods
This chapter compares skid rows in fifty-seven cities in the
United States with more than 200,000 people in 1970. In forty-one of
the fifty-seven, planners responded to questionnaires about the
location and conditions of skid rows. (See Figures 1 and 2.) This
questionnaire asked the planners to outline the current boundaries of
their skid row, based on certain land use criteria, and compare those
boundaries with 1968 boundaries. Furthermore, I asked planners to
account for any differences between the two sets of boundaries. Other
questions dealt with relocation or disappearance of skid row and any
planning policies which caused these changes.
Questions included on the questionnaire matched some of the
questions Donald Bogue used in his 1950 study. Boguels study examined
skid rows in forty cities of over 50,000 population. City planners and
other knowledgeable sources (engineers, police officials, and welfare
agency heads) were asked to determine boundaries for skid rows in their
cities. (See Figure 1.) Bogue states,
Early in the planning of this study, letters were addressed
to responsible officials in all cities in the 48 states having
50,000 or more population, inquiring whether a Skid Row were
present in that city and, if so, where it is located. In response
to these inquiries, and as a result of other explorations, Skid Row
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developments were reported or inferred for about 45 cities. The
locations of tre Skid Row neighborhoods in each city were plotted
on maps. . . .
Bogue included no criteria for determining skid row boundaries. This
was left to the discretion of each "responsible official. II However,
land use is the criterion for defining skid row in this study. The
questionnaire sent to city planners included the following skid row
definitions, henceforth refereed to as the Bogue and Wallace criteria.
It is that collection of saloons, pawn shops, cheap restaurants,
second hand shops, barber colleges, all night movies, missions,
flop houses and dilapidated hotels which cater specifically to thzneeds of the down and outer, the bum, the alcoholic, the drifter.
Another definition states that skid row is,
... a district in the city where there is a concentration of
substandard hotels and rooming houses charging very low rates and
catering primarily to men with low incomes. These hotels are
intermingled with numerous taverns, employment agencies offeringjobs as unskilled laborers, restaurants serving low-cost meals,
pawnshops, and secondhand stores, and missions that daily provide a
free meal after the service. Perhaps there are also barber
colleges, burlesque shows or night clubs with strip tease acts,
penny arcades, tattoo palaces, stores selling men's work clothing,
bakeries selling stale bread and unclaimed freight stores. Most
frequently the skid row is located near the Central Business
District and also near a factory district or heavy transportation
facilities such as a waterfront, freight yards, or a trucking and
freight depot. 3
The accuracy of the skid row boundaries represented on the maps
included in this study depend on the city planners interpretation of
the above criteria. Though the criteria seem straightforward and
easily understandable, several planners took exception to it or the
approach (using land use to identify skid row). For example, the
planner for Corpus Christi, Texas, said,
... skid row is a term which is not definable within an urban
planning context. Any moderately depressed area within any city
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. may have skid row indicators as quoted by Mr. King from Wallace and
BoglJe. Skid row appears not to be a definite description of the
environment or area, but rather the attitude of the reviewer
towards an area.4
Beside the use of questionnaires and maps to examine the
changing skid row landscape, this study incorporates an analysis of
census data. Data for selected census tracts, covering the years 1940,
1950, 1960, and 1970 are compared to determine the existence of skid
rows in the cities being studied. Selection of census tracts for study
is the result of city planners indicating skid row boundaries for
Bogue's 1950 study and responding to the questionnaires for this study.
These boundaries were then superimposed on census tract boundaries. If
any part of the skid row boundary included a particular census tract,
that tract is included in the study. Some census tracts might have
only a small portion defined as skid row by the planners, but the data
for the whole tract are utilized for skid row analysis. Consequently,
it is probable that this inclusion will dilute and possibly alter some
of the skid row findings. However, it could be argued that any census
data pertaining to skid row census tracts are questionable. The diffi-
culty of enumerating "urban nomads" with any accuracy cannot be
overstated. Many of these individuals are hostile and uncooperative
and only want to preserve their anonymity when questioned by census
takers. The number that are overlooked altogether can only be guessed
at. Furthermore, the census bureau is less than consistent in its
definitions of data collected. It has changed the definition of a
certain characteristic or trait or discontinued its collection from one
census year to the next. This practice makes some 1940 and 1970
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cOl'nparisons either impossible, difficult or questionable. However,
despite these shortcomings, census information is currently one of the
few sources available to researchers making comparative studies of
areas such as skid row.
After selecting the census tracts, data over the thirty-year
period allowed comparison of tract similarities and differences.
Conversion of census data to percentages facilitated several types of
comparisons. First, a single skid row is compared from one census year
to the next. Also, it is compared with the city in which it is
located. Skid rows in several cities are compared with one another at
different census years. Finally, several skid row averages are tabu-
lated and compared with the city averages in which they are located at
different census years.
The skid row characteristics selected from the census for
comparison were those which Bogue utilized in his 1950 study and others
considered important in revealing the unique nature of skid row. (See
Table 1.) A brief discussion of these characteristics is found in the
appendix.
Patterns
Census Data Analysis
A compilation of census data (Table 1) makes it possible to
construct a profile of skid row and its inhabitants. Skid row consists
of a high percentage of individuals living alone in group quarters,
probably flop houses or cheap hotels, that are old and in poor repair.
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 1
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR 20 U.S. CENTRAL CITIES
AND THEIR SKID ROWS, 1940-1970
Percent Median 1.01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Sui 1t
Group Elem. School Unrelated Unrelated Male 14 Housing Persons 1939 or
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Individual Individual and Older Dilapidated Per Room Earlier
1940 0% 11% 18% NA NA 9% 10% 15% NA
City 1950 4% 8% 23% NA 11% 5% 19% 12% 84%
1960 2% 14% 23% $4847 11% 4% 3% 10% 69%
1970 3% 11% 29% $2936 13% 3% 4% 2% 47%
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 15% 17% 22% NA
Skid 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Row 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92%
1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Population and Ho~sin~ 19!0-1970, Census Tracts,
Final Report (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942-197~
N
+=0
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Many of these inhabitants are either unemployed or t if they have jobs t
are earning such low wages that they live on or close to the poverty
level. Part of their inability to acquire or hold a job may be a
consequence of little education beyond the first seven years.
Table 1 indicates that the percentage of people living in group
quarters in skid row census tracts is substantially higher than the
city average in 1960 and 1970. It also shows that in 1940 and 1950
there is little difference between city and skid row group quarter
percentages.
Comparisons of city and skid row percent completing elementary
school (5-7 years) reveals that from 1940 through 1970 t without excep-
tion, the skid row tracts have a higher percentage of completion.
However t when the percents of high school graduation are compared, the
results are just the opposite.
Census information for the years 1950, 1960, and 1970 show skid
row tracts with sUbstantially larger percentages of unrelated indivi-
duals than skid row tracts. These differences range from 31% (1950) to
35% (1960). By 1970 t almost half (47%) of the people residing in skid
row tracts were unrelated individuals. (An unrelated individual is a
member of a household who is not related to anyone else in the house-
hold t or is a person living in group quarters who is not an inmate of
an institution.)
The percentage of unemployed males for skid row census tracts
is higher for all years than city tracts. Differences range from 3%
(1970) to 6% (1940).
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Skid row census tracts have a higher percentage of dilapidated
housing than city census tracts. Unlike unemployment, which decreases
with each successive census year, dilapidation in skid row tracts
increases from 1940 to 1950 by 28 percentage points. Between 1950 and
1960, there is a decrease of 43 percentage points. Finally, between
the census years 1960 and 1970 dilapidation increases by 16 percent.
It is assumed that skid row properties are highly dilapidated and the
data illustrate this fact.
Data pertaining to the year structures were built reveal that
for the census years 1950, 1960, and 1970 the skid row tracts contained
a greater percentage of structures built before 1940 than did city
tracts. By 1970, 71% of the skid row tract buildings had been
constructed before 1940 compared to 47% for the city tracts.
Skid Row Classification Model
Much of the literature on skid row views the area as a
district. The term district, as it applies to skid row, implies a
concentration of city blocks dominated by land use catering to skid row
individuals. Though the concept of skid row as a district has been
appropriate in the past, it seems inadequate as a current description
of the area. Consequently, a revised definition of skid row is
presented.
The skid row classification model which follows is based on
findings from questionnaires sent to U.S. cities of more than 200,000
population. It was apparent after even casual comparisons that skid
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row districts, as defined above, did not exist in all the cities
sampled. Furthermore, IItraditional ll skid row districts are being
replaced by smaller units and, in some cases, a combination of units.
These are defined below.
The classification model is divided into three parts: single
units, multiple units, and combination units. In turn, each of these
units has three sections--district, area, and node. For example,
single units include the classifications of district, area, and node.
A district has land use patterns as defined by Bogue and Wallace (See
Endnotes 2 and 3) and is five or more blocks in size. The blocks are
contiguous to each other. An area has the same land use character-
istics as a district but consists of three or four blocks grouped
together. A node consists of one or two blocks with skid row land use
prevalent.
The multiple units classification is included because some
cities have more than one district, area, or node. Consequently, if a
city has more than one of these sections, it is mapped as a mUltiple
unit. The land use and other requirements are the same as for the
single unit classification. The only difference is the existence of
more than one district, area, or node.
Some cities have a combination of several skid row sections.
To accommodate this situation, a combination units classification is
included. This classification is divided into four-sections which are
self explanatory. These include: (1) district(s) - area(s) - node(s),
(2) district(s) - area(s), (3) district(s) - node(s), (4) area(s) -
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node(s). If a city had one skid row district and two nodes, it would
be classified a district(s) - node(s) and mapped accordingly. (See
Table 2 and Figure 3.)
National Survey: Similarities and
Differences by Type
Single Unit Skid Rows
Figure 4 shows the distribution of cities that have a single
skid row unit. It is obvious that the majority of them have districts.
Furthermore, cities with districts are located, for the most part, in
the II sun belt. 1I
Several deductions are true of single skid row units.
1. Those skid row districts that existed in 1950 and 1968 but
not in 1979 were destroyed by revitalization and urban renewal
programs.
2. Existing skid row districts in 1979 occupied the same
location as they did in 1950 and 1968.
3. Smaller 1979 single unit skid rows (areas and nodes) were
located where districts once existed and are merely products of
district shrinkage.
4. If a skid row district disappeared between the years 1950,
1968, and 1979, a new skid row unit reappeared by 1979 to replace it.
5. These new skid rows were located within walking distance
(two to three blocks) of the 1950-1968 skid row.
••
- -_ ... _.._--------- -----------
29
TABLE 2
SKID ROW CLASSIFICATION SYSTEM
• Single Units
(one only) Size Spatial Arrangement
District 5+ blocks Blocks grouped
•
Area 3-4 blocks Blocks grouped
Node 1-2 blocks Blocks grouped or scattered
le Units
• than one) Size Spatial Arrangement
Districts 5+ blocks Blocks grouped
Areas 3-4 blocks Blocks grouped
• Nodes 1-2 blocks Blocks grouped or scattered
Combination Units
(one or more of each)
• District(s) - Area(s) - Node(s)
District(s) - Area(s)
District(s) - Node(s)
• Area(s) - Node(s)
Miscellaneous
No Skid Row
•
•
•
• • • • • • • • • • •
SKID ROWS BY CLASSIFICATION TYPE, 1979
w
o
@
o
SINGLE UNITS COMBINATION UNITS MUlTlP.LE UNITS MISC•
District • District· Area. Node. District • No skid row.
Area ~ District· Area Q Aroa A No data. @
Node 0 District. Node G) Node
...................--._._._._.._._._._.
•
". @)
"-.'.~..
o 200
I , ,
MILES
Figure 3
•
31
•
•
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0)
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..
• ~
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a:
c III •~
oo:t
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i
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r-
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-(J) L-•
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;
,
• //
/,
• 0)
•
•
•
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
32
Table 3 shows the mean distances, in blocks (one block is
approximately 100 meters), from the skid row to three major city land-
marks (bodies of water, city hall, and railroad lines). It can be seen
that the distance between skid row and these features has been
increasing since 1950. Whereas the skid row was five blocks from a
body of water (river or bay) in 1950, it was six and a half blocks by
1979. This same pattern is true of skid row in relation to city hall
and railroad lines. Originally railroad and water ports served as
places of initial entry to the city for the early skid road inhabi-
tants, so that services competing for their patronage tended to locate
in the immediate area. One author stated that skid rows are always
found between a railroad station and the city hall. 5
Beside the spatial movements which skid rows have undergone
there has been a dramatic change in size. Table 4 reveals that in 1950
skid rows (which were predominantly districts) averaged thirty-six-and-
a-half blocks in size. By 1979 this average had decreased to a little
over seven blocks. If only single unit skid rows are compared through
time, the same decrease is obvious. In 1950 their mean was 47 blocks,
which was only 15 blocks by 1979. (See Table 4.) The decline of the
skid row district is clearly illustrated by these figures. Examples of
single unit skid rows follow.
Single Unit Districts
Austin. Austin's 1968 skid row district is in the process of
being transformed while a new district has emerged. (See Figure 5.)
•33
•
TABLE 3
LOCATION OF SKID ROW IN RELATION TO
SELECTED FEATURES FOR 31 U.S. CITIES
• CombinationSingle Unit Multiple Unit Unit Block
Date Skid Rows Skid Rows Skid Rows Totals
•
1950 5.7 6.8 3.0 5.1
Blocks to 1968 6.3 7.6 7.6 7.0
Water 1979 8.3 4.1 6.6 6.5
•
Block Totals 7.0 5.8 5.9
1950 2.8 2.4 2.0 2.4
Blocks to 1968 3.0 3.2 1.3 2.5
• City Hall 1979 7.7 4.1 2.4 5.0
Block Totals 4.9 3.4 2.0
•
1950 2.3 1.0 1.8 1.7
Blocks to 1968 2.9 2.2 1.7 2.4
Railroad Lines 1979 4.2 2.1 2.6 3.1
•
Block Totals 3.3 1.8 2.1
•
•
•
••
•
TABLE 4
SKID ROW SIZE IN BLOCKS FOR 31 U.S. CITIES
34
Combination
• Single Unit Multiple Unit Unit BlockDate Skid Rows Ski dRaws Ski dRaws Totals
1950 46.9 18.2 39.8 36.5
• 1968 27.0 14.3 20.5 21.5
1979 14.8 6.1 5.7 7.2
Block 27.4 9.5 13.1
•
Totals
•
•
•
•
•
••
AUSTIN SKID ROW ~
-1968•
IUNIVERSITY OF TEXAS /////19790 \12• , I , 0 I
MILE
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
35
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
36
The disappearance of the 1968 district results from a combination of
historical restoration and downtown revitalization programs. More
specifically, middle income oriented restaurants, night clubs, and
theaters along with restoration of other skid row structures are
forcing the 1968 skid row district out of existence.
Cincinnati. Cincinnati's skid row has undergone many changes
in the last thirty years. As the map indicates, in 1950 Cincinnati had
two large skid row districts. (See Figure 6.) The northern district
was 21 blocks in size, while the southern district measured 17 blocks.
By 1968, according to the Cincinnati planning department, the 1950
districts had been replaced by one district of 5 blocks. This skid row
district (1968) was a remnant of the larger 1950 southern district.
Curiously, by 1979 a district of 16 blocks reappears in the same loca-
tion as the 1950 northern district. This northern district supposedly
disappears by 1968. To further complicate the issue, in a letter
addressed to Mike Jones of the Portland State University Urban Studies
Center and dated February 28, 1972, Cincinnati1s Director of City
Planning stated, III am sorry that I cannot help you with your study of
Skid Row. Cincinnati has no Skid Row identifiable as such. 116 However,
the same planner when asked in 1979 indicated that skid row districts
did indeed exist in Cincinnati in 1968 and 1979. Though it is not out
of the realm of possibility, the disappearance of the 1950 northern
district and the reappearance of a 1979 district in essentially the
same spot as the defunct 1950 district does seem strange.
•
37
City Hall
Morthwest Expressway
CINCINNATI SKID ROW
·····1950
Mill
Creek
.. ,
.
: ....
. .
.... .
.. .
: .....: .OHIO '. .: ::::.. ..,
'.. :.:....:::. : '. '. :.~.:...:: :........ -------r--.__...L_--,
.................. ::: ::":'.:.:'. '. . ::::"~ R.iilroad
.. ::; ' .":'. '---l----~
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•••• 19G8
Ilm 1919
o
I I I
mile
Figure 6
•
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
38
According to other data provided by Cincinnati IS planning
department, the demise of the 1968 skid row district is the result of
urban renewal projects. New public buildings in the form of a-conven-
tion center, garage, and a parking lot replaced the 1968 district
causing the inhabitants and their support services (missions, etc.) to
relocate. Apparently, this new district (1979) is located in an area
that was identified as a skid row district in 1950.
The future of Cincinnati1s 1979 skid row is predictable.
Because this area contains old buildings which are in need of repair or
replacement, it is a prime target for rehabilitation projects or new
construction. (See Table 5.) In both cases, the skid row district
will be forced to relocate to the north and west.
Dallas. There seems to be some dispute as to the existence of
skid row in Dallas. (See Figure 7.) According to a response from the
Department of Planning and Urban Development dated 1972, there is no
skid row in Dallas.
Actually, the situation in Dallas is such that we have no real
skid row area. For many years there was an area at one end of the
Central Business District which had these characteristics (it was
primarily an area of pawn shops, etc.) but the entire area has been
wiped out by a new freeway. As a result, there is an area about
two blocks long that might be referred to as Dallas' skid row.
However, it, too, is in the process of being demolished. Basic-
ally, we do not have a true skid row area in the downtown area,
primarily because of the rapid development taking place that has
demolished the older sectors before they could develop into a skid
row.7
Interestingly enough, a 1979 response from the Department of
Urban Planning includes a map showing both a 1968 and 1979 skid row
district. The reason given for the difference in the two boundaries is
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 5
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR CINCINNATI, OHIO,
1940-1970
Percent Median 1. 01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Built
Group Elem. School Unrelated Unrelated Male 14 Housing Persons 1939 or
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Individual Individual and Older Dilapidated Per R<)om Earlier
1940 0% 13% 14% NA NA 8% 14% 21% . NA
City 1950 3% 10% 18% NA 10% 5% 30% 18% . 92%
1960 4% 16% 18% $4603 11% 5% 4% 16% 80%
1970 4% 12% 24% $2606 15% 3% 5% 3% ! 59%
1940 1% 21% 7% NA NA 14% 32% 34% NA
Skid 1950 3% 17% 8% NA 28% 9% 84% 32% 100%
Row 1960 3% 22% 6% $2534 29% 7% 12% 22% 99%
1970 5% 17% 17% $1993 39% 4% 24% 5% 82%
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 15% 17% 22% NA
U.S. 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Skid 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92%
Rows 1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Population and Housing: 1940-1970, Census Tracts,
Final Report~ Cincinnati, Ohio SMSA (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942-1972).
w
\0
••
DAllAS SKID ROW.
• -_. 1968 ~
//////1979
N
I ....,...CD0 CD• J;2 ..I ---, , ,
MILE
40
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Figure 7
Old City Hall
".-_....., ..
.~,<~J)
'.p;
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
41
urban renewal. For example, Dallas' new City Hall, noted on Figure 7,
was begun in 1972, causing a major removal of various structures that
catered to the downtrodden.
New Orleans. Unlike other skid rows, New Orleans' skid row
district has not experienced such drastic changes from 1950 to 1979.
Though its skid row has decreased in size from 33 blocks in 1950 to 14
blocks in 1979, there has been no diffusion of the skid row to other
sections of New Orleans. (See Figure 8.) New Orleans' skid row
stability, compared to others examined in this study, is the result of
inaction by the city government. Whereas skid rows in other cities
have already been affected by private and public ations, New Orleans is
just now in the process of dealing with its skid row. The 1979 skid
row district was recently included in an historic district. According
to New Orleans' planners, this inclusion will change the current skid
row by encouraging private renovation by investors wishing to take
advantage of tax incentives associated with certified historic
districts. Also, New Orleans plans to enforce housing codes, eliminate
flophouses, and reduce services to the transient population.
With a couple of exceptions, New Orleans' skid row is statis-
tically very similar to the national skid row average. In 1970, New
Orleans had a lower percentage of unrelated individuals than the
national average. Also, the percentage of dilapidated dwellings and
percentage of dwellings built 1939 or earlier is lower. However, when
compared to the City of New Orleans, only the percentage of unrelated
individuals is significantly different. (See Table 6.)
•
42
• NEW ORLEANS SKID ROW
•
····1950
·_·1968 ~
•
1/11979 I0 1;2! ,MILE
Figure 8
...;"::':'" .,:, : '.' : : :.
