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. WILLAMETTE
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VALLEY RIVER TOWNS AND STEAMBOATSj
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1
ELIZABETH LOUISE KEELER
I
A THESIS
Pi
and the
in
Resented to the Department of Geography .
Graduate School of the University of Oregon
partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
Master of Arts
i
i
March.1985-
• >'
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° Elizabeth Louise Keeler 1985
An Abstract of the Thesis of 
Elizabeth Louise Keeler for the degree of 
in the Department of Geography to be taken 
Title: WILLAMETTE VALLEY RIVER TOWNS AND STEAMBOATS 
Approved: 
Alvin W. Urquhart
iv 
Master of Arts 
March 1985 
This thesis describes the river towns along the Willamette River in 
Oregon. River conditions, adaptation of the boats to the river, and 
steamboat routes shown at ten year intervals illustrate the degree of 
accessibility of the various towns. Reasons for success or failure in 
light of factors of site, situation, efforts of townsite promoters or 
lack thereof are evaluated. Increase in population is used as a measure 
of success. Orientation to the river was reflected in town plans and 
location of land uses as shown in early maps and· views. 
(signature redacted for security purposes)
VITA
NAME OF AUTHOR: Elizabeth Louise Keeler
UNDERGRADUATE AND GRADUATE SCHOOLS ATTENDED:
University of Minnesota, Minneapolis
University of Oregon
DEGREES AWARDED:
Bachelor of Arts, 1973, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis
Master of Arts, 1985, University of Oregon
AREAS OF SPECIAL INTEREST:
Historical Geography
Anglo-America
Urban Geography
V
PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE: .
•- • . i
Research Assistant, Atlas of Oregon Project, Department of Geography,
University of Oregon, Eugene, Summer 1974
Teaching Assistant, Department of Geography, University of Oregon,
Eugene, Spring 1974
Cartographer, Minnesota Geological Survey, University of Minnesota,
Minneapolis, 1976-81
Teaching Assistant, Department of Geography, University of Oregon,
Eugene, 1983-84
VI
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I wish to express my appreciation to the many librarians who taught
me how to find historical and government maps and documents, in particu
lar those at the University of Oregon and the University of Minnesota.
Special thanks is extended to the interlibrary loan departments of those
universities whose staffs found and procured obscure publications from
a variety of sources. Special thanks is also extended to the map
librarians at the University of Oregon, University of Minnesota,
National Archives in Washington D.C., as well as the county surveyors
in the Willamette Valley.
I appreciate the valuable suggestions and interest of Al Urquhart,.
Ev Smith, arid Ed Price in this thesis, especially Al Urquhart whose
questions and suggestions untangled many difficulties, as well as the
unfailing support of my family and friends. In addition, I wish to
thank those who rendered cartographic assistance, in particular, Cathy
Martini and Michael Spyrou.
This thesis is made up of many fragments of information compiled
over a number of years. Although I have made every effort to eliminate
errors of detail and citation, I would appreciate correspondence from
local residents and scholars who find mistakes.
Vll
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter Page
I. INTRODUCTION 1
Background of Settlement. 9
Notes • 16
II. RIVER CONDITIONS 18
Water Level 20
Types of Obstructions • 30
The Channel 35
Snags ^ 39
Efforts and Types of Improvement 40
Results of Improvements.... • 44
Adaptation of Boats to the Willamette River : 53
Routes and Schedules 74
Notes 126
III. TOWN DEVELOPMENT 140
Notes 203
IV. RIVER TOWN LANDSCAPE • 212
Town Plans •• 212
Notes 293
V. CONCLUSION • 298
APPENDIX
A. FIRST DATE TOWN LAID OUT BY TOWNS ITE OWNER 301
BIBLIOGRAPHY 304
VI 11
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1. Number of Snags Removed 1811-1880........ 41
2. Imported Steamboats ....;.*.... . 56
3. Distance Between Towns by Rail and River. 99
4. Functions at Oregon City 1843-1867.................. ..* 167
5. Partial List of Functions by Population Size in 1850.. 173
6. Number and Type of Function by City in 1867..... 181
7. Steamboat Landings Within Towns 241
IX
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1. Willamette Valley Major Streams and Topographical
Features.. 3
2. Willamette Valley River Towns 10
3. Rock Island - 1895 19
4. Water Curves at Portland, Oregon 1879-1880 21
5. Water Curves at Albany, Oregon 1879-1880. 23
6. Clackamas Rapids - 1895 27
7. The Willamette River from Portland to Eugene City-
1875 . 32
8. Major Obstructions Between Mouth of Yamhill River
and Salem - 1875.. , 34
9. Section of the River Where Humphreys' Rocks Occur-
1875 36
10. Humphreys' Rocks Located Between Independence and
Buena Vista, 1876 37
11. Bowers Bar, Located between Albany and Corvallis,
1876........ 38
12. Sketch of Wing Dam, Upper Willamette 43
13. The Canal and Locks Around Willamette Falls at Oregon
City - 1895 47
14. Rapids Below the Town of Lafayette on the Yamhill
River - 1875 50
15. The Multnomah - Imported 1851 55
16. The Lot Whitcomb - Built 1850 57
17. The Wallamet - Built 1853-1854 58
1
Figure Page
18. The Relief, from the 1858 Lithograph of Oregon
City by Kuchel and Dresel 60
19. The Elk, from the 1858 Lithograph of Oregon
City by Kuchel and Dresel 61
20. The Jennie Clark, from the 1858 Lithograph of Oregon
City by Kuchel and Dresel ; 62
21. The Express, from the 1858 Lithograph of Oregon
City by Kuchel and Dresel 63
22. The Enterprise, 1860s 64
23. The City of Salem, Built 1875 65
24. Woodyards Between Sal em and Al bany - 1875 68
25. Number of Days Per Week Steamboats Ran Upriver -
March 1854. 82
26. Number of Days Per Week Steamboats Ran Upriver -
December, 1865 to February, 1866 86
27. Number of Days Per Week Steamboats Ran Upriver -
April, 1866 to July, 1866 88
28. Number of Days Per Week Steamboats Ran Upriver -
July, 1866 to October 1866 90
29. Number of Days Per Week Steamboats Ran Upriver -
October, 1866 , •• 91
30.. Number of Days Per Week Steamboats Ran Upriver -
November, 1866 93
31. Number of Days Per Week Steamboats Ran Upriver -
December, 1866 to February, 1867 94
32. Number of Days Per Week Steamboats Ran Upriver -
November 1874 103
33. Existing Railroad Lines - 1876 105
34. Scheduled Service: Days Per Week of One Way Trips,
December, 1874 109
35. Existing arid Proposed Railroad Lines - 1884 117
XI
Figure Page
36. Riverside, City View Park, and the Racetrack
North of Sellwood 123
37. Towns Platted - 1840-1844 141
38. Towns Platted 1845-1850 143
39. Towns Platted After 1850 144
40. Albany and New Albany 146
41. Warre's Map of Oregon City 149
42. Relative Positions of Willamette, Oregon and Linn
Cities 151
43. Road Network - 1855 152
44. Size of Population - 1850 172
45. Size of Population - 1860 179
46. Size of Population - 1870 190
47. Size of Population - 1880 . 194
48. Size of Population - 1890 196
49. Existing and Proposed Railroad Lines - 1897 198
50. Size of Population - 1900 200
51. Plat of St. Johns - Recorded 1850 214
52. Plat of Booneville - Recorded 1853 215
53. Plan of Portland - 1845 216
54. Plat of Oregon City - Recorded 1850 217
55. Plat of Salem - Recorded 1850 218
56. Plat of Lafayette - Recorded 1865. 219
57. Plat of Milwaukie - Recorded 1865 220
58. Loundale's Plat Map of Portland - 1852 222
59. Plat of Marysville - Recorded February, 1851 223
XI 1
Figure Page.