.'
..'
. .,
. ::
.. ,.-
0:
.'
•.'
..
..
. "
..
..
I .. ," ••
. .
. .
. :
.. ..."
.'
... ::::::: .....
.. :: .. ".. .
".0 ..
.. :::" ..
, . .
.'
.' .
.0 .. I
. . .
:eo
.. t ••••
::.:.. MISSISSIPPI RIVER . . . • . .
.... . ..... ..
.... ..
.JACKSON S~UARE
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·....
•CITY HAll
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 6
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR NEW ORLEANS, LOUISIANA,
1940-1970
Percent Median 1.01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Built
Group Elem. School Unrelated Unrelated Male 14 Housing Persons 1939 or
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Individual Individual and Older Dilapidated Per Room Earl ier
1940 1% 18% 13% NA NA 9% 8% 27% NA
City 1950 6% 15% 17% NA 25% 5% 26% 22% 82%
1960 3% 21% 19% $3822 10% 5% 7% 18% 67%
1970 2% 17% 23% $2211 11% 4% 4% 5% 49%
--
1940 0% 13% 13% NA NA 7% 10% 31% NA
Skid 1950 4% 15% 15% NA 45% 7% 52% 23% 100%
Row 1960 22% 14% 19% $2327 54% 7% 21% 14% 82%
1970 17% 12% 17% $2337 35% 4% 9% 7% 48%
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 15% 17% 22% NA
U.S. 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Skid 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92%
Rows 1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Population and Housing: 1940-1970, Census Tracts,
Final Report, New Orleans, Louisiana SMSA (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942-1972).
.r:::.
w
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
44
Oakland. In 1950, Oakland had a skid row district which was 10
blocks in size. By 1968, the skid row had shifted slightly to the
south and was still large enough to be classified a district. Finally,
in 1979, the skid row had relocated one block north of the 1950 skid
row and had undergone a size reduction to four blocks. (See Figure 9.)
Oakland's planning department states that this decrease is partially a
result of the establishment of an Old Town project.
A comparison of census data reveals that Oakland's 1970 skid
row differs considerably from the national average on three accounts.
First, the percentage of unrelated individuals in Oakland's skid row is
much higher. Second, the percentage of dilapidated housing is 34
percentage points larger than the national skid row average. Finally,
Oakland has a higher percentage of structures built 1939 or earlier.
(See Table 7.) These same factors are also much higher than Oakland's
city average.
Portland. Portland's 1950 skid row district was huge, accor-
ding to Bogue's definition. By 1968 it had declined, leaving two
smaller districts. The current skid row is the remnant of the northern
1968 district and is designated an Old Town area. Like other skid rows
it is gradually decreasing in size as skid row land uses are replaced
by businesses catering to non-skid row customers. (See Figure 10.)
Table 8 clearly reveals the differences between Portland's
Skid Rowand the City of Portland. For example, it can be seen that in
both 1960 and 1970, Portland's Skid Row had a much greater percentage
of people living in group quarters than the city. Other marked
•
45
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
OAKLAND SKID ROW
····1950 ~
--·1968
,. /1/1979 10 ~I MILE
•
Figure 9
•
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 7
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR OAKLAND, CALIFORNIA,
1940-1970
Percent Median 1. 01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Built
Group Elem. School Unrelated Unrelated Male 14 Housing Persons 1939 or·
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Individual Individual and Older Dilapidated Per Room Earl ier
1940 0% 7% 25% NA NA 7% 14% 8% NA
City 1950 2% 6% 28% NA 13% 7% 12% 9% 85%
1960 2% 12% 27% $5038 13% 6% 2% 9% 74%
1970 3% 9% 30% $3033 18% 5% 4% 2% 53%
--
1940 2% 11% 13% NA NA 12% 13% 14% NA
Skid 1950 3% 10% 14% NA 58% 15% 49% 20% 100%
Row 1960 9% 20% 17% $1883 67% 10% 1% 6% 96%
1970 13% 13% 22% $2507 67% 9% 62% 4% 91%
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 15% 17% 22% NA
U.S. 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Skid 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92%
Rows 1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Population and Housing: 1940-1970, Census Tracts,
Final Report, Oakland, Californijl S[SA (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942-1972).
.j::oo
en
•47
••••••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 8
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR PORTLAND, OREGON,
1940-1970
Percent Median 1.01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Built
Group Elem. School Unrelated Unrelated Male 14 Housing Persons 1939 or
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Individual Individual and Older Dilapidated Per Room Earlier
1940 0% 5% 23% NA NA 9% 7% 6% NA
City 1950 2% 4% 27% NA 13% 7% 11% 7% 80%
1960 2% 8% 28% $4918 14% 4% 4% 4% 72%
1970 3% 6% 33% $2806 5% 5% 5% 1% 57%
1940 1% 12% 10% NA NA 26% 16% 15% NA
Skid 1950 2% 10% 13% NA 63% 17% 79% 13% 100%
Row 1960 20% 18% 13% $1344 66% 14% 12% 4% 99%
1970 35% 14% 23% $3347 72% 7% 59% 3% 74%
--
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 15% 17% 22% NA
U.S. 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Skid 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92%
Rows 1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Po ulation and Housing: 1940-1970, Census Tracts,
Final Report, Portland, Oregon SMSA (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942-1972 .
.f:::o
co
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
49
differences are seen in percent of unrelated individuals, percent of
dilapidated housing, and percent of housing build in 1939 or earlier.
Median income for unrelated individuals is significantly lower
for Portland1s Skid Row than the city in 1960. In contrast, the 1970
Skid Row median income is higher than the city median. If census tract
57 is excluded, the skid row median income becomes $1656. This figure
is more reflective of the nature of skid row. (See Table 9.)
When only census tract 51 is considered, a sharper perspective
of skid row can be drawn. (See Table 9.) In 1970, over 50% of the
inhabitants lived in group quarters, which was considerably higher than
the national skid row percent. Furthermore, census tract 51 had 94%
of its inhabitants classified as unrelated individuals. This figure
far exceeded the national percentage. Other data indicate that over
80% of the housing in tract 51 is dilapidated and 100% of these housing
units were built in 1939 or earlier. Also, since 1950, there has been
a significant population decline in tract 51. Population dropped from
2859 in 1950 to 2149 in 1960 and to 1487 in 1970. This pattern of
population decrease coincides with the physical demise of Portland1s
Skid Row mentioned earlier. Portland1s Skid Row will be studied in
more detail in Chapter III.
San Diego. The Skid Row District in San Diego has essentially
remained in the same location from 1968 through 1979. However, within
the next five years, it will be dramatically affected by redevelopment
efforts. Four major redevelopment projects have been initiated and
will ultimately eliminate skid row as it is presently known. Of the
• • • • • • • • • • •
••
•
•
•
•
••
•
•
•
•
51
projects', three are purely redevelopment in nature and will provide new
retailing, residential, and hotel/convention facilities. The fourth
project is a revitalization project designed to restore the turn-of-
the-century commercial atmosphere to a 16-block area. (See Figure 11.)
Single Unit Nodes
Boston. In 1950, as Figure 12 indicates, Boston had two skid
row districts. The northern district was approximately 9 blocks in
size, while the southern district covered about 65 blocks. By 1968,
the southern district remained identical to that of 1950. But the
northern district relocated to the east along the waterfront, which is
dominated by abandoned warehouses. However, as Ralph Memolo of the
Boston Redevelopment Authority states, these skid row boundaries may
not truly reflect the activities of its inhabitants. He writes,
Generally speaking, vagrants have frequented the South End of the
city and the waterfront areas. But since Boston is such a small
city in terms of its land mass (downtown is only 2 square miles),
many of the vagrants tend to move8throughout the downtown area,particularly during good weather.
Between 1968 and 1979, significant changes alter the size and
shape of Boston's skid row districts. As Figure 12 indicates, both
districts disappear from the landscape and are replaced with a single
node in 1979. Mr. Memolo describes these changes in the following
manner:
. renewal activities have been underway for more than ten years
in both the South End and the waterfront and this has resulted in
some changes as relates to Skid Row. Thousands of units of housing
have been rehabilitated in the South End and the area now has a
rather large middle-income population. Likewise, the waterfront
•
52
AY
•City Hall
"
"
BAY
, ,
., ,
•
. SAN DIEGO SKID ROW
• ~·--·1968
/////1979 NI• 1;.0 ,2, , ,MILE
• Fi gure 11
•
•
•
•
•
•
•53
.' '
..
. .
. .
.' .. .
o •
. .
•. .
.
: .0·tity Hall
:. _.. _:.- .
Boston Common
BEACON HiLL
--, .......
.' ..... ,-. .
,'.-. .. :~: -:,
...-t--+-~o~~ : ..
, 0 0 ,
-.- .- --..~,,. .. ,.
I· ••'
• • • I
"00 : .'
• • • I
.''':0' : ,
-,-... .: ,.
,.,.. ' . ,
..... . . .
.'~.. ...",~. ...,,-
.. . .,~.. .-:,'
.,-..-.,'
,:",
."
.. : .
. ..:.'
..0: :.,
. "
::'Ch~'~I~S River ' •
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
BOSTON SKID ROW
--o. 1950
----1988
•
J7111J1979
MILE
• Figure 12
•
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
54
has gone from an area of abandoned warehouses to a new residential
community made up largely of upper income residents. 9
The 1979 node, known as Pine Street Inn, is also in the process
of being relocated. Its present site, a couple of blocks north of the
1968 southern district, is in the middle of Boston1s Chinese community.
The Boston Redevelopment Authority, as part of its renewal program for
Chinatown, is relocating the Pine Street Inn. A new facility is being
built in the former Boston Fire Department headquarters in the South
End. (See Figure 12.) The Pine Street Inn is the one place where many
of the skid row men can find shelter and food. Mr. Memolo points out
that the new location of the Pine Street Inn caused some community
opposition in the South End. However, it is felt by the BRA that the
site is located far enough away from any residential neighborhoods not
to cause problems. It is also located near social agencies and
hospita.ls which are sometimes used by these men.
With the exception of two 1970 characteristics (unrelated indi-
viduals and structures built 1939 or earlier), the census data for
Boston's skid row tracts (1950 to 1970) are very similar to that of the
national skid row average. (See Table 10.) This finding suggests two
conclusions in terms of the effectiveness of census data as a measure
of Boston1s skid row character. The drastic changes in Boston's skid
row, especially between 1968 and 1979, either occurred after 1970 and
consequently were not reflected by the 1970 census reports, or the
census data are not an accurate reflection of a skid row lifestyle or
landscape .
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 10
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS,
1940-1970
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
56
Dayton. In 1968, Dayton had an 8-block skid row district which
was reduced to a node by 1979. Urban renewal was responsible for the
decline of the 1968 district. Part of the district was razed and
replaced with a hotel/convention center complex. Other land uses
include a bus station, parking garages, a park, church, and offices.
(See Figure 13.)
El Paso. According to El Paso's Department of Planning, El
Paso does not have a distinguishable skid row that fits the definition
as expressed by Wallace and Bogue. Hobos usually congregate around the
railroad yards, but no skid row is located in the vicinity of these.
El Paso does have a rescue mission. The land adjacent to the
mission is used for warehousing. There are no flop houses or other
skid row uses nearby. (See Figure 14.)
Toledo. Toledo had an II-block skid row district in 1950 which
remained in approximately the same location in 1968, but changed its
configuration and experienced a slight reduction in size. As Figure 15
indicates, by 1979 these earlier districts have disappeared to be
replaced by a node of approximately two blocks. These changes are
outlined by Toledo's Planning Commission in the following statement.
During the past decade, the area has been cleared of such proper-
ties largely through Urban Renewal activities. These structures
(skid row oriented) have been replaced by four apartment complexes
serving families, the elderly, and the handicapped. Structures
under the sponsorship of the Roman Catholic Diocese and the
Lutheran Church house elderly persons, while an eight-story
facility sponsored by the Lucas Metropolitan Housing Authority is
designed especially to house the elderly and the physically handi-
capped. A complex of 24 one-story single and two-family apartment
•
57
•
•
•
•
•
•
" .
•
.
DAYTON SKID ROW
...
.
. ~
--·1968
I• //111/19790 ?,
MILE
•
Figure 13
•
•
58
•
Figure 14
",.
'.~
""MEXICO "\
•
•
•
•
•
•
EL PASO SKID ROW
~
•
////1979
10 ~I , I ,
MILE
•
•
•
59
CITY HALL •
•
TOLEDO SKID ROW
· . t
•
· .
.... 1950
I.__. 1968
•
Wl/1979
0 ~,
MILE
• · .
Figure 15
•
•
•
•
•
•
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
---------------,-----
60
units developed by the Boise-Cascade Company occupies the north-
western sector of the former skid row area.
The remaining vestiges of skid row areas in the City of Toledo
are widely fragmented. The only concentration of activity of this
nature is south of the Central Business District, along Broadway,
adjacent to the Central Union Terminal.10
Statistically, Toledo's skid row census tracts closely match
those of the national skid row average. (See Table 11.)
Multiple Unit Skid Rows
Figure 16 shows that of the ten cities which have multiple unit
skid rows, five of them have multiple districts and four have multiple
nodes. It is obvious that the eastern half of the United States
contains the greatest number of cities with multiple units.
Multiple unit skid rows started as one district in 1950 and by
1979 had either divided into smaller units or disappeared entirely with
new skid row units appearing to·take their place in other parts of the
city. These new units were, with some exceptions, located within a
couple of blocks of the original district. The disappearance of the
original district (1950 and 1968) was the result of urban renewal
programs and housing code enforcement. In short, many of the findings
for multiple unit skid rows are very similar to those of single unit
skid rows.
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 11
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR TOLEDO, OHIO,
1940-1970
Percent Median 1. 01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Built
Group Elem. School Unrelated Unrelated Male 14 Housing Persons 1939 or
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Individual Individual and Older Dilapidated Per Room Earl ier
1940 0% 11% 16% NA NA 10% 11% 8% NA
City 1950 4% 8% 22% NA 8% 5% 11% 7% 93%
1960 3% 14% 24% $5337 9% 6% 2% 6% 80%
1970 2% 10% 32% $2772 10% 3% 2% 1% 57%
--
1940 1% 15% 9% NA NA 17% 18% 17% NA
Skid 1950 3% 13% 15% NA 35% 14% 49% 16% 99%
Row 1960 12% 23% 13% $2162 42% 10% 6% 9% 98%
1970 14% 19% 15% $2250 41% 7% 23% 2% 83%
-
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 15% 17% 22% NA
U.S. 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Skid 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92%
Rows 1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
-- .
1940-1970. Census Tracts
Final
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station, small taverns, substandard hotels
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
63
Multiple Unit Districts
Indianapolis. The Division of Planning and Zoning states that,
"Historically, Indianapolis has never had a concentrated area that
could be defined as Skid Row." 11 However, as Bogue1s study reveals,
Indianapolis did have a 14-block skid row district in 1950. Whatever
the earlier situation, the current skid row does not fit any of the
criteria utilized in the skid row classification system. As Figure 17
indicates, the 1968 and 1979 skid row is not concentrated, but instead
exhibits a ribbon or shoe string pattern. According to the Division of
Planning and Zoning, the streets which are included in this linear
pattern meet the criteria used to define skid row. For example,
Indiana Avenue is currently characterized by pawn shops, low class
restaurants, barber shops, pool halls, gambling, liquor stores, and
rooming houses. Several of these characteristics match those included
on the questionnaire sent to each planning department.
Another example is Massachusetts Avenue, which is characterized
by old apartments and rooming houses, taverns, neighborhood restaur-
ants, and second hand shops. Finally, Illinois Street extends through
the middle of the 1950 skid row district for several blocks. According
to the Division of Planning and Zoning, "This street is part of the
Central Business District; however, interwoven here and there are some
of the Skid Row criteria. In this area is a closed down burlesque
house which, however, still has a hotel on the upper floors; bus
1112
•
64
MILE
INDIANAPOLIS SKID ROW
·..··1950
--1968
/11/1979
o
I
\'~\\\~~
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:S· MONUMENT CIRCLE:~: .
: ~. • City Hall
.... ~.
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Figure 17
•
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
65
Currently, changes are occurring in Indianapolis' Skid Row.
These include: (1) a study considering the restoration of selected
buildings on Indiana and Massachusetts Avenues; and (2) as a result of
the 236 Housing Program, there have been urban renewal projects on
these same avenues. Indiana Avenue has experienced considerable urban
renewal efforts with the expansion of Indiana-Purdue University into
the area. The Division of Planning and Zoning states, IIThis insti-
tutional expansion will have considerable impact on the restoration of
the area and consequently will minimize the Skid Row elements.
Likewise, the urban renewal efforts and historic preservation in the
Massachusetts area will in the long run have some positive impact on
the adverse elements there. 1I13
Statistically, Indianapolis skid row census tracts are almost
identical to the national skid row average for the census years 1950
through 1970. Conversely, as Table 12 indicates, there are significant
differences between Indianapolis' city average and its skid row
averages. These differences are those that might be expected to exist
when comparing a city and its skid row. However, as other city-skid
row comparisons have demonstrated, these differences are not always as
obvious as they are in Indianapolis.
Philadelphia. Philadelphia's 1950 skid row district decreased
in size from 39 blocks to approximately 6 blocks in 1968. (See Figure
18.) By 1979, the earlier skid row district disappears from the
landscape and is replaced by two districts. Skid row oriented
commercial activities are located in the northern district while hotels
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 12
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR INDIANAPOLIS, INDIANA,
1940-1970
Percent Median 1.01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Bui lt
Group Elem. School Unrelated Unrelated Male 14 Housing Persons 1939 or
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Individual Individual and Older Dilapidated Per Room Earlier
1940 0% 8% 19% NA NA 8% 16% 13% NA
City 1950 4% 6% 24% NA 9% 3% 26% 13% 88%
1960 2% 12% 25% $5130 10% 4% 4% 12% 74%
1970 2% 8% 33% $3573 9% 3% 4% 2% 40%
--
1940 1% 13% 11% NA NA 12% 34% 22% NA
Skid 1950 5% 11% 14% NA 30% 7% 61% 24% 100%
Row 1960 8% 19% 15% $2507 39% 6% 17% 14% 96%
1970 15% 16% 19% $2579 52% 9% 27% 4% 79%
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 15% 17% 22% NA
U.S. 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Skid 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92%
Rows 1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Population and Housing: 1940-1970, Census Tracts
Final Report, Indianapolis, Indiana SMSA (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942-1972L
'"
'"
•
67
·...• •••••· ....
.- .
: 1 ---.- •
· : .--...,
• 1 • • • :-~~'"
· 1._··
• •
• •
•• •
• • ••• •....
o
INDEPENDENCE HAll
PHILADELPHIA SKID ROW
... ·1950
.-- 1968
/////1979
oI \,
-----.L'--'-'---\--....... ~y.2
MILE
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
• Figure 18
•
••
•
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68
and rooming houses dominate the southern district. According to the
Philadelphia Planning Commission, the demise of Philadelphia's 1968
skid row district resulted from the acquisition of land for the Vine
Street Expressway and Independence Mall projects. The Expressway has
not been built to date, but the land has been cleared for several
years. Independence Mall is virtually complete. In addition, the
planning commission evaluates the future of the two current skid row
districts by saying:
Both of the present skid row areas are undergoing changes. Parts
of the commercial area are scheduled for acquisition for the last
phase of the Market Street East Project. This will include new
office and retail space forming part of a 6-block mall. The
residential area is one which is undergoing gentrification. Many
of the old buildings are being bought and renovated for homes and
commercial usage. In addition, Thomas Jefferson Hospital and
Medical School has been expanding into this area. 14
As Table 13 shows, Philadelphia's skid row census tract data
from 1950 to 1970 are very similar to that of the national skid row
average for the same census years.
Seattle. Seattle1s skid row has undergone several changes in
the last thirty years. In 1950 it consisted of one skid row district
18 blocks in size. This district expanded to the north and by 1968
totaled 54 blocks. Finally, in 1979 three separate districts exist in
Seattle's Central Business District. (See Figure 19.) Two of these
districts are remnants of the 1968 district and one is newly developed.
The Director of Seattle's Downtown Projects Division accounts for the
change in skid row boundaries over the last ten years (1968-78) by
stating that it:
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 13
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA,
1940-1970
Percent Median 1.01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Built
Group Elem. School Unrelated Unrelated Male 14 Housing Persons 1939 or
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Individual Individual and Older Dilapidated Per Room Earlier
1940 1% 12% 12% NA NA 10% 6% 12% NA
City 1950 5% 10% 19% NA 9% 5% 12% 10% 92%
1960 3% 17% 20% $4789 10% 5% 2% 7% 82%
1970 2% 14% 28% $2788 12% 3% 2% 1% 7%
--
1940 3% 15% 9% NA NA 22% 19% 14% NA
Skid 1950 8% 13% 12% NA 53% 14% 48% 20% 100%
Row 1960 23% 25% 17% $1947 53% 7% 17% 8% 94%
1970 20% 15% 22% $2012 51% 6% 38% 4% 69%
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 15% 17% 22% NA
U.S. 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Skid 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92%
Rows 1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Population and Housing: 1940-1970. Census Tracts
Final Report, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania SMSA (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942-1972).
0"1
1.0
•70
•
t
1, eMI LE
SEATTLE SKID ROW
····1950
·--·1968
l1li//1979
o
~~BELlTOWI
~.,
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, '
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. . ...,. , '
.. " . . '
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•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Figure 19
•
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
71
is primarily a function of the loss of housing opportunities
for the Skid Road population either through closure or demolitions
of older residential hotels. The City's Office of Housing Develop-
ment estimates that 50% of all downtown housing, or approximately
15,000 units, were either closed or demolished in the period from
1960-1974. Approximately one third of these units were lost as a
result of an intensive code enforcement program which was enacted
by the city after major fires in downtown residential hotels.
Presumably, many other buildings were closed or demolished because
of their age and deteriorated condition and because of new commer-
cial development.15
Each of the 1979 skid row districts has its own unique set of
circumstances which will be reviewed in the following paragraphs. Pike
Place is the southern extension of Belltown. Redevelopment activities
in the Pike Place Urban Renewal area have resulted in the demolition of
several run-down residential hotels. Although Seattle has made a
commitment to provide 350 units of new or rehabilitated low-income
housing units, these units do not necessarily provide housing oppor-
tunities for the Skid Row population.
In addition, the Pike Place Market is being rehabilitated into
a complex of small shops, restaurants, and residences. In spite of
this rehabilitation activity, Pike Place will continue to attract Skid
Row residents because of the availability of relatively inexpensive
food products, the thrift shops, and the low-income medical clinic.
The Belltown district, north of Pike Place, has also experi-
enced some residential hotel closures. A relatively small Skid Row
community still exists here. However, the substandard condition of
many of the older residential hotels in this district coupled with
rising land values probably indicates a limited existence for much
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
72
of the skid row housing in this district, unless the City of Seattle
steps in.
Seattle1s major skid row district continues to be Pioneer
Square. Although Pioneer Square has undergone a major period of public
and private reinvestment since 1971, when the area was designated an
Historic District, the skid row population has not been entirely
displaced. Pioneer Square is expected to experience further historic
preservation activity in the future. However, the impacts on the skid
row population will not be as substantial as in the past, due primarily
to the fact that the majority of skid row housing remaining in Pioneer
Square is operated by charitable or other social service agencies. In
some respects, skid row housing in this area appears to have stabil-
ized. In addition, the Seattle Housing Authority has recently acquired
and renovated an old hotel which provides 245 single-room occupancy
units for transient and low-income residents.
As shown in Figure 19, a new skid row district appears to be
developing in the area near Pike and Pine Streets adjacent to
Interstate 5. The primary reason for its appearance is the avail-
ability of inexpensive housing in this area.
Compared to the national skid row averages, Seattle1s skid row
demonstrates several statistical differences. In 1970, Seattle1s in
group quarters dramatically exceeded that of other skid rows. Also,
for the past twenty years, Seattle has demonstrated a very high
percentage of unrelated individuals occupying its skid row census
tracts. Finally, there are some significant differences between
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
73
Seattle's 1970 skid row housing with those of other skid rows. The
percentage of dilapidated structures far exceeds the national skid row
average. This may partially be explained by the high (95%) percentage
of structures built in 1939 or before. If many of these older housing
units have recently been demolished, as was pointed out by the Director
of Seattle1s Downtown Projects, then the 1980 census data should
reflect these changes. (See Table 14.)
Tampa. Tampa1s skid row has experienced decline and growth
similar to several other skid rows reviewed in this study. As the map
indicates, the 1968 skid row district disappeared to be replaced by
three other districts in 1979. (See Figure 20.) The current skid row
reflects the disruption and dispersal that has been caused by new
construction, demolitions, the conversion of part of Franklin Street to
a pedestrian mall, and construction of the Crosstown Expressway.
Skid row residents have always lived under the bridges, on
Franklin Street, and in the northern part of Hyde Park. They have been
diverted from Hyde Park as that residential neighborhood is upgraded by
an influx of young professional homeowners and the conversion of some
of the more stately homes into professional offices. Portions of Hyde
Park have been declared a historic area. The University of Tampa was
put on the National Register of historic places as were some of the
residences in Hyde Park, and the City Hall. In addition, rising
property values in the Hyde Park area are forcing out the rooming
houses that are inhabited by some of the down-and-outers.
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 14
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR SEATTLE, WASHINGTON,
1940-1970
Percent Median 1.01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Built
Group Elem. School Unrelated Unrelated Male 14 Housing Persons 1939 or
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Individual Individual and Older Dilapidated Per Room Earlier
1940 0% 5% 25% NA NA 9% 4% 7% NA
City 1950 2% 4% 28% NA 16% 7% 1
1
2% 6% 80%
1960 3% 8% 29% $5311 15% 5% 12% 5% 63%
1970 4% 6% 33% $3387 20% 7% 14% 1% 48%
--
1940 0% 11% 14% NA NA 22% 4% 10% NA
Skid 1950 0% 10% 14% NA 71% 22% 82% 15% 100%
Row 1960 14% 17% 16% $1782 76% 15% 6% 4% 100%
1970 28% 15% 24% $2765 78% 14% 62% 4% 95%
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 15% 17% 22% NA
U.S. 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Skid 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92%
Rows 1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Po ulation and HousinQ: 1940-1970. Census Tracts
Final Report, Seattle, Washington SMSA (Washlngton, D.C.: PO, 1942-1972 .
'"+::0
•
75
:- ::
: ...
. ."
-...-
.. .-
...-
.- .-
TAMPA SKID ROW
Figure 20
" DAVIS
---1968 ~".• ISLAND
IBAY /////1979• 0 ¥2, ,
MILE
.
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•
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••
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•
•
•
•
•
76
Skid row inhabitants have been disturbed in the downtown area
by a pedestrian mall, extensive urban renewal demolition and, now, by
the construction of new office-buildings. -The 1968 skid row district
has been partially replaced by the Franklin Street Pedestrian Mall. A
new City Hall and State Office Building are the latest additions to the
offices being built in the area. The new State Building infringes on
the remainder of the 1968 skid row district that was left after the
Franklin Street Mall was constructed. Under the bridges remains a dry,
protected place to live and it is relatively unaffected by the
demolition and construction. However, the center of the Skid Row is no
longer there. It is now the pedestrian mall or the expressway.
This replacement is both a unified planned effort and an
individual one. Urban renewal projects which demolished some of the
downtown buildings, construction of the Crosstown Expressway, and a
federally backed urban neighborhood renovation program represent some
of the planned or governmental forces that have affected the area and
its residents. The fact that young middle income families and
professional offices are moving into the Hyde Park area reflects
individual decisions that are having a major impact. Despite these
various private and public efforts, the skid row in Tampa has not been
eliminated, but has instead shifted to a new location.
••
•
•
•
•
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•
•
••
•
77
Multiple Unit Nodes
Des Moines. The city of Des Moines historically has not
experienced the formation of a skid row district as defined by
sociologists Bogue and Wallace.
Des Moines' Central Business District is the location of some
scattered, blighted uses. These uses consist of three pawn shops, a
couple of dilapidated hotels, various bars, and burlesque shops. On
the whole, these skid row type uses are separated by many blocks of
prime office and commercial land use. Recent revitalization efforts
have replaced or further separated these kinds of uses and, thus,
prevented formation of any skid row district. (See Figure 21.)
Milwaukee. As Figure 22 reveals, Milwaukee's skid row has
evolved from two skid row districts of 23 and 9 blocks in 1950 to three
widely scattered nodes in 1979. The disappearance of Milwaukee's 1950
skid row districts is explained by William Drew, the Commissioner of
.Milwaukee's Department of City Development. He states,
Skid row began to disappear in the mid 1950's with the adoption of
a new Housing Code by the City of Milwaukee. The beginning
enforcement was aimed at rooming houses, boarding houses, and 2nd
class dwelling units. Rooming houses implied no food, boarding
houses included meals or food available, and 2nd class dwelling
units included shared facilities, general both and/or toilet
facilities.
The number of taverns providing rooms has steadily declined
since the beginning of the enforcement of the Housing Code. In
many instances, not only the rooming license was in jeopardy, but
more importantly, the tavern license could be adversely affected by
the unacceptable operation of a secondary business.
The change in the type of housing in the CBD has also taken a
heavy toll (of Skid Row population) in that replacement housing has
catered to a much higher income level. 16
•
78
•
DES MOl NES SKID ROW
• ~
U////1979
1• 10,
MILE
•
•
•
•
•
•
Figure 21
•
•
79
MILWAUKEE SKID ROW ~• 1/////
···-1950
1////1979
•
0 1/2, !
MILE
-
;_ City Hall
IIIIII
...- ~
..... :
. ..
.........
':
..-....
.
.. : . ' ...
s
/1/11/
Menomonee River
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Figure 22
•
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
-----_._-----------------~
80
Partly because of Milwaukee's stringent enforcement of its
housing code, only three skid row nodes remain today. However, there
__ are other factors which have also affected the disappearance of the
skid row district. The severity of Milwaukee's inclement weather,
which is roughly nine months of the year, and the diligence of the
police department has generally discouraged the concentration of the
bum, the alcoholic, and the drifter from any definable area of the
city. Also, the tavern owner may jeopardize his license, business, and
investment by serving as a focal point for skid row inhabitants.
With the exception of percent of unrelated individuals and
percent of dilapidated structures, Milwaukee1s skid row compares
favorably with the national skid row average. (See Table 15.)
Furthermore, there does not appear to be such striking differences
between Milwaukee's city averages and those of its skid row. The 1970
similarities could be explained by the absence of a large skid row
district.
Nashville. According to Nashville's planning department,
IINashville appears to be a 'transit town' or stopover point for this
population segment, and no recognizable skid row has ever developed. 1117
In 1979 approximately 100 men received services from two missions shown
on Figure 23.
Rochester. Rochester maintained a skid row district from 1950-
through 1968. After 1968, this district was totally demolished and
replaced with a park, hotel, and office buildings. As a result of this
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 15
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR MILWAUKEE, WISCONSIN,
1940-1970
Percent Median 1.01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Built
Group Elem. School Unrelated Unrelated Male 14 Housing Persons 1939 or
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Individual Individual and Older Dil api dated Per Room Earlier
1940 0% 12% 13% NA NA 10% 4% 12% NA
City 1950 4% 9% 22% NA 9% 3% 16% 10%:. 91%
1960 2% 13% 26% $5694 10% 4% 2% 9% 71%
1970 2% 9% 33% $3235 12% 3% 4% 1% 55%
1940 1% 14% 10% NA NA 23% 5% 18% NA
Skid 1950 6% 12% 16% NA 21% 6% 41% 21%1 99%
Row 1960 9% 18% 17% $3024 26% 9% 8% 17% 89%
1970 11% 13% 22% $2610 29% 5% 9% 3% 63%
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 15% 17% 22%' NA
U.S. 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Skid 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92%
Rows 1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Po ulation and Housing: 1940-1970, Census Tracts,
Final Report, Milwaukee, Wis~on~jn_SMSA (Was ington, D.C.: GO, 1942-1972 .
(X)
......
•
82
•
NASHVilLE S_KIDlOW
~• D,':,
N/////1979 I . ,0 ~2• , MILE
•
•
•
•
•
•
Figure 23
•
••
•
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•
•
•
•
•
83
urban renewal effort, skid row nodes developed in other parts of
Rochester's Central Business District. (See Figure 24.)
When compared with the national skfd row averages, Rochester-is·
significantly different on three census characteristics. Rochester has
a much higher percentage of individuals living in group quarters for
the census years 1960 and 1970 than do the national skid rows. Though
Rochester's skid row census tracts have a higher percentage of
structures built in 1939 or earlier than the national average, the
percentage of dilapidated structures is much lower than those in other
skid rows. (See Table 16.)
Combination Unit Skid Rows
Figure 25 shows that the greatest number of combination skid
row units are located in the southern half of the United States. A
lack of this type of skid row is apparent in the western states where
the single skid row unit dominates.
The nine skid rows which will be discussed started as districts
and have all changed to the point where they have a combination of skid
row units (district(s)-area(s)-node(s)) today. Seven out of nine have
declined significantly in size, leaving smaller skid row remnants in
their places. In three cases (Minneapolis, Sacramento, and Tulsa) new
skid rows have replaced those which have disappeared. The decline of
these skid rows ;s the result of urban renewal programs.
•• ROCHESTER SKID ROW
····1950 .~
•
·_·1968 NI/##1979 Vz0• , , , , I
MILE...
=0
-
.-
=-
•
•
•
•
•
•
Figure 24
•
84
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 16
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR ROCHESTER, NEW YORK,
1940-1970
Percent Median 1.01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Built
Group Elem. School Unrelated Unrelated Male 14 Housing PersoJ1ls 1939 or
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Indi vi dual Individual and Older Dilapidated Per Room Earl i er
1940 0% 9% 14% NA NA 10% 11% 7% NA
City 1950 3% 8% 22% NA 10% 5% 9% 6% 96%
1960 2% 15% 15% $5104 1% 4% 2% 6% 91%
1970 4% 12% 27% $3345 27% 3% 4% 1% 79%
--
1940 2% 24% 10% NA NA 18% 12% 5% NA
Skid 1950 2% 12% 8% NA 68% 12% 53% 11% 100%
Row 1960 63% 27% 7% $1551 NA 8% 0% 14% 98%
1970 36% 8% 21% $2532 54% 8% 11% 5% 100%
--
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 15% 17% 22% NA
U.S. 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Skid 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92% .
Rows 1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Po ulation and Housing: 1940-1970, Census Tracts,
Final Report, Rochester, New__Yor~ SMSA (Washlngton, D.C.: GPO, 1942-1972 .
00
01
• • • • • • • • • • •
COMBINATION UNIT SKID ROWS, 1979
o 200
• • I
MILES
.........-.. ..
.......,
" , r·-·-.,------ -..
COMBINATION UNITS·
blstrlct. Area. Node •
District· Area ~
District. Node EEl
Area. Node 0
Figure 25
ex>
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Combination Unit District(s)-Area(s)-Node(s)
Jacksonville. Jacksonville's sk-id row-hasrelecated in the-
past ten years. In the 1960·s the skid row was centered along Bay
Street. Today, due to several factors, Bay Street has undergone
numerous changes. In the early 1970·s Union Station was closed to
railroad traffic. It is now being developed into a Tourist Entertain-
ment Complex to be called Railroad Square, and has had a significant
effect on land speculation and redevelopment in its immediate area.
Also, since 1968, many new private and public buildings have been
constructed on Bay Street, including a thirty story office building and
a new Federal Building. Jacksonville has also had several older
buildings in the Courthouse vicinity of Bay Street redeveloped into law
offices. (See Figure 26.) Jacksonville's assistant planner describes
the attitude toward redevelopment in the following statement.
A new awareness of the urban waterfront has also been responsible.
Since 1971, it has been the active policy of the Planning Board and
the Downtown Development Authority to encourage and assist in the
redevelopment of the Urban river front and other CBD areas. A
IIPlan for Downtown Jacksonville ll exists, and with its updated
portions, provides the blueprint for redevelopment as well as
outlined strategies and proposals.18
Minneapolis. In 1950, Minneapolis contained a large skid row
district of 24 blocks and a 4-block skid row area. By 1979, both of
these skid rows were replaced by four new skid row sites. According to
the skid row classification system, the new skid rows consisted of a
node, two areas, and a district. As Figure 27 shows, these 1979 skid
rows were located several blocks from each other. Richard Indmitz of
•
88
8th
MILE
0,-,.........__' --'-'............-.ll~
-- 1968
1111111979
JACKSONVILLE SKID ROW
., .
..... : .. :: .. ::·:::·:8T JOHNS RIVER
.. ..•
•
•
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•
• Figure 26
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89
MINNEAPOLIS SKID ROW fIIllllllllJllllll//[
• ~
·····1950
I111111979 ,• 0 1;2, , I , I
MILE
• Figure 27
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90
the Planning Department describes the changes from 1950 to 1979 in the
following words.
Minneapolis does--not have-a Sid dRaw-type di s-trict tandhas- not had
one for many years. During the late 1950·s and early 1960·s t a
well-defined Skid Row district was located at the north end of
Downtown Minneapolis, along the railroad tracks fronting the river.
Fed by the once-mighty railroad t logging t and mining industries,
this was the area in which they (skid row inhabitants) congregated.
A large number of social and religious services were located in
this Gateway Center area and on Nicollat Island t in the Mississippi
River, to cater to the needs of these people. The Minneapolis Skid
Row population was, reportedlYt one of the largest in the country
in its time.
However t the Urban Renewal Program of the late 1950's leveled
much of the Gateway Center area. The land was turned over to the
Minneapolis Housing and Rehabilitation agency for site preparation
and development. Although a sizeable population lingered, this
action effectively dispersed the Skid Row district. By 1968 t Skid
Row t as a definable district t was gone.
Although there remain some II seedy ll areas t and social and
religious agencies serving the short-tenn needs of the needYt these
are so small and so dispersed that they do not qualify as a
district. Although it seems that some of the displaced Skid Row
inhabitants moved to St. Paul t most moved to other parts of the
country)9
Minneapolis' Skid Row coincides statistically with the national
skid row averages. On the other hand, as Table 17 reveals t those
census tracts with skid rows differ substantially from the city average
for Minneapolis.
Tulsa. According to Tulsa planners t historically there is
little question that skid row was along First Street. (See Figure 28.)
All along First Street were flophouses t pawnshopst and the like. It
was precisely the kind of skid row Bogue and Wallace describe. This
was the skid row district of 1968.
A major construction project--the Williams Center--removed the
1968 district. This area is presently occupied by the 52-story Bank of
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 17
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR MINNEAPOLIS, MINNESOTA,
1940-1970
Percent Median 1.01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Built
Group Elem. School Unrelated Unrel ated Male 14 Housing Persons 1939 or
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Individual Individual and Older Dilapidated Per Room Earlier
1940 0% 6% 22% NA NA 10% 8% 13% NA
City 1950 3% 5% 27% NA 13% 4% 20% 11% 92%
1960 4% 9% 27% $4716 16% 4% 3% 6% 83%
1970 4% 7% 33% $3156 20% 3% 6% 1% 68%
1940 1% 10% 15% NA NA 19% 14% 17% NA
Skid 1950 1% 8% 22% NA 53% 10% 61% 20% 100%
Row 1960 22% 16% 20% $2368 63% 9% 18% 6% 90%
1970 13% 9% 26% $3266 55% 4% 34% 3% 77%
--
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 15% 17% 22% NA
U.S. 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Skid 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92%
Rows 1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Po ulation and Housin : 1940-1970, Census Tracts
Final Report, Minneapolis, Minnesota _SMSA (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942-1972 .
\0
I-'
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•
15th
TULSA SKID ROW
. .
.--. 1968 ~
I
•
/////1979. .
If0
, ,2I , ,
•
MI LE
•
Figure 28
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92
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Oklahoma Tower. Beside it is the elegant Forum shopping mall. The
rest was replaced by parking garages and lots.
Tulsa's current skid row consists of a district, an area, and a
node. The node is the abandoned Tulsa Union Railroad Depot. Tulsa
lost its passenger rail service years ago, and the landmark structure
has been a heaven for the down-and-out ever since. The interior is
largely wretched and every window is broken, but it provides shelter
for a sizeable number of transients.
To a lesser extent, Main Street north of the tracks, and Archer
Street (which parallels First Street and the tracks on the north) were
always extensions of skid row. Since the regeneration of First Street,
these have taken on many more of the typical skid row characteristics.
(See Figure 28.)
Another small skid row area exists east of the bus station,
around Detroit Avenue and Third Street. There are a few old hotels, as
well as a blood-bank in front of which out-of-work men can be seen
standing every morning, waiting to sell their plasma, for cash.
Combination Unit District(s) - Area(s)
Fort Worth. In 1950 Fort Worth's skid row was 38 blocks in
size. (See Figure 29.) By 1968, this district divided into two
smaller districts. The larger of the two, approximately 20 blocks, is
the southern remnant of the 1950 district. A smaller five-block
district (not shown on the map) is located out of the central blJsiness
district about 3 miles to the north. Finally, in 1979, two areas and a
•
94
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\ .\ .