60. Plat of Dixon's Addition to the Town of Marysvilie-
August, 1851 224
61. Relative Positions of Plat of Marysville and
Dixon's Additions 225
62. Plat of Linn City - 1844 226
63. The Original Plats of Salem and North Salem 227
64. PIat of Canemah - Recorded 1865 229
65. Plat of Eola - Recorded 1855 230
66. A Portion of the Plat of Albany - Recorded 1871 231
67. Plat of Harrisburg as Resurveyed and Recorded
in 1866......... 232
68. Plat of Dayton as Recorded in 1865 233
69. Plat of Champoeg as Recorded in 1853.... 234
70. Plat of Jefferson 235
71. Plat of Peoria 236
72. Plat of Fairfield as Laid Out and Drawn in 1865 237
73. Plat of Buena Vista 238
74. Steamboat Boat Landing at Eugene... 242
75. Steamboat Landing at Butteville 243
76. Steamboat Landing at Lafayette 244
77. Steamboat Landing at Dayton 245
78. Steamboat Landing at Wheatland.... 246
79. Oregon City - 1845 249
80. Oregon City and the Falls of the Willamette 251
81. Champoeg and French Prairie 253
82. Champoeg - 1852 254
XI 1 1
Figure page
83. Butteville - 1852 255
84. Oregon City - 1858 259
85. Corvallis - 1858 262
86. Portland - 1858 264
87. Portland - 1865 266
88. Partial Reconstruction of Functions Along Front and
First Streets, Portland, 1867 268
89. Partial Reconstruction of Functions at the Second
Floor Level, Portland, 1867 272
90. Partial Reconstruction of Functions Along East - West
Streets, Portland, 1867 273
91. Partial Reconstruction of Residential Pattern of
Portland in 1867 275
92. Portland - 1873 : 277
93. Reproduction of Page 3 from the Sanborn Atlas of
Portland, 1879 279
94. Reproduction of Page 4 from the Sanborn Atlas of
Portland, 1879 280
95. Reproduction of Page 10 from the Sanborn Atlas of
Port 1and, 1879 281
96. Reproduction of Page 11 from the Sanborn Atlas of
Portland, 1879 282
97. Wharfs Along the Waterfront at Oregon City, 1889.. 284
98. Railroad Spur Along Waterfront at Albany, 1878 285
99. Corvallis in 1905 286
100. Independence, 1882. 287
101. Lincoln, 1882 288
102. Initial Arrangement of Functions in a River Town 289
103. Later Clustering of Functions. 292
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
The towns along the Willamette River were the points of contact
between the Willamette Valley and the eastern U.S. during the frontier
era in Oregon. As in other frontier areas, the river was the main
interregional connection between places because movement over roads was
slow. As people occupied land around these towns, they prospered as the
link between the region and the outside world. Traffic in incoming
merchandise and outgoing agricultural produce meant prosperity for the
towns. Accessibility via the steamboat transportation network was the
key to growth for these towns. Portland rose in importance as the
regional juncture between ocean vessels and river steamboats. Those
steamboats were the connection to other towns along the river and their
hinterlands. The degree of accessibility for each town changed con
stantly as new roads were built and the river and steamboats were
improved, and would change again with the coming of the railroad. The
degree of accessibility these towns acquired in part explains their
position in the hierarchy of places which existed by 1900.
However, accessibility was not the sole explanation for the relative
growth rates of these river towns. Other factors which contributed to
the success or failure of the river towns were site, in particular,
susceptibility to flooding; varied efforts of townsite promoters to
improve the situation of their town relative to other places and suc
cesses in gaining internal improvements; and ease with which settlers
could acquire clear title to the land. These factors make stories of
the early development of these towns more intelligible.
The Willamette Valley is located between the Coast and Cascade Ranges
in western Oregon. The Willamette River flows north through the valley
to empty into the Columbia River. North of the Santiam River, much of
the valley is hilly, while south of it the valley is a broad level plain.
In 1848, the area for 40 miles south of the mouth of the Willamette was
described as predominantly timbered, while further south it was predomi
nantly prairie due to repeated burning by the Indians.1
Bowen's map of the Willamette Valley shows the streams and major
topographical features of the Willamette Valley (see Figure D.2 The
Santiam, Yamhill, and Tualatin are those tributaries which were navigated
by steamboats at least for a time. The Tualatin Plains was an area of
early settlement which several lower Willamette towns hoped to make their
hinterland. The two largest prairie areas are on the east side of the
valley. First, Champoeg County, then Marion and Linn counties, of which
these areas are a part, would ship the greatest quantities of grain during
the steamboat navigation era.
In Chapter I, describing the, Willamette River transportation network,
I attempted to answer the following questions: (a) What was the degree
of accessibility for the different towns? (b) What were the river con
ditions that affected that accessibility? and (c) How often did the
steamboats reach the different towns along the river? To answer these
JS , *S /
20 MILES
MAJOR STREAMS
AND
TOPOGRAPHICAL
FEATURES
Figure 1. Willamette Valley Major Streams and Topographical
Features by William Bowen. Used with permission of the University
of Washington Press.
~*l
questions it was necessary to do some research on the steamboat trans
portation system itself. While not complete, the information I uncovered
is presented in three sections: (a) river conditions, (b) boat types
and their adaptation to the river, and (c) steamboat routes and sched
ules. Over time, as the river was made more navigable, as steamboat
routes became regular and fixed, and as-boats were increasingly adapted
to the river conditions, the towns became more accessible.
Variations in water level and obstructions prevented some towns from
receiving year-round service. The existence of a gravel bar downriver
from a town could cause a steamboat to turn back if unable to cross it.
River improvements in early years were done by town inhabitants and
steamboat companies. Steamboats always attempted to go as far upriver
as possible. As the river was improved, less time was spent hauling
steamboats over bars. Savings in time meant savings in money as labor
and insurance costs decreased. Snag removal meant boats were less
likely to be damaged or sunk en route, so cargoes were safer.3
After 1871, the Corps of Engineers improved the river. Railroad
building had begun in 1869, but river improvements were requested because
freight rates were usually lower if towns had access to both river and
rail shipping. Channel changes left some towns off the river.
Ascending rivers was more difficult, hence more costly, before the
introduction of the steamboat. The steamboat decreased the amount of
time required to reach upriver points. Steamboats were first introduced
on the lower Willamette in 1850. The earliest ones ran from Oregon City
to Astoria. As Portland emerged as an ocean shipping point, this route
was divided. Steamboats ran daily between Portland and Oregon City, at
the Falls of the Willamette. Other routes linked Portland with Astoria
to the northwest, Vancouver and the Cowlitz River to the north, and the
Cascades to the east. I don't discuss these Columbia River routes.