. .
\ .
\ "
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City Hall
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Figure 29
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95
district remain in Fort Worth. The district, located to the west of
the 1950 and 1968 districts, appeared on the landscape since 1968.
However, both skid row areas are located where past skid rows have
existed. The northern area reappeared in the defunct 1950 district,
while the southern area is the result of a shrinkage in the 1968
district. The decline of the 1968 district was precipitated by the
construction of a convention center and arena. According to Fort Worth
planners, this was an urban renewal project.
When Fort Worth's skid row census data are compared with the
national skid row figures, no significant differences are apparent. In
fact, Fort Worth, census year by census year, is almost identical to
the national average. (See Table 18.) On the other hand, when the
skid row is compared to Fort Worth's city data, there are enough
differences to make it obvious that the skid row census tract does, in
fact, contain a skid row. (See Table 18.) Examples of these differ-
ences can be seen when comparing percentages of unrelated individuals,
dilapidated structures, and structures built 1939 or earlier.
Oklahoma City. As Figure 30 indicates, the skid row in
Oklahoma City has evolved from a 15-block district in 1950 to two
linear strips by 1979. The dissolution of Oklahoma City's 1968 skid
row district was affected by a planned urban renewal project. This
project included a convention center and a regional shopping center.
Skid Row inhabitants leaving the renewal area moved to new locations
which contained low price hotels. Consequently, two linear skid rows
appear on the 1979 landscape.
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 18
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR FORT WORTH, TEXAS,
1950-1970
Percent Median 1.01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Built
Group Elem. School Unrelated Unrelated Male 14 Housing Persons 1939 or
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Individual Individual and Older Dilapidated Per Room Earlier
1940
City 1950 3% 8% 23% NA 9% 2% 24% 17% 65%
1960 2% 15% 24% $4622 8% 3% 4% 12% 42%
1970 2% 12% 24% $2753 10% 3% 2% 3% 27%
1940
Skid 1950 5% 10% 17% NA 45% 4% 62% 27% 98%
Row 1960 7% 20% 17% $1539 50% 5% 19% 11% 95%
1970 21% 23% 15% $2345 62% 3% 36% 5% 73%
1940
U.S. 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Skid 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92%
Rows 1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Population and Housing: 1950-1970, Census Tracts,
Final Report, Fort Worth, Texas SMSA (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1952-1972).
\0
0"1
CITY HALL·
--.-...-----~·--·--·I: !
: I
-_._._-----~~-::=..._...._..
•
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97
• OKLAHOMA CITY SKID Rnw
······1950 ~
• I-1968IID/1979
• 0 h, , , , ,
MILE
•
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Figure 30
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There seem to be no significant census differences between
Oklahoma City's skid row and the national average. (See Table 19.)
Combination Unit District(s) - Node(s)
Baltimore. As Figure 31 indicates, there was a drastic decrease
in the size of Baltimore's skid row. In 1950, there were two districts
totaling approximately 60 blocks. By 1968, there was one district about
six blocks in size. Finally, by 1979, the 1968 district is reduced to a
five block district and a node appears eight blocks to the west of the
current skid row district. According to Baltimore planners, the size
reduction occurring between 1968 and 1979 is a planned urban renewal
effort. A portion of the 1968 skid row has been replaced with a commu-
nity college and the addition of a police building to the municipal
center. Beside this renewal effort, other buildings in the present skid
row area are being rehabilitated in accordance with design standards.
This includes mostly cleaning and painting of buildings and storefronts.
When Baltimore's census tract data for the census years 1940
through 1970 are compared with those of all skid rows, a few signifi-
cant differences are discernible. (See Table 20.) Baltimore's
percentage of unrelated individuals for 1960 and 1970 is 17 to 23
percent below the national skid row average. Also, the percentage of
dilapidated housing (1970) in Baltimore1s skid row is 25% lower than
all other skid rows. This figure is more understandable when the
percentage of structures built 1939 or earlier is examined. Baltimore,
for the years 1960 and 1970, is 28 and 27 percent lower than the
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 19
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR OKLAHOMA CITY, OKLAHOMA
1940-1970
Percent Median 1.01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Built
Group Elem. School Unrelated Unrelated Male 14 Housing Persons 1939 or
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Individual Individual and Older Dilapidated Per Room Earl ier
1940 0% 7% 22% NA NA 9% 4% 22% NA
City 1950 3% 6% 25% NA 9% 3% 21% 14% 73%
1960 2% 14% 36% $5033 9% 3% 4% 11% 50%
1970 2% 8% 31% $2788 10% 2% 3% 2% 29%
1940 2% 10% 13% NA NA 13% 5% 37% NA
Skid 1950 3% 10% 12% NA 37% 6% 62% 24% 99%
Row 1960 16% 15% 19% $2064 49% 4% 7% 12% 92%
1970 14% 18% 21% $2319 50% 6% 38% 3% 83%
--
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 15% 17% 22% NA
U.S. 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Skid 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92%
Rows 1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Population and Housing: 1940-1970, Census Tracts,
Final Report, Oklahoma ~ity, Oklahoma SM~A (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942-1972).
~
~
•
100
• NOR
BALTIMORE SKID ROW
•
.... ·1950 ~
····1968
I1111111979• 0 J.'2I , I
MILE
• FR NKLIN ORLEANS
• em RAll ...
... . _:. .
.~ I ~I •
-. _. --J e.
.
.
.
· ............. . ...
· ..... . .
·
·
·
·
·
·
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RAILROAD
YI\IW-....,
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Figure 31
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TABLE 20
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR BALTIMORE, MARYLAND,
1940-1970
Percent Median 1. 01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Built
Group Elem. School Unrel ated Unrelated Male 14 Housing Persons 1939 or
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Individual Individual and Older Dilapidated Per Room Earl ier
1940 1% 18% 11% NA NA 7% 8% 13% NA
City 1950 6% 15% 16% NA 9% 5% 17% 12% 85%
1960 2% 24% 17% $4676 9% 5% 3% 11% 73%
1970 2% 20% 21% $2992 12% 3% 2% 2% 60%
--
1940 2% 19% 6% NA NA 11% 15% 18% NA
Skid 1950 8% 18% 7% NA 34% 11% 48% 21% 91%
Row 1960 16% 27% 14% $1933 29% 8% 11% 20% 64%
1970 9% 25% 14% $3026 24% 3% 3% 4% 40%
--
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 15% 17% 22% NA
U.S. 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Skid 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92%
Rows 1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Po ulation and Housing: 1940-1970, Census Tracts,
Final Report, Baltimore, Maryland SMSA {Washlngton, D.C.: GPO, 1942-1972 .
.....
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102
national average. It seems obvious that with fewer older structures,
Baltimore should have a lower percentage of dilapidated housing than
the national average in 1970.
When the census tract which continues to possess a skid row
area in 1979 is compared with other census tracts which no longer have
skid rows, some interesting differences are observable. As Table 20
indicates, the 1970 skid row census tract has a much higher percentage
of individuals living in group quarters than the non-skid row tracts.
This finding is reinforced by the extremely high percentage of
unrelated individuals, about 59 percent. Utilizing these character-
istics alone, it would seem that they are proof of an existing skid
row, as identified by the city planner. However, other characteristics
suggest a more modified conclusion. Median income for unrelated
individuals and percent of high school completions are higher in this
tract than those identified as non-skid row tracts. According to
Baltimore's city planner, a college was built in the skid row census
tract after 1968. The students living close to the school would give
the census tract a high percentage of unrelated individuals living in
group quarters. This population would also have a fairly high median
income and high school completion rate. This is not to say that skid
row does not exist in this census tract because the planning department
indicates that it does. However, it is likely that some of the
unrelated individuals living in group quarters are not skid row
inhabitants but are, instead, students.
••
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103
Sacramento. Sacramento's 1950 skid row district has been
replaced with skid rows which are somewhat unusual. (See Figure 32.)
The city manager describes this evolution in the following manner:
The skid row doesn't exist in the classical sense of the term.
Urban renewal destroyed it. As a result, several areas have
developed quasi-skid row characteristics. If you were t~o visit
them, however, you would find many factors inconsistent.
He elaborates on the inconsistencies by indicating that the
northern skid row is an industrial area with missions and no other skid
row land uses. Also, the linear skid row, along 12th, could develop
into a classic skid row district except that land value prohibits such
under-utilization.
Other factors, according to Sacramento's city manager, which
are affecting the stabilization of a skid row in Sacramento are:
(1) The down and out population is not sufficient to support a
real skid row which matches the skid row criteria
mentioned earlier.
(2) The central city is thriving. New development and reha-
bilitation activities are influencing land values. Skid
row is no longer economically feasible.
(3) Federal, state, and local government social programs have
done away with many motivations for living on skid row.
(4) Agricultural mechanization has eliminated literally
thousands of itinerant farm workers from the potential
skid row population.
(5) Middle class individuals and families are moving into
potential skid row districts and restoring old buildings
as residences and offices.
(6) The employment market in Sacramento is very stable
compared with other cities in the California Central
Valley.
••
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SACRAMENTO SliD ROW
····1950 ~
-·1968 I• 11////19790 ~, , ,
•
MILE
Figure 32
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104
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Several census characteristics stand out when Sacramento is
compared to the national skid row data. As Table 21 illustrates, the
percentage of people living in group quarters in Sacramento is substan-
tiallybelow the national skid row average. However, this low
percentage is matched by the city of Sacramento, and both places
demonstrate a pattern of low percentage throughout the thirty year time
span. Another difference exists between median income for unrelated
individuals. Sacramento's skid row census tracts are $2300 higher than
the national average. This may reflect the influx of middle class
individuals who are moving into the skid row areas and establishing
permanent residence. Furthermore, this process may help explain the
low percent of dilapidated structures in these census tracts.
Combination Unit Area(s) - Node(s)
Albuguergue. The 1968 skid row district designated on Figure
33 existed in Albuquerque until about 1970. In the early '70's, urban
renewal targeted.Second and Central Avenues, not necessarily for the
removal of skid row but, rather, the deteriorated, blighted conditions
which housed it. Many of the strlJctures (hotels, bars, etc.) were torn
down and have not been replaced. Consequently, skid row no longer
exists in Albuquerque in a concentrated form, but has been dispersed to
the area and nodes outlined on Figure 33.
Probably the factor which has most affected Albuquerque's skid
row and population stems from a state policy which apportions bars
relative to population. This particularly affects Albuquerque in that
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 21
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR SACRAMENTO, CALIFORNIA,
1950-1970
Percent Median 1.01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Built
Group Elem. School Unrelated Unrelated Male 14 Housing Persons 1939 or
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Individual Individual and Older Dilapidated Per Room Earl i er
194() NA NA NA NA NA NA NA NA NA
City 1950 2% 6% 28% NA 14% 6% 9% 8% 75%
1960 3% 8% 30% $5448 13% 5% 2% 7% 52%
1970 0% 8% 33% $2896 12% 6% 1% 2% 28%
1940 NA NA NA NA NA NA NA NA NA
Skid 1950 4% 11% 16% NA 39% 11% 42% 17% 99%
Row 1960 1% 15% 17% $2308 47% 17% 15% 9% 99%
1970 2% 12% 21% $4931 61% 3% 9% 4% 57%
--
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 15% 17% 22% NA
U.S. 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Skid 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92%
Rows 1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Po ulation and Housin : 1950-1970, Census Tracts
Final Report, Sacramento, California SMSA (Washlngton, D.C.: GPO, 1952-1972 .
......
a
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•
107
.
·:~RIO·GRANOE :
..
" .
.'
0-.: ".
"", ..
'. ,
..
ALBUOUEROUE SKID ROW
• ~.-_. 1968
//1//1979 I• 0 l2I . n !
MILE
• Figure 33
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108
the number of licenses issued is far below demand and, thus, liquor
licenses are bought and sold for about $210,000. This means that the
wealthier areas of town have gradually bought the licenses of
low-profit downtown bars and moved them to other areas of the city.
The cost of licenses demands a relatively good profit if a bar is to
continue in business rather than sell its license.
Another point to consider is that Albuquerque is relatively
poor, particularly the portion shown on the map, so that many services
(housing, inexpensive eating places, etc.) are available in a broad
geographical area. Consequently, povertied skid row facilities and
inhabitants don't necessarily cluster the way they do in the wealthier
cities of the country.
Houston. In 1950, according to Bogue's study, Houston had a
skid row district that was 137 blocks in size. By 1979, city planners
in Houston identified two skid row areas and several nodes. As the map
indicates, the two areas are remnants of the larger 1950 district.
(See Figure 34.) Houston's director of city planning makes the
following comment in reference to skid row:
... there is little or no evidence of a classic 'skid row' within
the city. There are, of course, several areas having some Iskid
row' characteristics with the most noteworthy being in the vicinity
of the Harris County Court House and around Market Square Park.
There are other areas in the vicinity of various rescue missions
and Salvation Army facilities located outside the central business
district which have some 'skid row' characteristics and are focal
points for concentrations of transients and itinerants and the
business establishments which cater to these persons.21
As Table 22 indicates, the 1970 census tract, which contains
the current skid row areas, is little different from the census tracts
•109
• HOUSTON SKID ROW
Figure 34
..
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-.
•..
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• ... 1950 !
111111979 j
•
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MILE
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• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 22
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR HOUSTON, TEXAS,
1940-1970
Percent Median 1.01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Built
Group Elem. School Unrelated Unrel ated Male 14 Housing Persons 1939 or
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Individual Individual and Older Dilapidated Per Room Earlier
1940 1% 13% 20% NA NA 7% 11% 22% NA
City 1950 4% 10% 19% NA 9% 3% 18% 16% 64%
1960 1% 15% 11% $5093 7% 4% 3% 13% 34%
1970 1% 12% 24% $3600 9% 2% 2% 3% 17%
--
1940 1% 12% 18% NA NA 11% 22% 41% NA
Skid 1950 4% 8% 11% NA 36% 7% 44% 24% 99%
Row 1960 25% 24% 14% $2573 38% 5% 11% 16% 96%
1970 13% 23% 13% $2760 31% 4% 16% 8% 61%
--
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 15% 17% 22% NA
U.S. 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Skid 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92%
Rows 1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Po ulation and Housing: 1940-1970, Census Tracts,
Final Report, Houston, Texas SMSA (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942-1972 .
I-'
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111
which no longer have skid rows. However, in both cases, with few
exceptions, these census tracts demonstrate significant differences
when compared to Houston's 1970 city average.
No Skid Rows
Several of the cities sampled claimed they no longer had a skid
row. Of the many shown on Figure 35, three are discussed in more
detail.
Birmingham. According to Birmingham1s head planner, "There is
no area of the city's downtown which meets your definition of a Skid
Rowarea." 22 Consequently, the map shows only the 1950 skid row
district as identified by Boguels study. (See Figure 36.) Even though
this 1950 district supposedly no longer exists, census data for the
census tracts in which it was located in 1950 were collected for the
census years 1950, 1960, and 1970. The reason for doing this was to
determine whether an area once identified as a skid row continues to
show any skid row characteristics, as revealed by census data, after
its demise. Birmingham provides an opportunity to conduct this
comparative analysis.
In many ways, Birmingham's defunct skid row of 1960 and 1970
has similar characteristics to the national skid row averages. In
other words, with a few exceptions, the area which no longer exists as
a skid row in Birmingham has many characteristics which match those of
functioning skid rows in other cities. Though the 1960 and 1970 median
income for unrelated individuals in Birmingham's non-existent skid row
••
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112
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BIRMINGHAM SKID ROW
FREEWAY
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is significantly below the national skid row average, so is the median
income for the City of Birmingham lower than that of other cities.
However, the difference between national median incomes in cities and
skid rows is comparable to the difference between the City of
Birmingham and its skid row. (See Table 23.) Other factors which show
a close correlation include in-group quarters, amount of education, and
unemployment.
There are, on the other hand, some significant differences
between Birmingham's defunct skid row and those which continue to exist
in other cities. For example, the percentage of unrelated individuals
in 1960 differs marked from that of national skid rows. Also, the 1970
percentage of dilapidated structures is much lower than the national
average. Finally, the 1960 and 1970 percentage of structures built in
1939 or earlier is less in Birmingham's non-existent skid row than in
other cities.
The analysis presented above should be footnoted with two
additional comments. First, the census data characteristics which
match those of other existing skid rows are of such a nature that they
could apply to individuals who are not living a skid row lifestyle.
These characteristics, median income, in-group quarters, amount of
education, and unemployment, may represent non-skid row people who are
undereducated, unemployed, and poor. They live in this section of
Birmingham's Central Business District out of economic necessity.
Second, with the exception of dilapidated structures, the 1960 and 1970
census tract characteristics for Birmingham's defunct skid row are very
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TABLE 23
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR BIRMINGHAM, ALABAMA,
1940-1970
Percent Median 1.01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Built
Group Elem. School Unrelated Unrelated Male 14 Housing Persons 1939 or
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Individual Individual and Older Dilapidated Per Room Earlier
1940 1% 14% 16% NA NA 8% 20% 28% NA
City 1950 6% 11% 20% NA 7% 4% 39% 21% 81%
1960 1% 17% 23% $4135 7% 5% 8% 16% 62%
1970 2% 14% 28% $2149 10% 3% 3% 4% 43%
1940 2% 18% 9% NA NA 10% 39% 41% NA
Skid 1950 5% 13% 12% NA 21% 6% 46% 24% 58%
Row 1960 8% 23% 13% $1738 26% 7% 15% 21% 69%
1970 15% 15% 25% $1616 40% 5% 13% 7% 57%
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 15% 17% 22% NA
U.S. 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Skid 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92%
Rows 1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Population and Housing: 1940-1970, Census Tracts,
Final Report, Birmingham, Alabama SMSA (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942-1972).
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similar to its 1950 existing skid row characteristics. As this
analysis and earlier comments have suggested, the accuracy, interpre-
tation, and conclusions resulting from census data utilization is to be
questioned.
Omaha. Planners for the City of Omaha state that the 1950 skid
row district shown on Figure 37 no longer exists. Reasons for its
disappearance include the establishment of an historic district and
construction of a highway through the skid row district.
It is interesting to note that the census data for Omaha1s 1950
skid row compare favorably with the same non-skid row census tracts in
1970. (See Table 24.) Apparently the census data are not capable of
reflecting the 1950 to 1970 changes which have occurred. Furthermore,
the 1970 data, with the exception of median income for unrelated
individuals and structures built in 1939 or earlier, compare closely
with that of the 1970 national skid row averages.
Richmond. Boguels 1950 study identified four separate and
distinct skid row districts in Richmond totaling 108 blocks. (See
Figure 38.) However, by 1979, according to Mr. Park, Director of
Richmond1s Department of Planning and Community Development, Richmond
had no skid row. He states,
Although it may be hard to believe, we have no skid row, as such.
There is no area of the city that approaches the characterizations
by sociologists Wallace and Bogue ... There are scattered
facilities, such as a Salvation Army Center, cheap rooming houses
and declining retail shops. However, these are not clustered and
there is no identifiable phenomenon resembling a skid row. 23
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CITY HAll.
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MILE
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TABLE 24
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR OMAHA, NEBRASKA,
1950-1970
Percent Median 1.01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Bui It
Group Elem. School Unrelated Unrelated Male 14 Housing Persons 1939 or
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Individual Individual and Older Dilapidated Per Room Earl ier
1940 NA NA NA NA NA NA NA NA NA
City 1950 4% 5% 29% NA 10% 2% 17% 11% 89%
1960 2% 8% 30% $5310 9% 3% 3% 11% 70%
1970 2% 6% 37% $2881 11% 2% ,- 3% 1% 46%
1940 NA NA NA NA NA NA NA NA NA
Skid 1950 3% 8% 20% NA 32% 4% 39% 18% 99%
Row 1960 8% 15% 19% $2657 37% 5% 8% 11% 99%
1970 7% 17% 22% $2055 43% 3% 29% 2% 91%
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 15% 17% 22% NA
U.S. 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Skid 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92%
Rows 1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Population and Housing: 1950-1970, Census Tracts,
Final Report, Omaha, Nebraska SMSA (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1952-1972).
......
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With the exception of in-group quarters, the census data seem
accurately to reflect the dissolution of Richmond1s 1950 skid row
districts. As Table 25 indicates, the percentage of educational
attainment increases from 1950, as does median income. On the other
hand, percentages of unrelated individuals, dilapidated structures, and
structures built 1939 or earlier decline. It seems reasonable to
expect these types of statistical changes in census tracts where skid
rows cease to exist.
Analysis of Selected Census Data
A small number of cities was selected for a census data
comparison. (See Table 26.) These cities represent examples of the
three skid row classification types (single units, multiple units, and
combination units) and are also regional representatives (one city from
the south, two from the Pacific Northwest, one from the west, and two
from the east). Two census factors are analyzed.
Until 1970 the eastern and southern cities show a small
difference between the percentage of high school graduates in the city
when compared to their skid rows. The only exceptions to this were
Philadelphia and Baltimore in 1950. The three western cities reveal
considerable percentage differences between city and skid row high
school graduates throughout the 30-year period. By 1970 the
differences between city and skid row have narrowed for all selected
cities. These differences seem to be regional rather than a result of
the skid row classification type.
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TABLE 25
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR RICHMOND, VIRGINIA,
1940-1970
Percent Median 1. 01 or
In Percent High Income Percent of Unemployed More Built
Group Elem. School Unrelated Unrelated Male 14 Housing Persons 1939 or
Year Quarters 5-7 Yrs. Grad. Individual Individual and Older Dilapidated Per Room Earlier
1940 1% 14% 17% NA NA 7% 8% 19% NA
City 1950 5% 11% 18% NA 11% 4% 28% 14% 85%
1960 5% 20% 20% $3889 13% 3% 4% 12% 73%
1970 4% 17% 21% $2658 14% 2% 4% 2% 45%
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 9% 9% 27% NA
Skid 1950 8% 15% 11% NA 32% 5% 56% 29% 100%
Row 1960 40% 22% 13% $1662 40% 3% 13% 14% 93%
1970 28% 24% 20% $2635 20% 5% 28% 3% 39%
1940 2% 14% 11% NA NA 15% 17% 22% NA
U.S. 1950 4% 12% 14% NA 42% 10% 55% 21% 97%
Skid 1960 16% 20% 15% $2105 46% 8% 12% 13% 92%
Rows 1970 16% 16% 20% $2636 47% 6% 28% 4% 71%
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Population and Housitig: 1940-1970, Census Tracts t
Final Report, Richmond, Virginia SMSA (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942-1972l.
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TABLE 26
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR 6 U.S. CITIES
AND THEIR SKID ROWS, 1940-1970
Combination District
Single Districts Multiple Districts &Node
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New Orleans Portland Seattle Philadelphia Baltimore Sacramento
(South) (PNW) (PNW) (East) (East) (West) Totals
Percentage High
School Graduates
1940
City 13% 23% 25% 12% 11% NA 17%
Skid Row 13% 10% 14% 9% 6% NA 10%
1950
City 17% 27% 28% 19% 16% 28% 23%
Skid Row 15% 13% 14% 12% 7% 16% 13%
1960
City 19% 28% 29% 20% 17% 30% 24%
Skid Row 19% 13% 16% 17% 14% 17% 16%
1970
......
City 23% 33% 33% 28% 21% 33% 29% NN
Skid Row 17% 23% 24% 22% 14% 21% 20%
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 26 (Continued)
SELECTED SOCIAL DATA COMPARISONS FOR 6 U.S. CITIES
AND THEIR SKID ROWS, 1940~1970
Single Districts Multiple Districts
Combination District
&Node
New Orleans Portland Seattle Philadelphia Baltimore Sacramento
CSouthl _(f]W) JPNJ'D (East} ~ _ LEastL__ _ JW~st} Totals
Percentage of
Unrelated Individuals
1940
City NA NA NA NA NA NA NA
Skid Row NA NA NA NA NA NA NA
1950
City 25% 13% 16% 9% 9% 14% 14%
Skid Row 45% 63% 71% 53% 34% 39% 51%
1960
City 10% 14% 15% 10% 9% 13% 12%
Skid Row 54% 66% 76% 53% 29% 47% 54%
1970
City 11% 5% 20% 12% 12% 12% 12%
Skid Row 35% 72% 78% 51% 24% 61% 54% I-'
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W
Source: U.S. Bureau or-the Census-,----eensusof Po ulation and Housing: 1940-1970,j:ensus Tr~~t~ Fintl
Report (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942-1972 .
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If only the skid row percentages bfhigh school graduates are
compared, very few regional differences are apparent. However, it is
interesting to note that in both eastern and Pacific Northwest cities
there has been a significant increase in the skid row percentage of
high school graduates from 1940 to 1970. In short, it appears that the
skid row inhabitants in these cities are becoming better educated.
A comparison of the percentage of unrelated individuals living
in skid rows as opposed to the city percentage reveals that in all
cases throughout the 30-year time period skid rows have had a substan-
tially higher percentage of unrelated inhabitants. Some regional
differences are apparent when only skid rows are compared. For
example, the two northwest sk{d rows (Portland and Seattle) have a
significantly higher percentage of unrelated individuals than do the
other selected cities. Also the particular skid row classification
type by which a skid row is grouped does not seem to have a bearing on
the percentage differences of unrelated individuals occupying them.
Treatment of Skid Row Inhabitants
Most of the discussion to this point has focused on land use
evolution in the skid rows of selected large cities. However, the
inhabitants who occupy these skid rows should also be considered. In
short, how has the planning process treated the skid rower as it has
implemented changes in the "physical plant" which provides support
services that help to sustain these men? A brief review of three
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cities will shed some light on how they handle the problem of skid row
inhabitants who are being affected by changing skid rows.
New Orleans. Planning officials in New Orleans reported that
their gotal was to remove skid row men completely out of the central
business district. Their strategy was to comply with all Housing and
Urban Development Department (HUD) relocation guidelines while letting
skid row men relocate themselves. No special effort was made to
influence the direction in which the transients shifted. The city did,
however, rewrite its zoning ordinance to prohibit IIflop houses II. in the
central business district.
Seattle. Seattle's planning goal was not to relocate skid
row but to renovate and upgrade the project area while allowing skid
row men to continue residing there. Some relocation did occur,
however, due to stringent enforcement of their housing code. Efforts
are now underway to obtain 1,000 housing units for skid row men by
rehabilitating existing structures. The units are eventually to be
self-supporting with rents ranging from $60-$90 per month per unit.
Philadelphia. In 1963, the City of Philadelphia, in coopera-
tion with Temple University and the local housing authority opened a
Diagnostic and Relocation Center. It was designed to serve as an
lIintake center ll in that all skid row men desiring service were given an
intake interview which probed the man's work history, family back-
ground, marital status, medical and psychological history as well as
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his personal stability. After completing the diagnostic process, a
practical relocation plan would be developed for each client.
Once a client is judged physically, emotionally, and
ec~nomically able to leave skid row, his processing is taken over by
the City Redevelopment Authority's relocation staff who help clients
obtain decent, safe, and sanitary housing in non-skid row neighbor-
hoods. For those men who cannot make it in an independent living
situation or halfway house, the Diagnostic and Rehabilitation Center
acquired property for use as a dormitory.
Based on the brief comments presented above, it is obvious that
cities vary widely in their treatment of the skid row inhabitants.
Their programs span the range from ignoring the needs of skid row men
to one of establishing very sophisticated diagnosis and treatment
programs for them. Many of the cities that ignored skid row men while
carrying out their downtown renewal programs found that skid row men
will merely shift over into another area adjacent to the renewal
project area and create another skid row. Other cities, like Seattle
and Philadelphia, have taken a more formal, long term approach to
relocating skid row men and appear to have had more success with
removing them from the streets.
Conclusion
The data show that skid row in large U.S. cities is undergoing
major changes. With few exceptions, skid rows in the cities which have
been examined have been affected by either urban renewal, redevelopment
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or revitalization. Urban renewal, which seems to have had the greatest
impact, has caused the loss of many skid rows and the relocation of
others. Several of the urban renewal projects have resulted in public
buildings, usually convention centers, replacing the city's skid row.
Skid rows not affected by urban renewal programs have been
altered by planned revitalization efforts. In some cases, the skid row
has been classified as an historic district, and attempts to restore
ancient buildings have led to its demise. Similarly, local designa-
tions known as "0ld Town Districts" have also had adverse impacts on
some skid rows.
A comparison of 19 skid rows from 1950 to 1979 reveals that
over this time period the average size of skid row has significantly
declined. In 1950, the mean for the 19 skid rows was 37 blocks which
decreased to 22 blocks in 1968. By 1979 the average size of skid row
had further declined to 7 blocks. Median statistics reflect the
dramatic skid row decline from 1950 to 1968. The median size for 1950
skid rows was 32 blocks. In 1968 the median was 11 blocks. Of the 19
skid rows compared, 12 experienced a decrease in size from 1950 to
1979. Three declined in size from 1950 to 1968 and then increased from
1968 to 1979. Two skid rows increased in size from 1950 to 1968 and
then stabilized from 1968 to 1979. One skid row (Rochester) showed no
change from 1950 to 1979 and another (Seattle) grew throughout the
thirty-year period. The previous comments do not reflect shifts or
disappearance and reappearance of skid rows. As the maps have shown,
several skid rows have disappeared in one section of the downtown only
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to reappear somewhere else. The data only indicate that skid rows as a
whole have been declining in size over the past thirty years.
The shrinkage of skid row has been partially the result of
urban renewal and revitalization efforts by local and federal agencies.
These programs are based on the premise that skid row is an unwanted
area. In fact, one prominent geographer labeled the skid row landscape
"valueless space. 1I24 Several of the planners who participated in this
study used the term "underutilized" when referring to the skid row in
their city. In brief, the impact of inflating land values on skid rows
is one major factor leading to their demise. A Sacramento planner put
it more succinctly when he stated, "Skid Row is no longer economically
feasible. II Finally, a Jacksonville planner was even more abrupt when
he said, "Skid Row populations are an interesting and challenging group
when planning considerations are made. Nobody wants them in their
city."25
Utilization of census data to analyze skid row evolution and
change is to be questioned. It appears that census tracts which may
have had a skid row in 1950 but do not in 1970 often continue to
reflect skid row tendencies or characteristics. It may be that the
characteristics utilized by this study are either inadequate measure-
ments of skid row or improper data. The data are of such a nature that
it may be the reflection of an older section of the Central Business
District which has many of the characteristics of a skid row but is in
fact not a true skid row.
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This chapter also presented a model for classifying the current
skid row. Whereas skid row districts may have once existed, the
present trend is for smaller units and/or combinations of units. It
is accurate to say that the concept of a skid row district fits very
few skid rows today and should be discarded for a more refined
definition.
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Chapter II Endnotes
1Donald J. Bogue, Skid Row in American Cities (Chicago:
Community and Family Study Center, 1963), p. 5.
2Samuel E. Wallace, Skid Row As a Way of Life (Totowa, N.J.:
Bedminster Press, 1965), p. 13.
3Bogue, p. l.
4Letter from Gary Dumas, Corpus Christi Department of Planning
and Urban Development, June 1979.
5Ronald Vander Kooi, liThe Main Stem: Skid Row Revisited,1I
Society 10 (1973):65.
6Letter from H. Stevens, Cincinnati City Planning Commission,
February 1972.
7Letter from James M. Schroeder, Jr., Dallas Department of
Planning and Urban Development, February 1972.
8Letter from Ralph Memolo, Boston Redevelopment Authority, June
1979.
9Ibid •
10Letter from John F. McCarty, Toledo-Lucas County Plan
Commissions, May 1979.
11Letter from Department of Metropolitan Department, Division
of Indianapolis Planning and Zoning, April 1979.
12 Ibid•
13Ibid .
14Letter from William J. Burke, Jr., Philadelphia City Planning
Commission, April 1979.
15Letter from William M. Stalzer, Seattle Downtown Projects
Division, March 1979.
16Letter from William R. Drew, Milwaukee Department of City
Development, June 1979.
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17letter from Cecil R. Herrell, Nashville Planning Commission,
June 1979.
18letter from Andy W. Sikes, Jacksonville Area Planning Board,
Apri 1 1979.
19letter from Richard Indritz, Minneapolis City Planning
Department, April 1979.
20letter from Felton Mailes, Sacramento Assistant City Manager
for Community Development, April 1979.
21letter from Roscoe H. Jones, Houston City Planning Depart-
ment, April 1979.
22letter from larry Watts, Birmingham Department of Community
Development, June 1979.
23letter from James C. Pa'rk, Ri chmond Department of Planni ng
and Community Development, April 1979.
24David A. lanegran and Risa Palm, An Invitation to Geography
(New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1973), p. 18.
25Mailes.
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CHAPTER III
SKID ROW IN PORTLAND, OREGON
Methods
Portland1s skid row development is presented through an
analysis of land use. Land use data came from Sanborn Insurance Maps
and Portland City Directories. However, both of these data sources are
unavailable for Portland1s early years, 1846-1872. Consequently, the
investigation of Portland's Skid Row begins with the year 1873 and
concludes with the current year.
The physical area identified for study is at best a compromise
with which others might argue. But, as was suggested in Chapter I,
very few people can agree on a definition of skid row let alone its
boundaries. Boundaries for Portland1s Skid Row, as established by this
author, are similar to those utilized by early writers, such as Scott
and Gaston, who used the term "North End" to identify this area. Thus,
the boundaries of Portland's Skid Row include Burnside on the south,
Glisan to the north, Broadway on the west, and Front Avenue on the
east. (See Figure 39.) These boundaries encompass a 45-block area
upon which this study focuses. This area is referred to as the "study
area ll in the ensuing narrative. For comparative purposes, an area of
equal size south of Burnside is also examined. The boundaries of this
• 133
. PORTLAND, OREGON STUDY AREA
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. ·~dDDD
NWlst
DDDDD
NW 2.d
DDDDD
NW3i'd
D "'DDDDw.. z 1:'" c:a= .~ 5 ~ ~ . ;-: c w > = -== ~ > C Q =_ lAo W Q ~ CD
NW 4tll
DDDDD ..
NW 5tll
DDDDD.
NWatll
DDDDD
NW BROADWAY
. Figure 39
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area include Burnside on the north, Stark to the south, Broadway on the
west, and Front to the east. (See Figure 40.)
The majority of the material pertaining to land use trends and
changes in Portland's Skid Row was obtained from two sources, the
Sanborn Insurance Maps and the Portland City Directory. After
reviewing other data sources such as historical accounts of Portland
(Gaston and Scott), police records, and newspaper articles, it became
obvious that these references are not land use oriented. Consequently,
these sources are used when appropriate to support or elaborate on
conclusions arrived at from analysis of the Sanborn Maps and City
Directories.
Portland Sanborn Maps exist for the years 1879, 1885, 1895,
1898, 1908, 1926, 1932, 1955, and 1965. I decided for comparative
purposes to select dates that represented approximately 20-year
intervals. Because of this consideration, the years 1879, 1898, 1932,
and 1955 are analyzed utilizing a series of maps depicting several
land-use categories. In some cases these land-use categories are quite
general because the Sanborn Maps do not specify, for example, types of
stores.
Beside Sanborn Map data, the Portland City Directory, the most
recent of these, known as the Portland Polk City Directory, was
consulted for land use information which is utilized in analyzing
developmental trends in Portland's Skid Row. Data from this source
cover consecutive years from 1873 to 1900. After 1900, data were
gathered for 10-year increments (1910, 1920, etc.) to the present year.
• 135
PORTLAND, OREGON COMPARISON AREA
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Basically, seven categories of land use data were collected. These
included boarding houses, lodging houses, furnished rooms, employment
offices, pawnbrokers, second-hand stores, and missions.
As Ward states in his article on skid row, land use can be IJsed
to indicate developmental trends in skid row. He writes:
One of the notable features of skid row is the physical plant that
houses essential skid row services. (Barber colleges, Blood
clinics, Employment Agencies, Hotels, Liquor stores, Men's Clothing
stores, Missions, Pawn shops, Restaurants, Rooming houses, Second-
hand clothing stores, Taverns). They tend to cluster in certain
areas of particular cities because of the strong pull of a highly
specialized market population because of the latter's very high
tolerance for these particular services, this fact being in large
part linked to the generally impecunious nature of most skid row
inhabitants. For example, the barber colleges on New York's Bowery
will give haircuts for 50 cents whereas those just a few blocks
away would charge at least three times that amount, but the high
tolerance of the skid row inhabitants for poor quality haircuts is
probably as important as the low price. The rooming houses (flop-
hOlJses) offering beds for one dollar per night on Toronto's skid
row can only hope to attract those with a high tolerance for bed
bugs and filth and with too little ready cash to opt for better
accommodations. Similar forces are at work in determining a high
concentration of secondhand clothing stores in skid row areas; the
high tolerance in this case is that for out-of-style clothing, as a
walk down any skid row will show.
Thus, the spatial clustering of such services offers important
visual clues regarding the presence and magnitude of a particular
skid row. Changeover can be measured by perusal of city business
directories, such data providing an indication of development
trends.
Bahr, in his book on skid row, is even more specific than Ward
when discussing land use characteristics peculiar to skid row. He
states:
Three institutions dominate the skid row scene. They are dis-
tinctive, necessary elements which, when they appear in close
proximity, indelibly mark a neighborhood as a skid row. In
descending order of importance, they are the cheap hotels, and
lodging houses, the gospel missions, and the bars. The structure
of these institutions reflects the dlsaffiliation and the problems
of the homeless men whom they serve.
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137
• Bahr briefly elaborates on the importance of these insti-
tutions. He states that the cubicle hotel or lodging house is the
most important skid row facility. "There are other sleeping
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facilities available--public shelters, gospel missions, rooming houses,
and hotels with rooms--but most skid row men are lodging house
residents; "in Chicago, the proportion is two out of three. 113 He goes
on to say that next to the lodging houses, the most distinctive
institutions which set skid row apart from other sections of the city
are the gospel missions.
Finally, Bahr discusses the significance of bars in the skid
row. He writes, lithe bars must be close, preferably scattered among
the lodging houses and the missions. ,A
Patterns
Findings will be presented in three sections. First,
Portland's Skid Row development is examined utilizing Sanborn map data.
In the second section city directory data are presented to illustrate
skid row developmental trends. Finally, the current Skid Row is
examined utilizing field observations.
Section One: Sanborn Map Analysis
Study Area in 1879
Observation of the 1879 map indicates that the western half of
the study area is dominated by single-family residents. In fact, of
the 45 blocks which constituted the study area, 21 consisted mainly of
••
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•
•
•
•
•
•
138
contains some of the skid row characteristics mentioned by Ward and
Bahr. There are a number of hotels (ten), boarding houses (six), and
saloons (fourteen). Also, it should be noted that the Portland Wharf,
constructed in 1865, stood at the foot of B (Burnside), C (Couch), and
D (Davis). According to Mike Jones, the Portland Wharf was one of the
earliest public wharfs on the Willamette River and contributed in a
major way to the increased prosperity of the Burnside area. 5
Another land use in the area was the Seamen's Bethel, located
at 3rd and Davis. Apparently this institution was catering to seamen
who were between ships and looking for a temporary home. Here they
could acquire a place to sleep and decent meals.
It is difficult to determine whether the study area constitutes
a skid row or even a partial skid row at this time. However, there is
enough information to draw some tentative conclusions. The proximity
of the Portland Wharf to the study area and the location of the
Seamen's Bethel within it, suggests that this area was servicing
sailors whose ships were loading or unloading cargo along Portland's
139
STUDY AREA SINGLE FAMILY HOUSES 1879,
o 200
I I !
FEET
IW FRONT
• . N
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
IW3~
IW BIlGADWAY
Figure 41
140
STU DY AREA LAND USE, 1879
l:j Whol Indu.try
121 R_I 8_rdlng Hou...
• S.rvlc.· Office
1]1".....
o 200
, ! !
PEET
IBJ Hot.1
~MI••lon
l!I R••taurant _. N
I!J Saloon
ISlChln...
NW FRONT
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
NW BROADWAY
Figure 42
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
141
waterfront. This conclusion is reinforced by the numerous hotels,
boarding houses, and saloons located within the study area.
According to one well-known Portland historian, the study area
was catering to more than just sailors. Stewart Holbrook states that
Portland's "north end" or Skid Road was a place where loggers gathered
to drink and recreate. He writes:
One of the first things he (logger) learned--whether he arrived on
the coast in the eighties or forty years later--was that the place
where he spent his hard-earned dough when he went to town was the
skidroad. The skidroad of a city might be known to the solid
citizens thereof as Front Avenue, Yesler Way, Powell Street,
Pacific Avenue, Burnside Street, or by some other official name,
but to the logger it was simply the Skidroad of Spokane, Seattle,
Vancouver, British Columbia, Tacoma, Portland, or of one of a score
of lesser towns.6
Holbrook goes on to elaborate on the men who utilized skidroad and also
on the unique character of skidroads. He states:
Skidroads were where you blew her in. A skidroad might be one,
two, or a dozen streets of a lumber city. You didn1t have to ask
how to find it, for it had a character of its own. It was usually
handy to the waterfront, whether of river or ocean, and not far
from the railroad depot. Its places of business catered to
loggers, miners, cowhands, fishermen, and sailors, and construction
workers, but on the West Coast loggers were the most numerous
customers.