Above the Falls at Oregon City, steamboats began operating in 1851.
Three routes developed: (a) Oregon City to Dayton, Lafayette, and
McMinnville; (b) Oregon City to Salem, Albany, and Corvallis; and
(c) Oregon City to Eugene, at the head of navigation. On the first two
routes, Dayton and Salem were accessible year-round, although it will be
seen that the river had to be improved to Salem. The other points on
each route became accessible as the river rose. Eugene and McMinnville
were reached during periods of highest water only. Jefferson on the
Santiam was apparently accessible during high water periods only.
Attempts to introduce steamboat navigation on the Tualatin River failed
for several years. By the late 1860s, boats were finally introduced by
the Peoples Transportation Co., but only operated for a short time.
Steamboats made trips six days a week, sometimes twice a day, between
Portland and Oregon City from the time they were introduced. Sunday
service was not common, at least in the early years. Trips made three
days a week became common between Oregon City and Dayton. The number of
days per week boats/ran to Salem, Albany, and Corvallis was highly vari-
able. It was often twice a week to Corvallis in the summer and four
times a week in the winter. Salem usually got visited more days per
week than Corvallis, often getting five or six when Corvallis got four.
Service to Eugene once a week was advertised, however, one day notices
advertising individual trips on a specific day appeared for the same
boats at the same time. These might occur close together or as much as
ten days apart. This implies service to Eugene was even more variable
than the seasonal ads suggest.
Some steamboats were able to go farther upriver because of their
smaller size and better design. A steamboat design suited to the
Willamette had to evolve. Some early steamboats were imported from the
East, while others were built based on patterns settlers had been accus
tomed to in the East or Midwest. Most were wooden, but a few were iron
or iron hulled. The pilot house was built forward to enable pilots to
see obstructions better.4 Efforts were continually made to build boats
which "drew" less water. Sidewheel, sternwheel, and propellor driven
steamboats were tried in the early years. The propellor driven were the
least common, since the propellor could easily be broken by coming in
contact with an obstruction. After 1854, sternwheelers became the domi
nant type.
High pressure engines^ were apparently used most often. These had a
•i
wider range of reserve power. A reserve power beyond the normal range
i
was needed to ascend a difficult rapid, force a vessel over a bar, or
avoid a snag suddenly appearing ahead—all conditions likely to be en
countered on the Willamette River.
Chapter II describes the urban .development along the river. Several
more towns were begun than survived. The questions, asked here are:
(a) Where were these early towns? (b) What factors of site did town
proprietors consider? (c) How did early town proprietors try to improve
the situation of their towns? (d) How did these efforts affect the suc
cess of the towns? and (e) What were the reasons for failure of others.
Wade found that, on the frontier, most settlements were on the river,
"deriving their importance and prosperity from water connections."6 He
notes that western townsites were chosen for their commercial promise.7
In the Willamette Valley, the first towns were along the river.
Champoeg served as a grain shipping point for the French Prairie area.
The first platting of towns occurred at Willamette Falls in 1842, followed
by several below the Falls, platted in hopes of becoming the head of navi
gation for ocean vessels. Later, towns were platted throughout the valley,
both above and below the Falls;.
The survival of the river towns was attributable for the most part
to the efforts of town promoters. They made efforts to gain access to
both a hinterland and a position on the steamboat transportation network.
In both cases, the ease and rapidity of connection was important, as
well as the services and facilities the different towns provided. For
example, of all the towns making efforts to connect with the Tualatin
Plains, connection with Portlapd was most desirable because of access to
ocean shipping at that point. Each town's situation underwent constant
change. Many towns failed, and I examine the causes, in particular, the
flood of 1861.
The measure of success used here is increase in population. A series
of maps showing the population size of the river towns for each decade
from 1850 to 1900 is analysed to discover the effect that: (a) position
on the steamboat transportation network and, later, on the railroad
routes, (b) damage from flood, (c) position on road network, and
(d) efforts of town promoters had on town growth
8In Chapter III, the question asked is: How was the orientation to
river transportation reflected in the internal layout of the towns?
Wade points out that western cities were built in the image of those in
the East, in particular, Philadelphia.8 He describes the increasing
disappearance of trees and grass,9 the surrender of public ground,10
the decrease in yard and lot size,H and continuous building in business
districts which filled in empty spaces.12
In his view, "early planners connected regularity of design with
cities,"13 this "regularity giving the illusion of orderliness which
settlers associated with cities."!4 Town plats tended to be long for
maximum access to the river. 15 Names of streets reflected the river
orientation, with a Front or Water Street, and streets numbered from the
river.16 The waterfront became commercialized and residential building
moved inland.17
Town plats, early maps, and lithographic views are used here to
describe the layout and internal structure of the towns. The grid plan
was always used for the^river towns in the Willamette Valley.
Initial plats were small, with frequent additions, particularly
around 1850 when a town building boom occurred. Town plats were elon
gated because often settlers on adjoining donation land claims,would
each lay out a town. Sometimes this resulted in an upper and lower town
until they grew together. Several towns have streets numbered from the
water but a variety of names are used as well. Almost everyone had a
Front or Water Street as elsewhere in the West and Midwest.
Steamboat landings formed the focus for the location of stores, ware
houses, and mills which imported or exported goods. I have identified
Xsteamboat landings on available historical maps. They were near ferry
landings, often one street away. Boats moored to the bank of the river,
called wharf boats, served the function of wharves before any true
wharves were built. Wharf boats were in use in Portland and Oregon City
in 1851. Wharves were in use in Portland by 1858, as can be seen in the
lithographic view of Portland for that year. By 1865, passengers and
freight were handled at different wharves. The location of other urban
land uses is also described.
Figure 2 shows the location of the river towns considered in this
study, which were those towns to the head of navigation on the
Willamette, Yamhill, and Santiam Rivers. The Tualatin River is con
sidered separately due to the repeated failure of attempts to provide
steamboat service there, and I have excluded towns along that river from
consideration.
Background of Settlement
Settlement of the Willamette Valley began in 1829 when French
Canadians, formerly employed as trappers by the Hudson's Bay Company
settled the area between the Willamette and Pudding Rivers. At that
time, Britain and the United States jointly occupied the area. While
final negotiations were going on, American promoters encouraged settle
ment as a way to win the area for the United States.
Americans began to arrive in the 1830s. Methodist missionaries, led
by Jason Lee, came in 1834 and settled near Salem. Reinforcements for
their settlement arrived in 1838 and again in 1840, after Lee's promo
tional tour through the Mississippi Valley and New England states.I8
Multnomah C1ty\(fj?0 %,
Linn City (( %*£%, W
Corval 11s "Orleans
Boonevllle
Lancaster >Harr1sburg
Base Map: GLO, Oieqon Teniloiy, 1655
V^
Willamette Valley
River Towns
Figure 2. Willamette Valley giver Towns considered in this study.