Saloons, restaurants, and lodging houses were in greatest
number, and many of them had names with a timber flavor. The High
Lead was popular for saloons. Restaurants ran the gamut from The
Loggers Waldorf to the Cookhouse. There was generally a Hotel
Michigan; a Saginaw Rooms, and a Bangor House.
Until well into the present century, open gambling was a
feature of Western skidroads. But gambling, like food, clothing,
dentistry, and other minor needs, was of secondary importance to
loggers. Saloons and fancy-houses got their stakes.?
If a comparison of the study area is made with another area of
equal size south of Burnside, several differences in the land use
pattern are apparent. As Figure 43 indicates, there is a total absence
142
COMPARISON AREA LAND USE, 1879
200
I
FliT
o
I
~ Whol •1ndUItrY
~ Rooming a ....lng H......
• S.rvice. Offlc.
mRataU
[Hl H.t.1
BMlssloft
l!l R••tourant
III Sal....
(l Chin•••
11&
o;;
I
•
•
•
• [J
• D~/ • N
•
• 0
•
•
Figure 43
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
143
of hotels in the area south of Burnside. Also, the number of saloons
(23) and boarding houses (9) south of Burnside is greater than the area
to the north. Other significant differences, in the southern area as
compared to the northern area, include: less industrial land use, a
greater number of wholesale and retail outlets, and the existence of
service (mainly banks) and office land uses. It is also obvious that
east of Third Avenue the intensity of land use is greater in the south
than to the north of Burnside. The comparison area also has a high
number of single family houses. (See Figure 44.)
In summary, the data suggest that in 1879 the study area
contained some of the physical elements which would distinguish it as a
skid row. However, one important element was missing. There is no
mention of missions being located in the area. As Ward and others have
pointed out, this is a vital skid row feature. Presence of a mission
or missions implies that there are individuals who are in need of
physical and spiritual assistance. Based on this fact, it seems
apparent that the study area in 1879 could be termed a pre-skid row.
It was an area where working men, mainly loggers and sailors, drank and
lived on a temporary basis. Some of these individuals would later,
because of drinking problems and other personal tragedies, become the
"down and outer" who would refer to the study area as a home rather
than a place to have recreation.
• 144COMPARISON AREA SINGLE" FAMILY HOUSES, 1879
o 200
I
...J
•
•
• D
•
~~f~~ • N
•
·EJ
•
III
A;;;
:8
•~
•
•
•
•
FEET
•
Figure 44
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
._ .. - ...._-------------
145
Study Area in 1898
Since 1879, the study area experienced many changes. This is
especially evident in the transfornlation which occurred along Fourth
Avenue from Burnside to Glisan. In 1879, this street was mainly
residential with a sprinkling of other land uses. By 1898, there is a
mix of land uses ranging from industry to female boarding houses. (See
Figure 45.)
According to Ward's land use criteria, it appears that the
study area has become a bona fide skid row. This conclusion is based,
in part, on the location of three gospel halls in the area. If the
area were still serving the same function that it did in 1879, catering
to sailors and loggers, it would seem unusual to find gospel halls
(missions) established in the area. Existence of these religious
institutions suggests that there was a need to serve the IIdown and
outer. II The 1898 map reveals that one of these missions was that of
the Salvation Army located between 4th and 5th Avenue on the south side
of Burnside. According to Gaston, an early Portland historian, the
Salvation Army opened operations in Portland in 1886 by II renting a
small hall and commencing its spiritual work by holding street meetings
and outdoor meetings every evening. The first officers, Captain and
Mrs. Stillwell, received nothing but insults and persecutions for
months. 1I8 Gaston goes on to state that despite the unfriendly welcome,
the spiritual work of the army gained a good hold in Portland. This
encouraged the salvationists to further operations. IIThus in 1898,
social and industrial institutions were opened where the IIdown and
• 146
STUDY AREA LAND USE, 1898
•
I:J~I.-Inelu.try
W!I I_mlng_ Boarellng Hou•••
• S.rvlce -Offlc.
I2QAetall
1!Ir-1.
liD Hot.1
MMlnlOft
I.BJ II"'-.n,
III SaIo_
@Chln••••
• N
•
o 200
I , !
FIET -flW FRONT
•
•
•
it
... ;[ .... ...
....... ~..... ...:.:.:•• ·.·.·.·11
flW 5tll
·...
·..·...
·..·...
·..·...
• •• j
·...
·..·...
·..·...
·..e.- ••
II
D
'flW3N
fj.. !]I g.- ri-I-~sII·I :. ell· . H 1M= I· . 15 •. =-··a.,. .• •. !! II c.a •
- C • 1M =- ~ •
at _ I = i: 1 S :1 I :: . =
flW 4111
LJ[jB
__iii EJ~ ~
IIW ttll
ITI ::::::: ~ D,LJ ~.......
•
•
•
•
flW BROADWAY
•
Figure 45
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
147
outs ll could begin life over again. Thousands of men have been started
on the road to success again by the institutions." 9
Further proof of skid row characteristics is illustrated by the
dramatic increase in saloons and boarding houses. Twenty-one of the
boarding houses, compared to six in 1879, were considered legitimate,
while 38 labeled female boarding houses were operating as houses of
prostitution. In 1879, there were 14 saloons in the study area. By
1898, this number had more than doubled to 30.
The comparison area south of Burnside is significantly
different from the study area. As was the case in 1879, the southern
area is almost devoid of hotels and has fewer boarding houses
(excluding Chinese boarding houses) than the study area. Other
differences exist in the number of service activities, wholesale
outlets, and industries in the two areas. (See Figure 46.) It is
evident from the land use patterns that the two areas are serving two
different functions by 1898. The study area, north of Burnside, was
serving a skid row function, while the area south of Burnside has the
land use characteristics of a central business district. Eugene
Snyder, one of Portland's current historians, discusses the part of
this southern area around First and Ankeny. He writes:
In 1888 when the Skidmore Fountain was put up, the intersection at
First and A streets was still close to the retail and business
center of the city. Shortly after the unveiling, a newspaper
commented, liThe fountain is situated at a prominent location where
it will be seen by the greatest number of our citizens and visitors
to the city. II 10
In summary, all the data from the Sanborn maps and supporting
information from several other sources make it clear that by 1898
• 148
COMPARISON AREA LAND USE, 1898
~I. .•
--••II--N
~ Who...........er,
e'J R_.....·loardin. Hcau..
•• 5el'Yka Offlc.IX) R.....
1Hl ......
~ Mlulon
lI! .......1'WIt
III Scd_
[SJ C.....
I1l rom... ·
0 200
1 I
FEET
Figure 46
..
·..
•••• e ••
·...
·..·...
·..·...
·.
·.
·.·.
·.·....
lit
A
W
a
I
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
149
Portland's North End or Skid Road had become a skid row as defined by
the criteria mentioned earlier. The actual conception of Portland's
Skid Row probably occurred sometime between 1883 and 1886. (Informa-
tion to support this conclusion will be presented in the city directory
portion of this study.)
Study Area in 1932
By 1932, the study area had experienced additional changes.
(See Figure 47.) It is obvious from a brief examination of the maps
that single family residences have been almost totally eliminated from
the area. Another striking feature is the intense use of land. In
1898, the majority of the study area's blocks had open space between
buildings. By 1932, only a few blocks display this feature.
All of the 1898 saloons (30) have disappeared, but seven new
ones have replaced them. The number of missions has increased from
four in 1898 to eight in 1932. However, the number of hotels and
boarding houses have decreased rather substantially since 1898. Also
female boarding houses are absent from the study area. Despite these
differences (1898 to 1932), it appears that the study area remains a
skid row in 1932. This conclusion is based partially on the hundred
percent increase in missions in the study area, and the Sanborn
reference to "cheap lodging" places.
The land use contrast between the area south of Burnside and
the study area continues to be evident. Whereas the study area
consists mainly of restaurants, retail stores, hotels, and lodging
~ Whol..... ·'ndustry
~ R_ln•• Boordl,.. H_•
• Sorvlc.·Offlc.
!XI R.talI.•
STUDY AREA LAND USE, 1932
IEHinl
~M1.'"
[!] R......rant
1II.5a'oan
150
• N
NW3n
·..·...
·..
·..
·..
·..
·..
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· .· .
· .· .
· .· .
· .
NW '.IT
NWlIt
NW2M
~••. ':. ~ItS ~sl,"N .•• . ~•
· .. :t:· ...• •• •• e- •
·.. . .Ir&oo.r..a~••••• •••
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· .· .
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· .
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· .
· .
·
• .. x ')(• • •
.... . .
·.....
0 200
I , !
FEET
~ d D
~.:...• N
D
•
•
•
•
•
•::
~
ca
•
Figure 47
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
151
houses, the southern area has fewer restaurants and only one hotel. It
also contains retail outlets, service-oriented establishments (banks)
and offices. This type of land use reflects that of the Central
Business District core while the study area exemplifies the CBD fringe.
(See Figure 48.)
Study Area in 1955
By 1955, the study area reveals an increase in wholesale
outlets and parking lots. (See Figures 49 and 50.) Also, since 1932,
the number of industries, saloons, restaurants, boarding houses, and
missions has declined. Only hotels have increased from 1932 to 1955.
It would appear, based on these findings, that Portland's skid row is
gradually declining in size as new land uses replace those that served
the skid row inhabitant. Many of the retail stores and other land uses
have been replaced by parking lots as the automobile makes its presence
felt. As was mentioned, there has been a significant increase in
wholesale establishments in the study area since 1932.
In comparison with the area south of Burnside, the study area
continues to have most of the hotels. On the other hand, the southern
area has a number of blocks dominated by office land use, whereas few
offices are found in the study area. Also several banks are located in
the southern area and none is found in the study area. Banks tend to
avoid areas of the CBD which are considered unruly or are parts of the
zone of discard. (See Figure 51.)
• COMPARISON AREA· LAND USE, 1932
152
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
III
a
I
Figure 48
~W.hoIe In.any
12! 1--...· nI....H_
• s-rvka. otflm
\D .....I
IE Ho..1
~ MI..loa
[i]~
lJ] 50loon
o 200
l.'
....----"
FEET
••
STUDY AREA LAND USE, 1955
r;j WhoIescde.lndu.try !HI Hotel
~ .......... ·Ioordl... Ho_ I!! MiNi..
• hrYIca.Offlc. iii R••tauront
rn Ratall I!l 501_n
153
• N
•
o 200
, I
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•
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o
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· .
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·...o 0 0
·...o 0 0
·...o 0 0
·...
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.. •• e· ••
· .. .
· .e· •••••••
· .
· .
· .· .
· .· .
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IWlat
"
NW Z."
o 0 0
• 0 0
o 0 0
o 0 0
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o • 0
• NW 3n11
m
.
o 0
o
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o
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·
·
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• NW BROADWAY
•
Figure 49
~ ~~~--- ~---
•
. STUDY AREA PAR~ING LOTS, 1955 154
• ? I 2~
. FEET ~ • N
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
II. nONT
~dDDD
II. 1st
r1~DEJD
11.2.
~[!]DDD
11.3"=Di·~5·D..D··D·.!.. • ~ • _ ~ z- elM=- ~ •
.... .... >... o~ ~
• ~~ .0 ~ •
. . 1I.4tll
D~DDD·
NW ItII
~DD ~l
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Figure 50
•
• COMPARISON AREA LAND USE, 1955 . 155
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
!t ....·y,..... yU
~.
IJ~~~
LJLI"Yf~
• . N
~Who"''' .Inclumy
12! Roomln, 'Ioardln, Hou...
• SorYlco.Offico
CXI Rofall
lEIHaN1
[!!J Million
[!I It!tat..rant
([) Saloon
o 200
I !
FEET
Figure 51
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
156
Summary
Analysis of the Sanborn maps reveals that Portland1s Skid Row
displayed several changes from 1879 to 1955. These changes included
both land use patterns and physical size. As Table 27 illustrates, in
1898 the study area contained more skid row elements and was larger in
*size than any of the other three dates analyzed. This finding
coincides closely with the conclusion, stated earlier, that Portland's
Skid Row had its beginnings between 1883 and 1886. Consequently, it
would seem reasonable to expect a transformation toward a skid row
environment to occur over a 12-year period (1886 to 1898). Samuel
Wallace, in his book Skid Row As a Way of Life, found a similar
developmental pattern in one midwestern city. He writes:
In 1865 the section of one midwestern city which was later to
become its skid row contained 21 groceries, 4 banks, 28 retailers
and 4 doctor's offices. There were no employment agencies, only 13
saloons and bars, and of the nineteen lodging houses and hotels
many were distinctly fashionable--by no means the composition of a
skid row area. A short 15 years later, the number of groceries in
this rapidly expanding city had dwindled to half, the number of
lodging houses and hotels had risen by half, and there were more
than three times as many saloons and bars. Eight pawn shops had
put in their appearance. 11
The significant increase in bars (saloons) and hotels matches that
which occurred in Portland from 1886 to 1898.
Other conclusions reflected by Table 27 pertain to the gradual
shrinkage of Portland's Skid Row. After 1898, skid row declines in
* Skid row size was determined by inclusion of any block in the study
area which had one or more skid row land use elements (mission,
boarding house, etc.) If a block has no elements but blocks on-
either side did, it was counted.
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 27
SUMMARY OF PORTLAND, OREGON, SANBORN MAP DATA
Size of Skid Row Boarding
Date in Blocks Missions Hotels Houses Saloons Industries Restaurants
1879 19 0 10 6 14 10 NA
1898 33 4 21 21 30 8 NA
1932 31 8 16 9 7 15 41
1955 25 3 23 4 4 7 36
SOURCE: Portland Sanborn Block Maps (New York: Sanborn Map and Publishing Co.).
-U1
'"
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
158
size from 33 blocks to 25 blocks in 1955. This change is also demon-
strated by the declining number of skid row elements from 1898 to 1955.
Section Two: City Directory Analysis
This section is an evaluation of Portland's skid row develop-
mental trends based on an analysis of selected skid row elements. The
elements examined include: boarding houses, employment offices,
furnished rooms, lodging houses, missions, pawnbrokers, and second hand
stores. Consecutive years from 1873 to 1900 are compared and ten year
intervals from 1910 .to the present are also analyzed. Each land use
element is compared by year with itself and, in some cases, with the
total number of that type of land use located in Portland's Central
Business District. Consequently, the result of these comparisons will
indicate when certain land uses first appeared in the study area, how
long they have remained in the area, and their pattern of fluctuation.
A distinction between boarding houses, furnished rooms, and
lodging houses should be made. Boarding houses are places where meals,
or lodging and meals, could be had for pay. Furnished rooms could be a
house with one or several rooms for rent. Lodging houses are houses
with furnished rooms for rent. Many of the lodging houses were later
turned into "flop houses." Flop houses provided a small cubicle, often
no bigger than five feet by seven feet, which contained a bed, night-
. stand (usually an apple crate), and a nail for clothing. In Portland,
these "flop houses" were disguised under names such as the Globe Hotel,
Holm Hotel, and Western Rooms.
••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
--_._----
159
Furnished rooms are first mentioned in the city directory and
in the study area in 1886. As Table 28 indicates, the number of
furnished rooms fluctuates dramatically with the years. However, this
fluctuation was also true of boarding houses and lodging houses. In
fact, from 1887 to 1892, the pattern of change was similar for all
three establishments. From 1893 to 1899, a different pattern emerges.
It is diffjcult to document the reasons for these changes.
Lodging houses appear in 1880 and remain the most stable form
of group living unit through 1970. Table 28 reveals that at certain
dates a high percentage of the total number of lodging houses were
located in the study area. For example, in 1910, 84% of all lodging
houses in Portland were found in the skid row.
Employment offices exhibit an interesting growth and decline
pattern in the study area. They make their first appearance in 1886,
the same year the Salvation Army established itself in the study area.
In the early part of the 1890's, there are several employment offices
in the area, followed by a six year absence. From 1910 through 1940,
the number and percentage of employment offices in the study area is
impressive.
Pawnbrokers and second hand stores first appear in the study
area in 1885. With a few exceptions at least one pawn broker is found
in the skid row throughout the time period being considered. Second
hand stores demonstrate greater numbers and more stability than
pawnbrokers. (See Table 29.)
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 28
SUMMARY OF PORTLAND, OREGON, CITY DIRECTORY DATA, 1873-1980 '"
Total Boarding Houses Employment Office Lodging Houses
Number of Skid %loca- skid %loca- Furnished Skid %loca-
Skid Row Row CBD ted in Row CBD ted in Rooms in Row CBD ted in
Year Elements* Total Total Skid Row Total Total Skid Row Skid Row Total Total Skid Row
1873 4 4 37 11% 0 1 NL NL NL
1874 4 4 23 17% 0 3 NL NL NL
1875 5 5 28 18% 0 1 NL NL NL
1876 8 8 26 31% 0 3 NL NL NL
1877 3 3 19 16% 0 3 NL NL NL
1878 6 6 22 27% 0 2 NL NL NL
1879 5 5 20 25% 0 4 NL NL NL
1880 10 9 33 27% 0 3 NL 1 5 20%
1881 6 6 30 20% 0 3 NL 0 16
1882-84 NL NL NL NL NL NL NL NL NL
1885 20 5 23 22% 0 3 NL 10 39 26%
1886 24 6 29 21% 2 6 33% 1 13 35 37%
1887 27 12 32 38% 0 10 13 1 26 4%
1888 13 7 32 22% 0 11 3 0 13
1889 46 7 40 18% 2 11 18% 23 10 26 39%
1890 50 7 37 19% 3 14 21% 10 6
1891 65 9 6 14 43% 32 12
1892 26 4 2 9 22% 8 5
1893 52 3 4 25 16% 10 20 54 37%
1894 61 9 0 9 30 12
1895 70 8 0 8 8 37
......
O'l
0
* Skid Row elements would include boarding houses, etc.
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 28 (Continued)
SUMMARY OF PORTLAND, OREGON, CITY DIRECTORY DATA, 1873-1980
Total Boarding Houses Employment Office Lodging Houses
Number of Skid %loca- skid %loca- Furnished Skid %loca-
Skid Row Row CBD ted in Row CBD ted in Rooms in Row CBD ted in
Year Elements * Total Total Skid Row Total Total Skid Row Skid Row Total Total Skid Row
1896 73 3 0 5 17 34
1897 57 5 0 6 15 20 41 49%
1898 59 7 0 4 11 22 63 35%
1899-1900 70 6 0 4 14 35 89 39%
1910 128 4 10 17 59% 42 42 50 84%
1920 104 0 13 20 65% 49 28 45 62%
1930 56 NL 16 23 70% 0 25
1940 65 NL 5 9 56% 0 39 145 27%
1950 50 NL 2 21 10% NL 43 145 30%
1960 41 NL 2 16 13% NL 32 106 30%
1970 15 NL 2 NL 8 38 21%
1980 3 NL 0 NL NL NL
SOURCE: Portland City Directories (Portland: R.L. Polk &Co., and others).
* Skid Row elements would include boarding houses, etc.
......
en
......
..
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 29
SUMMARY OF PORTLAND, OREGON, CITY DIRECTORY DATA, 1873-1980
Pawnbrokers Second Hand Stores
Missions skid Row CBD %located Skid Row CBD %locatea
Year in Skid Row Total Total in Skid Row Total Total in Skid Row
1873 0 0 0 0
1874 0 0 2 0
1875 0 0 1 0
1876 0 0 1 0
1877 0 0 1 0
1878 0 0 2 0
1879 0 0 2 0
1880 0 0 2 0
1881 0 0 3 0
1882-84 NL NL NL NL
1885 0 2 9 22% 3 11 27%
1886 1 1 7 14% 2 14 14%
1887 1 0 4 0 12 15%
1888 3 0 4 0 13
1889 2 0 3 2 13
1890 0 1 5 20% 3 15 20%
~
en
N
• • • • • • • • • • •
TABLE 29 (Continued)
SUMMARY OF PORTLAND, OREGON, CITY DIRECTORY DATA, 1873-1980
Pawnbrokers Second Hand Stores
Missions Skid Row CBD %located Skid Row CBD %located
Year in Skid Row Total Total in Skid Row Total Total in Skid Row
1891 0 3 7 43% 3 17 18%
1892 1 4 10 40% 2 16 13%
1893 2 4 12 33% 9 25 36%
1894 3 2 10 20% 5 21 24%
1895 3 2 6 33% 12 36 33%
1896 2 2 6 33% 15 . 36 42%
1897 3 0 6 14 36 39%
1898 6 1 7 14% 12 33 36%
1899-1900 6 2 8 13% 7 24 29%
1910 3 13 21 62% 14 30 47%
1920 4 0 7 10 40 25%
1930 5 1 8 13% 9 23 39%
1940 6 1 10 10% 14 47 30%
·1950 3 2 9 22% NL NL
1960 6 1 8 13% NL NL
1970 5 0 7 NL NL
1980 3 0 3 NL NL
SOURCE: Portland City Directories (Portland: R. L. Polk &Co., and others).
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The first mission to establish in Portland1s skid row was "the
Salvation Army in 1886. By 1888, there were three missions and the
number, like other skid row establishments, varied from that date until
the present .. (See Table 29.)
An analysis of the city directory from 1873 to 1890 indicates
that banks have never located in the stlJdy area. Banks tend to seek
areas with good reputations and apparently have perceived this area as
being undesirable for a bank location.
The 1916 city directory lists a barber college located in the
study area at 48 2nd North. In 1917, another barber college located in
the area at 36 2nd North. By 1920, both colleges had moved out of the
area.
Summary
From this brief analysis, it is apparent that the beginning of
a bona fide skid row occurred, in Portland, very close to the years
1885 and 1886. This conclusion is supported by the dramatic increase
during these years in skid row oriented land uses, especially the
establishment of the first mission in this area in 1886. Of course, it
is impossible to state with certainty that a particular boarding house
or second hand store was actually frequented by skid row inhabitants,
but its existence in the area implies that there were men who for
social and economic reasons desired the services these businesses
provided. The fact that a high percentage of these skid row elements
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clustered in the study area rather than locating in other parts of
Portland further emphasizes this point.
The land use data also illustrate the growth and decline cycles
which seem to be characteristic of skid rows. Reasons for these
fluctlJations are tied to both local and national economic and political
processes.
Section Three: Field Observation Analysis
This section is based on current (1980) field observations and
field mapping I conducted in the study area. The comments which follow
represent my impressions of the area and also an analysis and compari-
son of the current land use map with those of other time horizons.
General Impressions
Awalk through Portland's Skid Row is both an enlightening and
depressing experience. Besides evoking these emotional differences,
the area displays many physical contrasts. On the one hand, a visitor
is impressed with the attempts to refurbish some of Portland1s first
buildings. Weathered exteriors are restored with fresh paint while
aged interiors undergo more extensive reclamation. However, mixed with
these examples of historical preservation are buildings which continue
to show the wear and tear of many hard years of use.
A wide range of land uses occupy the various buildings. Land
uses that cater to very different socioeconomic groups. Whereas
one block may have middle class shops with boutiques and quaint
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166
restaurants, an adjacent block will be serving the skid rower with a
drop-in center and a Grade B restaurant. Clustered on other blocks are
Chinese groceries and restaurants. In short, the area serves the needs
of many different people.
Although middle-class oriented businesses are invading the
area, it is still the home of the skid rower. A visitor is impressed
with the many aspects of the skid row lifestyle which persevere in the
area. The most obvious element, of course, is the inhabitants. Since
many of them have no permanent residence, they are forced to spend much
of their time on the streets. Usually they cluster near establishments
which provide useful services. Long lines at meal time near the
Salvation Army's Harbor Light and the Blanchet House illustrate this
fact. Smaller groups of skid rowers can be seen lingering around
grocery stores which supply cheap wine. Other inhabitants seek the
shelter of doorways. Here they sleep, converse, drink or urinate. It
is interesting to note the number of businesses in the area, especially
middle-class oriented ones, which have metal gates that are pulled
across their entrances at night to prevent men from sleeping there.
Some businesses have signs on their doors urging skid rowers to utilize
rest rooms rather than their doorways. Odors which greet the pedestrian
as he passes by indicate that these written pleas have been largely
ignored.
Another common sight is wine bottles. They are found
throughout the area. Many have been broken and litter lesser-used
sidewalks and parking lots. Others are left standing in doorways or
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167
lining the side of buildings. Some bottles are small enough to conceal
in coat pockets. Larger ones are carried in brown paper bags.
Probably the most interesting feature of Portland's Skid Row is
the mixture of people found there. To the author's knowledge, it is
the only area in Portland where down-and-outers clad in second hand
clothes mingle with fashion conscious, well-off outsiders on a common
turf. Where else can one witness individuals wearing the current fad
stepping over other individuals who are sprawled on the sidewalk from
too much drinking? The fact that this occurs is a reflection of the
changes which Portland's Skid Row has undergone.
1980 Field Observation
Analysis of the study area in 1980 reveals an area dominated by
taverns, restaurants and parking lots. (See Figures 52 and 55.)
Retail outlets are of two distinct types, those that serve the skid row
inhabitants and others which cater to non-resident customers. Skid Row
oriented retail stores include second hand stores, check rooms, and
grocery stores which supply the needs of the skid rower and the skid
*row pensioner. Figure 53 illustrates the location of those land uses
* A distinction should be made between the terms "skid rower" and skid
row inhabitants. Skid Row inhabitants would include any individual
living in the study area. This would include, in Portland's case, a
wide variety of people. For example, research data show the area to
be occupied by Chinese, Gypsies, old age pensioners, and street peo-
ple. However, the term skid row inhabitant, as used by the author,
refers only to the pensioners. These men live in the skid row area
because of economic circumstances. They don't live a skid row life
style as exemplified by the street people. The pensioner lives in
one of several hotels which were once better known but today have
••
STUDY AREA LAND USE, 1980
G Whol I.-lndustry lBJ-Hotel
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168
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Figure 52
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LAND USE ORIENTED TO SKID 169
ROW INHABITANTS, 1980
o 200
. I , I
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Figure 53
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which are oriented toward the skid rower. As can be seen, Burnside, as
it has been in the past, continues to be the focal point of skid row
activities.
A comparison of the study area with a comparable sized area
south of Burnside shows that though the study area is slowly becoming
dominated by boutiques and other non-skid row land uses, it still has
enough skid row characteristics to distinguish it as a skid row. (See
Figure 54.) For example, of the 14 taverns located in the study area,
12 were judged, by the author, to be oriented more toward skid row
inhabitants (both pensioners and street people) than any other clien-
tele. In contrast, the comparison area had only three taverns, one of
which was classified a skid row type. Other differences between the
two areas include the number of restaurants, hotels, missions, and
offices. (See Table 30.)
become residential hotels. He pays rent by the week or month. His
main source of income is his pension or social security check. The
pensioner's life does not evolve around drinking. He cooks many of
his meals in his room and goes to the library or visits friends for
entertainment.
In contrast to the skid row inhabitants are the street
people. Often outsiders refer to them as bums or winos. They call
themselves tramps and seem to prefer this title to others. A tramp·s
lifestyle centers on one activity, drinking. All other aspects of
his life take second place to his need for a drink. His priorities
would include drinking first, food second, and, finally, a place to
sleep. Because of these priorities, a skid rower is frequently
without housing or is IIhomeless. 1I The few material items he owns are
secured in check rooms. Here he pays a small fee per item per day to
have his valuables held.
• COMPARISON AREA ·LAND USE, 1980 171
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Figure 54
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TABLE 30
SUMMARY OF PORTLAND, OREGON, FIELD OBSERVATIONS, 1980
Study Area (North of Burnside)
•
•
Land Use
Taverns
Restaurants
Parking Lots
Offices
Vacant
Missions
Hotels
Services
Total
14
31
17
2
13
6
13
19
Skid Row Oriented
12
4
6
Other Oriented
2
27
• Comparison Area (South of Burnside)
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•
Land Use
Taverns
Restaurants
Parking Lots
Offices
Vacant
Missions
Hotels
Services
Total
3
17
18
13
7
o
o
20
Skid Row Oriented
1
o
Other Oriented
2
17
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A comparison of the 1980 landscape with that of 1955 reveals
many differences. Though the maps may not immediately make it obvious t
one of the differences between the two time horizons is that of size.
Whereas the study area had 25 blocks containing skid row elements in
1955 t by 1980 this had declined to 18 blocks. More obvious changes can
be seen in the increase of parking lots. (See Figures 50 and 55.)
Some of the 1980 lots removed hotels t lodging houses t and retail stores
which t apparentlYt were catering to the skid row inhabitant in 1955.
The other land use which has had a significant impact on the area is
restaurants. Though there were more restaurants in 1955 (36) than in
1980 (31)t it is probable that in 1955 more restaurants were geared to
skid row inhabitants than in 1980. (See Table 30.) This conclusion is
based partially on population differences in the area between 1950 and
1970. Census data show the 1950 population to be 2t850 t compared to
*1t487 in 1970. CurrentlYt restaurants in the area t with the exception
of four t are serving the non-skid row inhabitant. SpecificallYt they
are restaurants that attract people to the area because they are
quaint. In some cases t they exploit the environment in which they are
located. For example t it is unlikely that the Hobo Inn t located near
Third and Couch t has ever served a true IIhobo ll (tramp)~ A tramp could
* Census data are gathered in April of the census year. It is a known
fact that skid row areas (Portland1s as well as others) have their
lowest population totals during the spring months. This condition is
reflective of the manpower needs in the skid row. For example t in
the Portland area the demand for farm labor varies from 20 men per
day in April to 1tOOO to 2tOOO per day during the major harvest
months. ConsequentlYt the actual population in Portland's skid row t
at the peak of the summer harvest t may be closer to 5tOOO.
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STUDY AREA PARKING LOTS, 1980 174 c
. 0 200
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IIW BROADWAY
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not afford the prices or feel comfortable with the decor. The Couch
Street Fish House and the Old Town Pizza Restaurant are two more
examples of restaurants taking advantage of the Old Town atmosphere and
utilizing buildings which once held skid row oriented activities.
Summary
Field observations reveal that the study area is evolving as
other skid rows in the United States. Businessmen and planners are
slowly replacing the original skid row land use with businesses that
cater to outsiders. ConsequentlYt Portland's skid row t much like those
in other parts of the United States, is shrinking and shifting, but not
disappearing. Instead, it is reappearing in other parts of Portland.
The most notable area of relocation is along Southeast Grand Avenue.
This area offers many of the same affordable services that were once
located in the original skid row.
Conclusion
Both Sandborn Maps and City Directories have illustrated the
gradual growth of Portland's skid row, with periodic fluctuations, from
approximately 1885 through the 1920's. The subsequent decline of this
district is also documented by these data.
Currently, planners and other officials are concerned with
implementing significant changes in Portland's Skid Row. A review of
various plans and reports pertaining to this area from the early 1960's
to the present illustrates the changes these agencies have proposed.
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A 1963 report on Homeless Men contained several conclusions and
recommendations pertinent both to skid row's inhabitants and the area
itself. For example, the report states:
Because of its location, Portland's Skid Road is in a valuable area
that can become more valuable as time passes. There will be
increasing pressures to reclaim the area. This process is already
under way and as it continues to take place, the question of the
relocation of the people who live in the area will need to be given
careful consideration. Suitable living quarters need to be
available for them elsewhere, and the creation of another skid road
in some other part of the city must be avoided.12
The report also recommended that a drop-in center be established for
the purpose of providing a place for the men to congregate, receive
information, clean up, and receive tickets for meals or a bed when
necessary. Other recommendations included: (1) the establishment of an
alcoholic treatment center, (2) the curtailment of mass feeding
programs which require men to stand in line on the streets, (3) the
strict enforcement of building and sanitation codes to bring about an
upgrading of housing facilities in the skid row area as rapidly as
possible, and (4) a reduction in the number of liquor outlets licensed
by the state and city in the skid row area.
A 1971 reported titled "A Profi le of the Peopl e Who Live in
Downtown Portland" prepared by the consulting firm of CH2M arrived at
conclusions and made recommendations similar to those quoted above from
the 1963 report. Specifically, the report stated:
The men on Skid Road seem to be locked into a life of destitution.
The conditions of their lives are among the worst of any group in
the nation. They suffer from chronic health problems, lack of
employable skills, severe alcohol related disabilities, housing
problems, lack of food and clothing, and broken non-existent family
ties.
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Pormost of the men these problems are beyond their capacity to
solve. Smaller problems that are major in the context of their
daily lives include body vermin, jackrollers, lack of safe and free
depositories for possessions and money, first aid for cuts, lack of
places to wash their bodies and clothes, and inadequate shelter.
They are a passive group, rarely acting out to refornl their
lives but instead are acted upon by numerous agencies in the area.
The involvement of many agencies seem to perpetuate or worsen their
condition.
A major problem confronting the area is the slow encroachment
of non-skid road related uses into the Skid Road area. The
population of the area has declined steadily over the past several
decades and this is expected to continue. There is some evidence
to indicate that the Skid Road is merely moving to other parts of
the city such as along S.E. Grand Avenue. If Skid Road is not
declining, but is merely moving incrementally to other parts of the
city, the city faces a major policy question of whether or how this
should be allowed to occur.13
Finally, the report discusses the housing problem in Portland's
Central Business District with specific reference to the skid row area.
It points out that the current system of land ownership, assessment,
taxation, and income distribution works against the possibility of
providing improved living conditions for low- and middle-income
residents Downtown.
Their needs are weighted less heavily than those of others in the
market place and, hence, as Downtown land becomes valuable for uses
other than low and middle-income housing, these people will be
displaced. In the near future, the residents of ... Skid Road
are expected to be displaced. Most of this displacement will be by
private development and those displaced will not be eligible for
federal relocation assistance. They will be thrown into a housing
market that, according to recent housing studies, has insufficient
housing within their income range. This prospect leads us to
recommend that the city establish clear policies for providing
housing for low- and middle-income residents and that programs be
initiated to implement those policies. 14
By the early 1970·s the City of Portland was in the process
of generating a comprehensive downtown plan. In 1972, the Burnside
Neighborhood Committee, composed of people who live in the Burnside
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area (Skid Row area) and those who work there in social service
agencies or their own businesses, issued a proposal which urged the
Burnside community in conjunction with local government to desig-
nate a planning team whose specific task it would be to produce an
implementable long-range physical and social plan for the area.
The plan would have input from people who live in the area, people
who work in the area, and those who have interests, whether economic
or human, in the area. In contrast to this plea for cooperative
planning, the Burnside Neighborhood Committee states the more common
attitude toward skid row.
Skid Row has no advocates. Few people have shown positive human
concern for the old, the disabled, the sick and the alienated of
the area. The dirt, the style, the difference of value systems,
the physical and social pain so apparent in the area makes the
outer community wish the whole area would disappear into a welter
of shops and smart boutiques. The person who could invent disap-
pearing dust to sprinkle over the so-called bums, tramps, winos,
prostitutes and pensioners could make substantial profit in
Portland.l5
In October, 1973, a series of newspaper articles published
by the Oregon Journal was forecasting the demise of Portland1s Skid
Row district. In an article titled "Skid Road Future Bleak," the
Journal stated:
The current situation on Portland1s Skid Road is bleak; its
future is even bleaker for the people who live there and the
social services they need.
In a few years, Skid Road will not exist in a recognizable
form in the area in which it has been located for decades.16
According to planners and other authorities, the stability
of Skid Row is affected by the availability of housing. As one
official said, "Portland1s Skid Road could not exist without cheap
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hotels. 1I17 In short, if housing is available and affordable, then
men will continue to inhabit the Skid Row area. However, as older
hotels and lodging houses begin to decay, the cost of bringing them
up to code becomes exorbitant. If the refurbishing costs are not
subsidized, the owner either sells the property or utilizes the space
for a more profitable venture. According to a 1973 newspaper
article, most of the hotels in the Skid Row district reportedly
grossed less than $15,000 per year and netted less than $6,000. 18
From these figures, it is easy to see why a disenchanted owner might
prefer alternative land uses. Consequently, as the previous data have
shown, some of these cheap hotels are closing. Pushed by the closure
of these hotels and the encroachment of new business and construction,
Skid Row residents are beginning to disperse into other sections of
the city. According to residents, police officers, and social
workers, there has been a migration into Northwest and Southeast
Portland. This dispersal may have some adverse effects. According
to one city official, IIAllowing the current residents to spread out
is not a good idea because it will be more difficult for the city to
provide them with services such as detoxification. 1119
The Burnside Neighborhood Committee made two recommendations
in reference to housing in Portland1s Skid Row. First, they sugges-
ted code enforcement, with possible subsidies to building owners to
help them meet extra-ordinary costs, of all existing rental units in
the Burnside area in order to bring present housing resources to an
acceptable level of sanitation and compliance with fire regulations.
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Second, they encouraged that replacement housing be provided for
residents of the Skid Row area prior to any reconstruction in the
area. The replacement housing is to be located in a designated
neighborhood, not just isolated boarding houses or hotels scattered
allover the city.20
In 1974, the City of Portland commissioned Irving Shandler,
a social planning consultant, to develop a social policy for the Skid
Row district. His report contained some interesting attitudes and
recommendations. For example, he described skid rows as II •••
unpleasant and unhealthy. The buildings emanate the odor of despair
and the flavor of death. There is no charm and little humor. It is
a dirty, diseased, foul smelling place that becomes a living purgatory
for those trapped by its system. 1I21
Shandler suggests two contrasting approaches which can be
applied to skid row. One he labels the maintenance and reinforcement
program. The other is known as the control and prevention policy.
The maintenance and reinforcement or clean Skid Row approach suggests
the inevitability of skid rows; that government's responsibility is
limited to keeping the men reasonably safe and alive--but out of the
way of areas to be developed for housing and business. 22
The ghettoization of Skid Road reinforces the negatives of a
life style. When a man is labeled as undesirable and viewed as
incapable of leading a healthier, more productive life, the
tendency is for him to respond by playing out the roles assigned.
It is a self-fulfulling prophecy: I am on Skid Road; Skid Road is
for bums; therefore, I must be a bum. This tends to produce the
unwritten contracts between city officials, the institutions, and
the men, that sanctions an arrangement of quiet exploitation in
return for minimal, contained standards of living. 23
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Shandler1s second approach concerns control and prevention
of Skid Row. This approach is basically a three-phase operation
with programs and policies focusing on the residents, the insti-
tution/business, and housing.
The program for the residents involves the rendering of a
number of services by a lead agency charged with this duty.
Services would include: general medical examination, referral and
treatment, special alcoholism services, leisure and recreational
activities, and food and nutritional assistance. The efforts to
reach out through medical care and other services is not to coddle
people. Rather, it is a vital series of first steps that are neces-
sary to determine how many Skid Row residents can be assisted in
"ma king it" on their own and how many will require additional,
ongoing types of support. In short, this phase of Shandler's
recommendations utilizes various services as a mechanism for
involving the Skid Row resident in a program that would improve
their life style as an integral part of redeveloping the area in
which they live.
The second half of the equation deals with the institutions
and business community, i.e., flop houses, cheap restaurants,
missions, bars, blood banks, etc. According to Shandler, "If the
approach is one of control and prevention of skid roads, then the
city must make certain that these operations which have histori-
cally drawn and hold men to the skid road not be permitted to
function as in the past. 1I24 In brief, Shandler is saying that if
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Portland has a plan that prevents the institution/business activi-
ties from opening or operating in a specific geographic area, the
city reduces the magnet that draws potential Skid Row men to the
area. On the other hand, a policy that prevents large numbers of
Skid Row men from living in a particular area will destroy the
market for the institution/business.
The final part of Shandler's control and prevention approach
to Skid Row involves housing. Though he suggests several types of
housing to handle Skid Row residents, he recommends that it be
located out of the Skid Row area. This suggestion, of course,
corresponds to Shandler1s concern for reducing the "magnets" which
draw men to the Skid Row area in the first place.
Several of Shandler1s suggestions were incorporated into a
1974 Social Policy Report on the Downtown Urban Renewal Area. This
report recommended establishing a minimum of 1,150 low-income
housing units in the downtown area. 25 An article in Metropolis
entitled "Burnside: A Case of Planned Neglect ll stated:
Portland has a shortage of low-cost housing, but the city
appears uninterested in maintaining the low-cost stock in the
downtown area at its current level. This is in line with the
social policy report's proposed gradual dispersal of the
Burnside population throughout the city.26
The same article pointed out that since there was a lack of
services for Skid Row residents in other areas of Portland, it was
questionable whether they could or would be helped as well else-
where as they were in the existing Burnside Skid Row district.
Also, better low-cost housing did not exist elsewhere in the city,
except for public housing, which in November, 1974, had a waiting
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list of approximately 5,000 families and individuals. Furthermore',
the Burnside district has one of the lowest-cost pools of housing
in the city. Housing is furnished and can be rented on a dafly,
weekly or monthly basis. 27 This is a type of accommodation for
low-income persons found nowhere else in Portland in such quantity.
If Skid Row residents migrate out of the Burnside area,
there will be a need for survival services, which are provided
today in Burnside, in other areas of the city as new skid rows
appear. The end result will negate any social policy planning done
for the Burnside Skid Row district.