10
11
Settlers continued to trickle in throughout the 1830s: missionaries
from other sects, settlers who had abandoned the Hudson's Bay Company's
Puget Sound Agricultural Settlement, families or small groups from the
East or Midwest, and other Americans formerly employed as fur trappers.
These settlers sold their wheat to the Hudson's Bay Company, and
bought their supplies from them. By the time American settlement was
being actively promoted, the Hudson's Bay Company had established a net
work of forts and trading posts in the area. In addition, agriculture
and stock raising were undertaken in order that this Columbia Department
of the Hudson's Bay Company might be self-sustaining. The company made
additional profits selling wheat to the Russians in Alaska. The company
established a warehouse at.Champoeg, twenty miles above the Falls, where
wheat was collected.19 Settlers bought supplies at Fort Vancouver on
the Columbia.
Annual overland migrations took place during the 1840s. Towns were
platted during this decade as landowners saw an opportunity to sell lots
to the increasing number of people coming in. The migrations of 1841
and 1842 were small, numbering about 100 and 150 respectively. A much
larger number, between 800 and 900, came in 1843, perhaps because Senator
Linn's bill to donate land to settlers passed the Senate that year.20
. By 1845, the Provisional Government census counted 2,000 people south of
the Columbia River. An additional 2,000 came in 1845, and half that
number in 1846. Two-thirds of the 5,000 who crossed the plains in 1847
probably came to Oregon.21
In 1848 the discovery of gold in California diverted a large number
of migrants from the Northwest to the Sacramento River Valley and San
cl
12
Francisco area. Also, many Oregon inhabitants left for the mines in
1848 and 1849 and some did not return. Those who did, profited from the
demand for lumber, wheat, and fruit for shipment to San Francisco.
The Willamette River, which flows northward through the valley to
join the Columbia River, was the main artery of transportation and trade
during the period of Oregon's early settlement. The roads were primarily
o
used to haul wheat and supplies to and from the nearest town or landing.
Travel over them was slow and difficult because they were muddy in winter
and dusty in summer. Most movement was by bateau, flatboat, scows rigged
with sails, keel boats, canoes, or rafts.
In 1846, the first year the Oregon Spectator was published, ads were
inserted for the Calapooiah, running on the lower Willamette, and the
Mogul, Ben Franklin, and Great Western on the upper Willamette. De
scribed as a sailing schooner,22 the Calapooiah provided service between
Oregon City, Portland, and Vancouver, Washington from 1844-1846.23 She
was apparently only able to reach Oregon City when the water level was
high enough to permit passage over the Clackamas Rapids.24 The Spectator
editor stated the Calapooiah was "plying regularly between Fort Vancouver
and Oregon City,"25 but her schedule was actually more irregular than he
implied, as is shown by the schedule to be found in a shipping report
inserted in the June 11th issue of the Oregon Spectator. The Calapooiah
arrived at Oregon City from Vancouver, Washington on the 4th of June,
sailed to Portland on the 5th, and returned from Portland on the 7th.26
Two other boats were built that May for operation on the lower
Willamette,27 but the length of time they operated and their schedules
are unknown.
13
In April of 1846, the Ben Franklin and Mogul were advertised on the
Oregon City-Champoeg route.28 They were to run twice a week for a fare
of fifty cents. The boats were capable of carrying between fifteen and
twenty passengers. A one-way trip took between seven and ten hours.29
Travelers often continued south from this point on land. Above Champoeg
the current became stronger, the distance by water greater, and access
to the river not easy until the mission at Salem fifty miles upstream
was reached.3^
In Tate May, 1846, the Spectator editor announced that a rival named
the Great Western had appeared.3! As seen in the following commentary,
while slow, the service offered by these boats was more regular than any
thing available before, and so was considered a great convenience. Before
this, travelers might wait at the Falls a week or more, daily expecting an
opportunity for passage on a boat going upriver.
Oregon Rivers
It is gratifying to see our noble rivers navigated by regular
lines of packets. Instead of being compelled to wait at the
falls a week or more, daily expecting an opportunity to get
away, we can now time our journeys so that we can reach Oregon
City on the sailing day of some of our splendid packet boats,
and without any detention, find ourselves gliding along on the
smooth waters of the Willamette.32
In October of 1846, the Mogul and Ben Franklin were again advertised
as the "Passengers Own Line" in the announcement that they had been
slipped into the water to ply between Oregon City and Champoeg for the
season.33
Sometime during this period, George Pease ran a Hudson's Bay Company
style batteau on the upper Willamette as far as Salem, and James Miller
14
operated a flatboat regularly between Canemah and Lafayette on the
Yamhill River. The Canemah-Lafayette trip of thirty-five miles took two
days for the. trip upriver and one day to return.
In 1850, Leonard White began operating the Salem Clipper, a keelboat.
As can be seen in the ad inserted below, navigation of the Willamette
above the mouth of the Yamhill River was more difficult as the water
level fell, and apparently not available year-round.
Is the Willamette River navigable above the mouth of the
Yamhill? The new Keel Boat "Salem Clipper"!!! will answer
the question by 1'nformin.g the public that she has successfully
navigated this "frightful" river during the summer, as far as
Salem, and will continue to carry freight to Salem, or any
other landing on the Willamette River, where there is suffi
cient business to justify it. This boat will continue to run
from the falls to any accessible point in the country above.34
Connections between settlements would be improved with the intro
duction of the steamboat. It signaled a new era in the trade of the
Columbia and Willamette Rivers.35 Travel time, particularly upriver,
was cut considerably.
And a trip on the river above, where it used to consume at
least three weeks in making it, can now, the water permitting,
be made in the incredible short time of two days, and that too
in a good comfortable steamer.36
The ramifications would be felt throughout the valley. That this was
perceived is shown, in the commentary to be found in the Oregonian for
September 1851 after the steamboat had arrived in Albany.
The importance and value of a regular and certain navigation
of this river to the prosperity of the territory cannot fail
to be appreciated by all. Heretofore the abundant produce of
the fertile valley has been suffered to go to waste for want
of a market. Our supplies have heretofore been transported
in wagons, at great expense, from the cities below. Ten days
are necessary to make the trip with teams, which it is hoped
will now be effected in two or three days by steam. And thus
a new impulse will be given both to the farming and mercantile
interests of the community while we trust our social interests
will also be not less improved and promoted by more frequent
intercourse with our friends below.37
The availability of this new form of transportation, coupled with
the expected increase in immigration from the passage of the Donation
Land Act of September 27, 1850 encouraged the rapid growth of towns.
Tis thus the change will be, and the day is not now very
remote, when these rivers will be covered with the busy and
ever "puffing steamer" transporting the produce from one sec
tion to the other. The towns already established will, in a
short time, grow into cities, and new ones will be constantly
springing up that will astonish all mankind with the rapidity
of their growth.38
15
16
Notes
1 Jesse Q. Thornton, Oregon and California in 1848 (New York:
Harper, 1849).
2 William Bowen, The Willamette Valley: Migration and Settlement
on a Far Western Frontier (Seattle: University of Washington Press,
1978), p. 7.
3 Constance McLaughlin Green, American Cities in the Growth of the
Nation (Great Britain: John DeGraff, 1957), p. 45.
4 Staff, Sternwheeler, "Columbia Gorge," Port of Cascade Locks,
Cascades Locks, Oregon.
5 Jacob Kamm Papers, Manuscript #1451, Oregon Historical Society,
Portland, Oregon; John Gates Papers, University of Oregon Manuscript Ax
36, Eugene, Oregon.
6 Richard C. Wade. The Urban Frontier (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press 1959), p. 29.
7 ][bid., P. 30.
8 ]bid., PP . 314, 318, 321.
9 ]bid., P- 311.
10 ]bid., P- 29.
11 ]bid., P- 311.
12 ][bid.
13 ][bid., P- 28.
14 ]bid., P- 27.
15 ]bid., P- 29.
16 ]bid.
I7 ][bid.
17
18 William Bowen, Migration and Settlement on a Far Western,
Frontier: The Willamette Valley to 1850, (Ph.D. dissertation University
of California, Berkely, 1972), p. 21.
19 Gunther Barth, Instant Cities: Urbanization and The Rise of San
Francisco and Denver (New York, Oxford University Press, 1975), p. 84.
20 Earl Pomeroy, The Pacific Slope, (Seattle: University of
Washington Press) 1973 p.29.
21 Bowen, The Willamette Valley, p. 13.
22 Oregon Spectator 28 May 1846, p. 3:3, Oregon City, Oregon.
23 Claude Rafael, "The First Steamer in Oregon," The West Shore,
May, 1879, Portland, Oregon, p. 134.
24 Oregon Spectator, 28 May 1846, p. 2:3, Oregon City, Oregon.
25 Ibid.
26 "Shipping Intelligence," Oregon Spectator, 11 June 1846, p. 3:3,
Oregon City, Oregon.
27 "Better Yet," Oregon Spectator, 28 May 1846, p. 2:3.
28 Oregon Spectator, 30 April 1846, p. 3:3.
29 Ibid., p. 2:2.
30 Barth, Instant Cities, p. 84.
3i Oregon Spectator, 28 May 1846, p. 2:3, Oregon City, Oregon.
32 Ibid.
33 Oregon Spectator, 1 October 1846, p. 3:2.
34 Advertisements, Oregon Spectator, 31 October 1850 - 29 May 1851.
35 Oregon Spectator, 11 July 1850, p. 2.
36 Oregon Spectator, 7 October 1851, p. 2:2.
37 Oregonian, 27 September 1851, p. 2:6.
38~ Oregon Spectator, 24 October, 1850, p. 1.
18
CHAPTER II
RIVER CONDITIONS
Since other parts of the United States had steamboat service in
1846, it is not surprising that the suitability of the Willamette for
steamboat navigation was considered by Palmer in his trip upriver in
that year. He traveled 125 miles above the Falls at Oregon City and
interviewed those who had gone farther. He evaluated the channel, the
obstructions, and the water level and current and pronounced conditions
favorable for navigation with a little improvement.
. . . Traveling up the river, five miles from the falls brings
us to Rock Island [See Figure 3]. Here is said to be a serious
obstruction to the navigation of the river. The difficulty
exists in there being several peaks of rocks so elevated, as to
be near the surface of the water in the low stage; and as the
channels between them are very narrow, and the water quite
rapid, boats are liable to run onto them. But the rock can be
removed at an inconsiderable expense. It is fifteen miles
above the falls to the first gravel bar, at which place, in low
water there is but three feet in the channel.
In traveling up the river about fifty miles, I found, in
addition to the obstructions named, four other gravel bars,
over some of which there were only thirty inches of water. In
going the next seventy five miles, I approached the river
several times, and found it to have a deep channel and smooth
current. Persons who had navigated the river considerably
further up, in their traffic with the Indians, informed me that
it continued equally favorable for navigation. From what I saw
and learned of intelligent persons, I think the smaller class
of steamboats could for most part of the year ascend 200 miles
above the falls.!
llocklslandK frW\Z^]^i
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Figure 3. Rock Island - 1895. From The Upper Wi11amette, Sheet 13,
U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, Portland, Oregon.
19
20
Water depth, current speed, riverbed characteristics, and channel
conditions were important considerations because they could limit the
length of the navigation season and determine the ease of steamboat
transportation. Below Corvallis, the water depth was described in the
Annual Report of the Corps of Engineers as ranging from three to twenty
feet at low water, while above Corvallis it was from twelve inches to
twelve feet.2
Water Level
An 1875 map of a survey of the upper Willamette between Salem and
Independence Bar, too large to be reproduced here, describes the average
depth of water in the line of deepest channel to be from ten to fourteen
feet. Shoal areas, which occurred at various points, had a depth of from
six to eighteen inches. The general velocity of the river was found to
be three-fourths to one and one-half miles per hour, which could increase
to six miles per hour at the rapids.3
Yearly water level variations on the lower and upper Willamette can
be seen on water curves reproduced here, which were submitted with Annual
Reports by the U.S. Chief of Engineers to the Secretary of War.4 On the
lower Willamette, the curves for 1879 and 1880 at Portland are presented
(see Figure 4). Variations from year to year can account for variations
in steamboat service from year to year. Changes are also apparent from
month to month. The pattern on the lower Willamette is a rise in May or
June, caused by backwater from the Columbia. Peaks in November, or
January through March, reflect rises on the upper Willamette during the
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rainy season. The most significant low water period occurs from August
to October.
On the upper Willamette high water periods are caused by rain during
the winter months and some snow melt in the spring. The example shown
here is at Albany for 1879 and 1880 (see Figure 5). The pattern shows
the high water period beginning sometime in November with periodic rises
from December to March. The water starts to drop in July, being the
lowest during August and September. Yearly variations on the upper
Willamette are significant because greater water depth in a particular
year could allow the extension of service to a place not usually acces
sible, or may permit easy passage over a bar that normally caused a
delay of an hour or more.
This variability in water level from year to year meant that the
length of the navigation season varied also. The difficulty of depen
dence on the steamboat meant that it was necessary to wait for the rise
in the river before shipment of produce could begin. Since the timing
of the rise varied from year to year, the farmers were unable to take
advantage of market fluctuations.
The people of that rich and beautiful county [Polk] are for a
large part of the year practically deprived of all means of
transporting their produce to the point of shipment. This is
the case with all the west side—except Washington and a part
of Yamhill—while those on the east side, through which the
railway passes, are compelled to choose between paying the high
rates exacted by the railway company, or wait, along with the
west side people, for the fall rains to bring the river to a
navigable stage. This is not only a great inconvenience, but a
positive damage to all parties so situated. They are shut out
from the market for months, and can never count with any reason
able degree of certainty upon the time when the river will rise.