Since 1974, Portland's Skid Row has undergone a slow trans-
formation from Skid Row to Old Town Historical District. According
to current planning and assessment reports, there appears little
chance that this process will be curtailed. Most of these reports
view the area as having potential for increased retail-office-
commercial development. There seems to be little concern for
providing low-cost housing for Skid Row residents or preserving the
sense of neighborhood which, according to some spokesmen, exists.
Because of the socioeconomic conditions in the Skid Row area,
development and operation of low-income housing will depend upon
governmental funding assistance.
One 1980 assessment study reflects the future of Portland's
Skid Row district if the law of supply and demand operates unhin-
dered~ The report states:
During the next decade (1980-1990), between 450 and 1,300
households may be displaced by the pressures for increased
183
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office and retail trade space in the Study Area. Assuming
a 5 percent vacancy rate, this displacement represents a need
for between 474 and 1,370 low income housing units to accom-
modate the displaced populationJ8
Whether or not these housing units will be provided and how this may
affect Portland1s Skid Row remains to be seen.
184
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Chapter III Endnotes
1Jim Ward, "Skid Row As a Geographic Entity," The Professional
Geographer 27 (August 1975):286.
2Howard M. Bahr, Skid Row: An Introduction to Disaffiliation
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), p. 123.
3Ibid .
4Ibid ., p. 141.
5Mike Jones, "Skid Row--Past, Present and Future," Oregon
Geographer 5 (September 1971):11.
6Stewart Holbrook, Holy Old Mackinaw (New York: Ballantine
Books, 1956), p. 182.
7Ibid ., pp. 183-184.
8Joseph Gaston, Portland, Its History and Builders (Portland:
S.J. Clarke Co., 1911), p. 476.
9Ibid .
10Eugene E. Snyder, Skidmore's Portland: His Fountain and Its
Sculptor (Portland: Binfords &Mort, 1973), p. 138. .
11Samuel E. Wallace, Skid Row As a Way of Life (Totowa, N.J.:
Bedminster Press, 1965), p. 15.
12Committee on Homeless Men, Report of Committee on Homeless
Men, Portland, Oregon (1963), p. 10.
13Portland Planning Commission, A Profile of the People Who
Live in Downtown Portland (December 1971), pp. 13-14.
14Ibid ., p. 32.
15Portland Planning Commission, A Preliminary Proposal for a
Com rehensive Plannin Effort West Burnside Lawnsdale Grand Union
1972 , p. 1.
16paul Schindler and Maureen McNassar, "Skid Road Future
Bleak," The Journal, 1 October 1973.
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186
17paIJl Schindler and Maureen McNassar, IICheap Hotels Hold Key
to Skid Road,1I The Journal, 2 October 1973.
18Ibid .
19paul Schindler and Maureen McNassar, IIResidents of Skid Road
Drifting Away,1I The Journal, 5 October 1973.
20Burnside Neighborhood Committee, Position Statement of the
Burnside Neighborhood Committee on the Downtown Plan (September 1972).
21Irving W. Shandler, Portland, Oregon, Skid Road Project
(February 28, 1974), p. 2.
22 Ibid., p. 4.
23 Ibid., p. 3.
24 Ibid ., p. 10.
25Portland Planning Commission, Social Policy Report on the
Downtown Urban Renewal Area (1974·).
26Connie Fitzgerald, IIBurnside: A Case of Planned Neglect,1I
Metropolis (November 1974), p. 1.
27 Ibid .
28Portland Planning Commission, North of Burnside Study:
Anal sis of Economic 1m acts--Assessment of Develo ment Potentials
September 1980 , p. 28.
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CHAPTER IV
CONCLUSIONS
Findings
The findings presented in this study clearly illustrate the
human and physical changes which have occurred and are occurring in
skid rows throughout the United States. As this and other studies
indicate, the future of skid row is uncertain. Many experts are
predicting the disappearance of skid row, possibly by the end of the
1980's. There are several studies to support this conclusion. Lee
examined Bogue's 1950 conclusions utilizing 1970 census data and found
that all but one of Bogue's 41 skid row neighborhoods lost population
between 1950 and 1970. The smallest decrease was approximately 2 per
cent while the largest exceeded 83 per cent. Between these two
extremes, the losses concentrated in the 50-75 per cent range, where 25
of the cases fall. According to Lee, this decline was well underway
prior to 1960, despite the fact that skid row populations had grown by
almost 3 per cent from 1940 to 1950 and had undergone substantial
increases during the depression. 1
To a certain degree, the demise of skid row can be considered a
manifestation of the more general decline of the city center;
available evidence indicates that the large-scale deconcentration
of metropolitan residents and activities did not begin until some-
time around 1950. But there is an additional factor--ironically, a
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response to central city dec1ine--which appears to have played a
vital role in speeding skid rows' disappearance. According to
official records ... a majority of the cities in the sample
received urban renewal grants during the 1950s. These renewal
programs may have taken their heaviest toll on the skid row housing
supply between 1950 and 1960 . . .2
It is interesting to note that the rate of decline for western skid
rows was greatest between 1960 and 1970. The central cities in which
the western skid rows are located were given the largest amount of
their urban renewal funds during that period.
Instead of measuring the population decline for all persons
living in skid row census tracts, as mentioned above, unrelated
*individuals could be used as the indicator of population change.
However, Lee's data reveal the same decline of unrelated individual
population as was true of the all persons classification. The number
of unrelated individuals fell by half from 1950 to 1970. Also, the
timing of the decline essentially duplicates those reported for all
persons. In short, traditional skid row neighborhoods do seem to be
losing their residents.
The explanation for the 1950-1970 population decline in skid
row involves economic factors. Near the start of this period, the
metropolitan population as a whole began to deconcentrate. A decline
in the economic role fulfilled by casual laborers stimulated a downward
trend in skid row area populations. These areas provided almost
* Unrelated individuals are defined by the U.S. Census Bureau as
persons living either by themselves, with non-relatives, or outside
regular households.
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perfect targets for urban renewal, given their lack of economic
function, their negative reputations, and the powerlessness of their
residents. Of course, the impact of renewal efforts on skid row was to
further deplete the already declining skid row popu1ations. 3
Furthermore, Lee argues that the decline of skid row neighbor-
hoods might have been retarded by the prevalence of negative social
definitions applied to skid row areas. The risks associated with the
adoption of a stigmatized location may have discouraged new types of
functions from moving into the area and replacing older ones.
In the present instance, this same process seems to be operating in
reverse: Negative attitudes toward the skid row population, which
previously were a source of stability, have ultimately hastened
skid row's demise and encouraged the arrival of more profitable
activities in the neighborhood. As long as skid row districts
fulfilled an important function, providing the city with a
reservoir of unskilled labor, their existence on downtown property
was tolerated. Once skid row's economic reason for being started
to wear thin, however, a public sentiment--fue1ed by an avail-
ability of federal funding and a desire to arrest urban decay--
quickly crystallized into action. Subsequent renewal and
rehabilitation efforts were presumably directed with greatest
fervor at those districts possessing the worst reputations. 4
As this study has shown, the displacement of skid row began in
the 1950's, 60's, and 70's, and continues today. It is clear from the
many cities sampled and the Portland case study that skid rows
throughout the United States are undergoing radical changes. With few
exceptions, the original skid row districts are experiencing a variety
of land use changes ranging from complete razings to being designated
as historical districts. As these new land uses occur, they are
severely eroding the supply of low-cost housing, thus guaranteeing a
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further reduction in the size of the skid row population. It is
apparent from the findings in this study that in many cities,
ex-residents of older skid row districts have already recongre-
gated in other areas to such an extent that mini-skid rows are
evident. These mini-neighborhoods tend to be much smaller in
population than their predecessors, and they do not possess the
mix of institutions--employment agencies, missions, and other
services responsible for the distinctive physical identity and
social organization of the older districts. Because such areas
lack both scale and institutional support, they will probably
never match the persistence or notoriety of the traditional skid
row neighborhood. Sociologist Vander Kooi makes this same point
with a little different emphasis when he writes:
The common assumption is that skid row will simply relocate
elsewhere. But if one is to hold to the classical definition of
skid row as an ecological "ma in stem,1I or to distinguish skid row
at all from other slums, then it becomes obvious that a skid row
cannot relocate in any cohesive way. For the most part former
residents look for their own housing because urban renewal
relocation programs are too cumbersome to serve more than a small
minority. Men go to areas where they hear other men are going.
Businessmen and missionaries have a hard time finding suitable new
facilities since they need places where the men will be provided
with all their daily needs, not ·just that which any particular
business provides.
Business-lodging areas are no longer available for new skid
rows in most cities. Business-slum areas may house new skid row
facilities but other inhabitants and businesses do not automati-
cally flee. So there is no room for the rapid development of a
main stem nor is t~eir sufficient economic demand to develop a new
complete skid row.
The findings of this study concur with Vander Kooi's statement.
Skid row will continue to exist for a number of years but not in the
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191
form that it has in the past. The trend is to smaller clumps of skid
row-like neighborhoods scattered in more diverse areas around the
cities. This move creates new problems for social agencies to provide
service to the residents. Economic factors are a major impetus in the
diversification. More profitable business enterprises restore the
deteriorated and typically historic skid row areas with their appeal to
the current interest in architectural preservation.
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Chapter IV Endnotes
1Barrett A. Lee, liThe Disappearance of Skid Row: Some
Ecological Evidence,1I Urban Affairs Quarterly 16 (September 1980):90.
2Ibid .
3Ibid ., p. 100.
4Ibid ., p. 102.
5Ronald Vander Kooi, liThe Main Stem: Skid Row Revisited,1I
Society 10 (1973):69.
(1)
(2)
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APPENDIX A
CENSUS DATA CHARACTERISTICS
In group quarters - This factor was selected because many skid
row inhabitants are without a permanent living quarters.(Sociologists use the term IIhomeless men" to describe this
condition.) They rely on "flop houses" to meet their needs.
Percent completed elementary and high school - These charac-
teristics were chosen to determine the educational level of
those inhabiting skid row. The popular belief is that these
individuals are poorly educated.
(3) Median income of unrelated individuals - Ski-d row inhabitants
are perceived as having very low income in relation to the
general population. This factor was selected to examine the
accuracy of this perception.
(4) Percentage of unrelated individuals - It has often been assumed
that individuals (single men) living outside a family structure
account for the majority of skid rows' population. An
examination of unrelated individuals will illustrate the
validity of this claim.
(5) Unemployed males 14 and older - Several studies have elaborated
on the high unemployment rate in skid rows. This factor was
selected to investigate the extent of the unemployment rate.
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(6 ) Percent of housing dilapidated and percent of housing built
1939 or earlier - These two factors will examine the condition
and age of housing located in the skid row areas. It has been
assumed by other investigators that skid row dwellings are some
of the most unsound and aged on the urban landscape.
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194
APPENDIX B
SKID ROW QUESTIONNAIRE
1. Would you outline the current (1978) Skid Row boundaries on the
enclosed map? The guidelines for defining a skid row are stated in
the introductory letter. If no area in the city is similar to
these guidelines, would you indicate this in lieu of outlining
boundaries. If the map doesn1t cover the area of town in which a
skid row is located, would you list the street names which comprise
the skid row boundaries.
2. If possible, would you outline the boundaries of skid row as they
were 10 years ago (ca. 1968). If this is impossible, please
indicate the fact.
3. If there are differences between the current skid row boundaries
and those of ten years ago, could you briefly account for these
differences? Have the boundary differences (1978 vs. 1968) been
the result of:
a) Historical restoration of the skid row area-- IIOld Town
Projects ll or IIHistoric Districts ll ?
b) Urban Renewal projects in the skid row area?
c) Relocation of the skid row area? If relocation has occurred,
where to and why? Is a new skid row developing in a different
part of town?
d) Has there been planned destruction of the skid row area? If
so, why?
e) Has there been a loss of missions and other public and private
agencies which provide services to the skid row inhabitants?
f) What factors, other than those mentioned above, have affected
the skid row area?
4. If a new skid row is developing in a different part of town, would
you indicate the new location by outlining the boundaries on the
enclosed map and distinguishing it from the 1978 and 1968
boundaries?
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195
5. If the old skid row (1968) is disappearing or has disappeared,
could you indicate, as specifically as possible, what is replacing
it (type of buildings and businesses, etc.)? Why have these new
buildings or businesses chosen this area? Is the replacement a
unified effort (planned) or individual in nature?
6. Would you estimate the population size of the current skid row
(1978)? How does it compare with 1968?
7. What seems to be the function of your skid row? A labor reservoir?
A "holding tank" for society's dropouts? etc.?
8. Finally, could you indicate what local planning policies, actions
or plans might have an impact on skid row in the next five years?
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APPENDIX C
LETTER TO CITY PLANNERS
12055 S.W. 118th
Tigard, Oregon 97223
January 15, 1979
Dear Sir:
I have a limited grant through the University of Oregon Geography
Department in Eugene, Oregon, to study the changing skid road (row)
landscape in several U. S. metropolitan areas with populations of
200,000 or more.
Because a number of cities are involved in this study, it is impossible
for me to personally visit each area. Consequently, I am asking you,
or a knowledgeable colleague, to serve as my source of information.
The enclosed questionnaire asks questions about the skid row in your
city. The map is to be used to establish skid row boundaries.
I am aware that the questionnaire is lengthy and involves time and
effort on your part. However, to successfully conduct the type of
comparative study I am attempting, with the resources ava"jlable, I must
ask for your cooperation.
As a geographer, I am concerned with the changing landscape of skid row
through time. I am mainly interested in changes in skid row boundaries
and changes in land use in the skid row area. The questionnaire asks
questions pertaining to both of these topics. If you have no skid row,
I Would also be interested in knowing that. If you are aware of
information pertinent to the study, but not covered by any of the
questions, please include it somewhere on the questionnaire.
One of the questions concerns drawing boundaries for skid row. The
definition of a skid row is based on the following criteria. Socio-
logist Samuel Wallace describes skid row as, lilt is that collection of
saloons, pawn .shops, cheap restaurants, second hand shops, barber
colleges, all night movies, missions, flop houses and dilapidated
hotels which caters specifically to the needs of the down and outer,
the bum, the alcoholic, the drifter. 1I Donald Bogue, another socio-
logist, defines skid row as, "... a district in the city where there
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197
is a concentration of substandard hotels and rooming houses charging
very low rates and catering primarily to men with low incomes. These
hotels are intermingled with numerous taverns, employment agencies
offering jobs as unskilled laborers, restaurants serving low-cost
meals, pawnshops, and secondhand stores, and missions that daily
provide a free meal after the service. Perhaps there are also barber
colleges, burlesque shows or night clubs with strip tease acts,
pennyarcades, tattoo palaces, stores selling men1s work clothing,
bakeries selling stale bread and unclaimed freight stores. Most
frequently the skid road is located near the Central Business District
and also near a factory district or major heavy transportation
facilities such as a waterfront, freight yards, or a trucking and
freight depot. 1I
If your skid row differs significantly from the definition outlined
by Wallace and Bogue, I would be interested in knowing about the
differences.
I appreciate your time and effort in completing the questionnaire. If
you are interested, I will supply a summary of my findings when the
project is completed.
Si ncerely,
Larry King
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198
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Fitzgerald, Connie. "Burnside: A Case of Planned Neglect. II Metropolis
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Jones, Michael P. liThe History of Third and Burnside Is the History of
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Books
Bahr, Howard M. Skid Row - An Introduction to Disaffiliation. New
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Chudacoff, Howard P. The Evolution of American Urban Society.
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Loy, William G. Atlas of Oregon. Eugene: University of Oregon Books,
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Murphy, Raymond E. The American City: An Urban Geography. New York:
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_________,. Skidmore's Portland: His Fountain and Its Sculptor.
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Minnesota SMSA. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942, 1952, 1962,
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U.S. Bureau of the Census. Census of Population and HOUSing: 1940,
1950, 1960, 1970, Census Tracts, Final Report, New rleans,
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U.S. Bureau of the Census. Census of Population and Housing: 1940,
1950, 1960, 1970, Census Tracts, Final Report, Oklahoma City,
Oklahoma SMSA. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942, 1952, 1962, 1972.
U.S. Bureau of the Census. Census of Population and Housing: 1940,
1950, 1960, 1970, Census Tracts, Final Report, Oakland,
California SMSA. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942, 1952, 1962,
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U.S. Bureau of the Census. Census of Population and Housing: 1950,
1960, 1970, Census Tracts, Final Report, Omaha, Nebraska
SMSA. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1952, 1962, 1972.
U.S. Bureau of the Census. Census of Population and Housing: 1940,
1950, 1960, 1970, Census Tracts, Final Report, Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania SMSA. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942, 1952, 1962,
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U.S. Bureau of the Census. Census of Population and Housing: 1940,
1950, 1960, 1970, Census Tracts, Final Report. Portland, Oregon
SMSA. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942, 1952, 1962, 1972.
U.S. Bureau of the Census. Census of Population and Housing: 1940,
1950, 1960, 1970, Census Tracts, Final Report, Richmond,
Virginia SMSA. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942, 1952, 1962, 1972.
U.S. Bureau of the Census. Census of Population and Housing: 1940,
1950, 1960, 1970, Census Tracts, Final Report, Rochester, New
York SMSA. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942, 1952, 1962, 1972.
U.S. Bureau of the Census. Census of Population and Housing: 1950,
1960, 1970, Census Tracts, Final Report, Sacramento, California
SMSA. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1952, 1962, 1972.
U.S. Bureau of the Census. Census of Population and Housing: 1940,
1950, 1960, 1970, Census Tracts, Final Report, Toledo, Ohio
SMSA. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942, 1952, 1962, 1972.
U.S. Bureau of the Census. Census of Population and Housing: 1940,
1950, 1960, 1970, Census Tracts, Final Report, Seattle,
Washington SMSA. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1942, 1952, 1962,
1972.
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Letters
Burke, William J., Jr., Philadelphia City Planning Commission,
April 1979.
Drew, William R., Milwaukee Department of City Development, June 1979.
Dumas, Gary, Corpus Christi Department of Planning and Urban
Development.
Herrell, Cecil R., Nashville Planning Commission, June 1979.
Indianapolis, Department of Metropolitan Development, Division of
Indianapolis Planning and Zoning, April 1979.
Indritz, Richard, Minneapolis City Planning Department, April 1979.
Jones, Roscoe H., Houston City Planning Department, April 1979.
Mailes, Felton, Sacramento Assistant City Manager for Community
Development, April 1979.
McCarty, John F., Toledo-Lucas County Plan Commissions, May 1979.
Memolo, Ralph, Boston Redevelopment Authority, June 1979.
Park, James C., Richmond Department of Planning and Community
Development, April 1979.
Schroeder, James M., Jr., Dallas Department of Planning and Urban
Development, February 1972.
Sikes, Andy W., Jacksonville Area Planning Board, April 1979.
Stalzer, William M., Seattle Downtown Projects Division, March 1979.
Stevens, H., Cincinnati Planning Commission, February 1972.
Watts, Larry, Birmingham Department of Community Development,
June 1979.
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Miscellaneous Materials
Burnside Neighborhood Committee. Position Statement of the Burnside
Neighborhood Committee on the Downtown Plan, September 1972.
Committee On Homeless Men. Report of Committee on Homeless Men,
Portland, Oregon, 1963.
The Portland Block Book. Portland: Portland Block Book Company, 1907.
Portland City Directories. Portland: L. Samuel, 1873-1875.
Portland City Directories. Portland: A. G. Wa 11 i ng, 1876.
Portland City Directories. Portland: S. J. McCormick, 1877-1881.
Portland City Directories. Portland: J. K. Gi 11 & Co., 1882-1884.
Portland City Directories. Portland: R. L. Polk & Co., 1885-1980.
Portland Planning Commission. A Preliminar Pro osal for a Com rehen-
sive Plannin Effort West Burnside, Lownsdale, Grand Union ,
1972.
Portland Planning Commission. A Profile of the People Who Live in
Downtown Portland, 1971.
Portland Planning Commission. North of Burnside Study: Analysis of
Economic Impacts: Assessment of Development Potentials, 1980.
Portland Planning Commission. Social Policy Report on the Downtown
Urban Renewal Area, 1974.
Portland Sanborn Block Maps. New York: Sanborn Map &Publishing Co.,
1879, 1989, 1932, 1955.
Shandler, Irving W. Portland, Oregon, Skid Road Project, 1974.
Newspapers
Schindler, Paul, and McNassar, Maureen. IISkid Road Future Bleak. II
The Journal, 1 October 1973.
IICheap Hotels Hold Key to Skid Road. II The Journal,
2 October 1973.
. "Residents of Skid Road Drifting Away,1I The Journal,------~5 October 1973.
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