One fall it is at practicable boating stage early in October, or
even earlier than that. The next it may be late in December
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before a boat can ascend to any point within reach of the wheat
farms. Thus are these farmers deprived of all opportunity to
take advantage of the fluctuations of the market as they might
do if they could lay down their produce in Portland on short
notice, and at all seasons of the year; thus are they com
pelled to hold their grain when they might, with sufficient
means of transportation, realize for it and have the money at
interest, thus are they unable to contract for delivery to
Portland at any definite time so as to secure the benefit of
the cheapest rates of transportation hence to the foreign
market. A merchant who charters a ship to sail from here at
a time definitely specified must be sure of having his cargo
ready to meet the ship in time to meet this condition, or
else he must get the cargo at such prices as will allow of
his paying demurrage for whatever period the vessel may be
delayed. But those who are forced to depend on the river
transportation cannot be sure of having the freight here at
the specified time. So they must secure themselves in the
other way suggested, or decline to purchase from the farmers
so situated. In either case the burden falls on the farmer.
The only way to remedy this is to improve the river.
This is plain.5
Both high and low water periods presented difficulties for steamboat
navigation. One of the most significant was the yearly cessation of
service mentioned above. Boats were unable to ascend as far upriver or
were limited in the amount of freight they could carry. For example,
when the Enterprise was unable to reach Corvallis in 1866, freight and
passengers were landed at Albany.
Boats - The P.T. Co's. steamer Enterprise, in consequence of
shoal water or the bars, failed to reach this place [Corvallis]
yesterday, landing freight and passengers at Albany. The heavy
draft boats will cease running to Corvallis until the "mist,"
"heavy dew" or some other agency shall furnish more water on
the bars. . . . The Echo will still continue to run to this
point.6
Falling water levels increased the time required to travel upriver.
For example, the Active was several hours behind schedule on a trip to
Corvallis in July, 1866.
Stuck - The P. T. Co's steamer Active was several hours behind
time, on Tuesday last, in consequence of getting stuck on
Matheny's bar, below Salem. The river is getting yery low,
and ere long, if it continues to fall, the keen whistle of
the boats will cease, for awhile to disturb our quiet slumbers.
In the meantime, we shall return to the more primitive, if not
more convenient, expeditious and high toned mode of freighting,
and enjoy a practical experiment of steam vs muscle horse
flesh, and dusty roads.7
25
Not all steamboats ceased running at once. For example, in mid-May
of 1854, the Wallamet stopped running because of low water,8 but the
Fenix was still making trips twice a week between Oregon City and
Lafayette,9 and the Canemah was making "regular trips" between Oregon
City and Corvallis.10 By late June, it was reported that the Wallamet
was to be launched over the Falls in order to be put into operation be
tween Astoria and Oregon City.H At the same time, the Fenix was only
going as high as Champoeg1^ and it was announced that the Canemah had
"hauled off" for the season.13
Steamboats attempted to move as much freight as possible before the
navigation season ended.
Rushing - The P. T. Co's steamer, Echo, Capt. George Pease,
touched at our wharf [Corvallis], on her return from Lancaster
at 10:00 A.M. yesterday. She was well laden—Capt. Clark and
all hands - handle freight. River falling and a great deal of
freight to go down. Just as she left the Active arrived. She
loaded principally with bacon.14
Late summer was the worst. In mid-August of 1853, the river was
reported as quite low, making steamboating difficult both above and
below the Falls.I5 In late summer, boats were not always able to go as
far upriver as Oregon City, stopping instead at the "foot of the rapids."
26
These rapids were caused by a bar at the mouth of the Clackamas River
formed by the sand and gravel brought down by the river (see Figure 6).
This situation required passengers and freight headed down river to
transfer at the "foot of the rapids," and await the return trip of the
boat to Portland.16 The Lot Whitcomb advertised that freight would be
forwarded from the "foot of the rapids" at the expense of the boat
during periods of low water.17 When the Columbia rose in the spring,
backing water into the Willamette, boats were able to pass easily over
the rapids.18
The fall rains were eagerly anticipated because they meant the re
sumption of steamboat navigation to points farther upriver. Merchandise
accumulated at Oregon City during low water.
Goods are accumulating at this point. The steamers above only
run as high as Champoeg, regularly, and at furthest up to the
mouth of the Yamhill River. Shippers and steamboat owners are
anxiously waiting for a rise in the river. A large increase in
business may then be expected. The river is gradually rising.I9
Extra boats were put on the Portland-Oregon City route when the
water level rose to accomodate the extra freight moving down the upper
river.
. . . after Thursday next we will have two steamers
plying between Portland and Oregon City daily. The increase
of business on the Willamette is in consequence of the rise
in the river, which enable the boats above the falls to do an
extra amount of freighting, and there is plenty for them to
do.20
Steamboats always attempted to go as far upriver as possible as the
water level began to rise, turning back when they could go no farther.
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For example, in the first week of October 1851 the Canemah had been
unable to go beyond Christian's Bar above Weston.21 She came within six
miles of Salem in late October 1851 before low water on one of the bars
made it necessary for her to turn back.22 On November 4th of that year,
the river was high enough for steamboats to get to Marysville
(Corvallis).
. . . the rains have set in, in earnest—the river is
quite full, and still rising—there has been a rise of 4 feet
—navigation has been resumed above to Marysville—the boats
are quite active--and steamboat stock has ris [sic] consider
ably.23
Extremely high water was marked by excessive currents which made
navigation difficult,24 and meant a decrease in the amount of freight
boats were able to carry.25 of three rises which occurred during the
1851-1852 navigation season, two were such that navigation was
impeded.?6 The rise in January 1852, the worst, is described below.
The recent rains . . . have caused this stream to rise some
twenty feet above low water mark. It being the first rise of
much consequence this winter, large quantities of driftwood is
[sic] constantly running in the river, obstructing and rendering
navigation for the time difficult and somewhat dangerous.27
Rock Island was a hazard to navigation during periods of high water.
During the pre-steamboat era, flatboats occasionally capsized there.28
Steamboats were harder to control during high water. Steamboat captains
turned back if they thought they would be unable to get through without
damaging their boats. In November 1853, navigation above the Falls was
temporarily suspended.
29
Navigation was suspended for several days above the falls last
week. Rock Island was the barrier. It presented a frightful
appearance. At such a stage of water it is impossible to stem
the Cascades there presented.29
In an attempt to get by this obstruction the Fenix knocked a hole
in the bottom.30 jne high water condition persisted into early December.
\lery heavy rains have fallen here for the past 8 or 10 days.
The river has been running quite full, and a greater portion of
the time the boats have not been able to make their way through
Rock Island. During the time specified the weather has been
comparatively warm. This will have the tendency to keep the
waters up, by the melting of the snow in the mountains. No
snow has fallen in the valley up to the present time.31
Merchandise also accumulated at Oregon City during periods of high
water.
River Business
Trade on the river Willamette is quite brisk; the boats are
running daily between this city [Oregon City] and the towns
below. The activity below and the temporary suspension of
business above, caused goods to accumulate at this point,
during the high water. At one time we were informed, over 200
tons were in store here, awaiting transshipment. They were
soon cleared out when the boats were able to run through Rock
Island. There are five boats running above the falls and four
below.32
Extra power was needed to ascend upriver past the Clackamas Rapids
when the water was high. In January 1873, the Maria Wi1 kins had diffi
culty ascending the river there because the water "swept over the rocks
with such velocity that ascending steamboats were compelled to put forth
extra power to pass that point."33 As will be seen in the section on
steamboat design, Willamette River steamboats had high pressure engines
because of their ability to provide extra power.
30
Floods were dreaded, of course, because of the damage they caused.
Service was suspended. The worst flood which occurred.during the 1850-
1900 period was that of December 1861, when the river rose thirty feet
above low water mark.34 Buildings, bridges, and fences were destroyed.
Towns which had been platted on the lowest river terrace were washed
away. Navigation was suspended for several days.35 The effect of the
flood on the towns themselves is further described in Chapter III.
Types of Obstructions
Ice
Occasionally, ice blocked the Columbia, lower Willamette, and sec
tions of the upper Willamette. When ice blocked portions of the
Columbia, small steamboats out of Portland traveled through Willamette
Slough.36 However, sometimes even this route was impassible.
The Columbia and lower Willamette were frozen in January of 1854,37
1856,38 1857,39 and December of 1879.40 The flood of 1861 was followed
by a period of freezing weather that closed the river for two months.41
The frequency of ice blockages prompted one person to call for the
building of railroads.
Commerce Stalled in 1868
If Portland expects ever to be a commercial city, it should
take steps to become independent of river transportation at
such a season as this. For several weeks the city has been cut
off from all trade and communication, except by Jamieson's
express. Now, is it not plain to eyery thinking man that a
community cannot aspire to the activity of a commercial city,
or hope for the wealth and prosperity which commerce commands,
when it is liable to be cut off from all its traders and sup
porters for weeks and months together? As well might we expect
31
the body to survive when all its veins and arteries are frozen
and dead, as to expect any place aspiring to commercial pros
perity, to flourish under such conditions. The remedy for this
state of affairs is plain—railroads.42
Ice was less of a problem on the upper Willamette. When the
Columbia and lower Willamette were frozen in 1856, the upper river was
open.43 in 1847, ice obstructed navigation by pre-steamboat craft in
the vicinity of Rock Island.44
Bars
Another impediment to navigation was gravel bars. They formed wher
ever the river widened abruptly or separated into two or more channels.
Gravel of varying size was carried downstream during annual river
frishets.45 As one went upriver, the gravel bars were covered with
fewer inches of water and the rocks were larger. Improvements were
required each year after fresh deposits were made.46
The number of bars increased as one went upriver. An 1876 report
counted nine between Portland and Salem, besides Rock Island, fifteen
between Salem and Corvallis, and thirty between Corvallis and Eugene,
twenty-six of which were above Harrisburg.47
More significant than the actual number is the extent to which cer
tain bars were obstructions to navigation. As can be seen on the repro
duction of a map transmitted with the Annual Report for 1875 by the U.S.
Engineers Office, most of those mapped and mentioned in reports and
newspapers as hazards were above the mouth of the Yamhill River (see
Figure 7). Two hazards below the mouth of the Yamhill River, Clackamas
Rapids, and Rock Island have already been described.

33
In 1852, the General Land Office Surveyor described Weston, on the
Willamette above the mouth of the Yamhill, as the head of navigation
during low water.48 Chrisman's Bar, located just above Weston, was men
tioned as an obstacle in July, August, and October of 1851,49 causing
steamboats to turn back when unable to cross it.
Of other obstructions between the Yamhill River's mouth and Salem,
an 1871 report by the U.S. Engineers named Mathenys (on later maps marked
Martineys) Bar, Beaver and Lone Tree Rapid, and Chitwood Bar the worst
because the channel was narrower and full of bends at these places (see
Figure 8).50
The following is a description of the method used by a steamboat to
cross Chitwood Bar.
In ascending the river, the boats hug the west bank until they
arrive about 150 feet below the wing dam; a line is then taken
from the boat and one end made fast to the pile, the other end
remaining on board wound around the capstan; the boat then
backs; the result is that she is carried into mid stream and
held there by the line. The engine is then quickly reversed, a
few feet of progress made, and the space line taken in. The
probabilities are that by this time the boat is aground. She
again commences to back, which throws a little water under her
and causes her to rise a trifle on the wave so produced. The
engine is again quickly reversed, and more progress made. This
process is repeated sometimes for hours, until the boat reaches
the pile, after which she has no more difficulty.51
Lone Tree Rapids was considered especially hazardous because the
boats had to cross against the current above the bar and could easily be
swept broadside against it. The 1871 report stated that improvement of
the bars in this section would decrease the time required to travel from
Oregon City to Salem by two hours and allow more freight to be hauled.52
Union Bar was mentioned in an 1876 report as a major obstruction.53
A8h/f\\
la land//J) \
Champoeg xb^\_^/y
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Major Obstructions
V^> Between
Weston yA Chrisman 'a Bar
n^36' the Mouth of the
Yamhill River
and Salem
(1 y*. Union Bar(( \\ 18'\y ^^^S Fairfield
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Matheny'3 Bar /C//35' fC^
I]Beaver Rapids
ft Lone Tree Rapids
/C~t=3l 17' Legend
Lincoln (1
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the bars, at the lowest
• summer stage, given In
Inches.
—' J\ Chitwood Bar
(ft\ 36'
(\ ]\Chiti3ood
\\l 1Js land
0 2 )/
miles J(T^mf^\Z \-
Figure 8. Major Obstructions Between Mouth of Yamhill River and
Salem - 1875. From 191-1, Willamette River, Oregon, RG 77,
National Archives, Washington, D.C.
34
35
Of obstructions between Salem and Corvallis, Humphreys Rocks (see
Figures 9 and 10) between Independence and Buena Vista, and Bowers Bar
(see Figure 11) between Albany and Corvallis were considered the
worst. The engineer reporting in 1871 thought that navigation could be
opened to Albany and Corvallis year-round if these two obstructions were
improved.54
Humphreys Rocks (later Judson Rocks) were basalt outcroppings.
Basalt also crops out at Rocky Rapids, Eola Rocks, and Rock Island.55
The engineer's description of 1871 is included here as an example of the
type of obstacle the steamboats encountered at these places.
The bed of the river is gravel like that on the other shoals,
but the obstruction consists of two rocky reefs, nearly
parallel to each other, about 150 feet apart, putting out from
opposite sides of the channel. The lower one projects from the
south shore, and is 125 feet in length, by an average width of
75 feet. The upper reef puts out from an island on the north
side of the channel for a distance of 250, and has an average
width of 100 feet.
These two obstacles cause the boat in ascending or
descending, to make two sharp turns in contrary directions
(like the letter S), and the current being rapid, nearly 400
feet per minute, has a tendency to throw a boat, in crossing,
broadside on the lower reef, which is covered by two feet of
water. The upper one is barely covered.56
The Channel
At medium stage the width of the river ranged from 400 to 2,000 feet.
At low stage it decreased to a range of 150 to 1,000 feet. The steamboat
channel, one-fourth the width of the river, ran from side to side.57
As can be seen on the 1875 map of the Willamette River from Portland
to Eugene (see Figure 7), the channel above Corvallis splits into an east
and west channel, and more sloughs are apparent, especially in the area
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north of Harrisburg labeled The Devil's Graveyard. Above Corvallis, the
channel changed yearly so steamboat captains bringing their boats above
Corvallis had to be prepared to encounter segments of the river they
had not traveled before.
These channel changes could make some upriver towns inaccessible, at
least for a time. When in February 1867, the channel changed, Lancaster
and Eugene were inaccessible for a time.
The River - The P.T. Co's. steamer Enterprise, Captain Miller,
returned to this city [Corvallis] last Saturday evening about 8
o'clock; remaining till next morning. The Captain had been on
an exploring condition, but could reach neither Lancaster or
Eugene City, in consequence of the change in the channel and
the formation of bars—about six miles below Eugene City, he
found only 10 inches of water. This will preclude the possi
bility of reaching the above points, except at high stages of
water.58
As the channel moved eastward, Lancaster was left off the river.59
Snags
The banks of the Willamette were timber covered and caved easily.60
Snags and sawyers were trees which had fallen into the water after the
banks had been undermined by the erosive action of the water. Along
parts of the Willamette, cottonwood, maple, ash, alder, and willows
covered the bottomland. Those that fell into the water floated down
stream and came to rest in a shallow spot were called snags. Where they
lodged, they obstructed the streams and collected gravel. Sawyers,
named for the sawlike action given them by the current, were trees
pointing downstream whose root end had become imbedded.61 Both were
40
dreaded, because if not seen in time, they could tear holes in the
wooden hulls of the steamboat.
As described in the Annual Report for 1876 of the Corps of Engineers,
length of the snags ranged from 20 to 200 feet, and circumference from 4
to 20 feet.62 The Annual Report for 1880 listed the number removed
yearly since 1871 when government improvements began (see Table 1).
These were removed, cut up into small lengths, and thrown out onto
the bank, far enough inland to be out of the way.63
Efforts and Types of Improvement
Efforts to improve the river for navigation were discussed as early
as 1846, four years before the first steamboat began running. A
memorial was to be proposed to Congress:
. . . for the purpose of obtaining appropriations of
money, to be expended in clearing away of obstructions to the
free navigation of the Willamette River above the falls; also
in clearing away obstructions below the falls; also in improv
ing the mouth of the Columbia River.64
Although requests for appropriations were made in 1850 by Governor
Gaines and Samuel Thurston,65 and a bill was put before Congress that
same year for a survey of the Willamette River to the head of navigation
and of the Columbia River to the Cascades,66 it appears that improvements
in the early years were done by those in the towns that would benefit
and by steamboat companies.67 For example, the money required to improve
the Clackamas Rapids was raised in Oregon.City.68 Improvements had been
made by late 1851. A dredging machine had been purchased, but arrived
too late to be put into immediate use that Season.69 /\ dam had been
Table 1. Number of Snags Removed 1871-1880
Number of Snags
Year Removed
1871-72 39
1872-73 222
1873-74 280
1874-75 900
1875-76 700
1876-77 901
1877-78 1,031
1878-79 753
1879-80 543
41
Source
Gillespie,
: U.S
Corps
. Cr
of
lief of Enc
Engineers,
ineers,
for th
Annual
e Fisca
Report
1 Year
of Major Georgi
Ending June 30,
2 L.
1880.
Appendix MM2 of the Report of the Chi ef of Erlgineers tc the Secret ary of
War. House of Representatives Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 2, 46th Cong., 3rd Sess.,
Congressional Serial Set vol. 155, pp. 2284-2288.
42
constructed to turn the water into the channel on the right side of the
island, using the force of the current to clear out the obstruction. An
1880 report evaluating the possibility of creating an eight-foot channel
depth to Oregon City states that this dam probably made the navigation
situation worse.70
In an editorial calling for river improvement, the Spectator editor
encouraged the people of Salem to clear the river for the advancement of
their town.71 When a month later, the Multnomah, on an exploratory tour
to Eugene, got stuck on Chrisman's Bar, twenty men from Salem helped the
owners of the Multnomah improve the river at that pi ace.72
Steamboat crews removed snags from the river.73 in 1851, the editor
of the Spectator remcommended that subscriptions be obtained for a fund
to pay for snag removal, but it is not known if this was ever done.74
The People's Transportation"Company, which operated in the 1860s,
built wing dams on Mathenys, Chitwood, and Runaway Bars, and also removed
snags.75
A wing dam was constructed by placing two logs diagonally across the
current and holding them in position with piles at each end of the logs.
Willow brush was lodged against the upper side and held in place by
gravel (see Figure 12).76 Sometimes logs not well anchored would be
carried away during high water.77 At places like Rock Island, rocks
were blasted down to the low water line.78
Improvement of the river above Portland by the U.S. Corps of
Engineers began in 1871 when the first surveys were made. Improvements
consisted of scraping of bars, removal and cutting of timber from the
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banks which had either fallen or were about to fall in the channel, and
the construction of wing dams to deepen the channel.79
Results of Improvements
Where in 1852, the GLO surveyor had declared Weston the year-round
head of navigation as stated previously, in the Annual Report of the
U.S. Chief Corps of Engineers for 1876, the engineer stated:
. . . Boats drawing thirty inches loaded can now piy
between Portland and Salem, a distance of 70 miles, at all
stages of the river; between Salem and Corvallis, a distance
of 44i miles, at all times, except during very low water, or
from November until July; and between Corvallis and Eugene
City, a distance of 57i miles during the winter and spring
rise, which generally lasts about six months. From Eugene
City to Springfield, 6 miles above, occasional trips have
been made during high water but the total number accomplished
thus far, I am informed, does not exceed ten.80
However, getting to Salem was not always easy. The same engineer
made a supplemental report in which he admitted, that on a trip upriver
in August, in a steamboat drawing twenty inches, "we were aground from 2
to 3 hours, and were absolutely hauled through the gravel bars by lines
tied to trees on shore and carried to our windlass. The wheel of the
boat was badly broken, and four rudders were carried away during the
trip."81
Even after the introduction of the railroads, there was a demand for
river improvement because water transportation offered competition which
kept freight rates down. In 1876, 300 new wheat warehouses were built
on the 60 mile stretch between Oregon City and Salem, which the reporting
engineer credited to the improvement of the river which transported by
45
water at cheaper rates than the railroads.82 At this time, the railroad
was built down the east side of the valley to Eugene, but on the west
only to St. Joseph, so some points on the west had no rail service.
The Falls at Oregon City required that freight and passengers be
transferred between the upper and lower river routes. Building a canal
was discussed as early as 1851.83
On the west bank of the Willamette, where the locks were eventually
built, improvements were made as early as 1853. In that year a company
of Californians, headed by Daniel Page of Page, Bacon and Company, San
Francisco bankers, bought land. As described in The Oregonian for 1870,
this company, named the Willamette Falls Milling and Transportation
Company, built a steamboat, dry dock, warehouses, and boat basins above
and below the falls for steamers to enter to receive or discharge
freight and passengers. They also rigged hoisting machinery in the
warehouse to transfer freight and passengers to and from steamers in the
upper and lower boat basins.84 The Oregonian editor was pleased with
this arrangement because he believed that this arrangement would induce
the upper river people to purchase supplies in his city, Portland, rather
than Oregon City. Oregon City had usually been used because of the
inconvenience of reshipping at the Falls.85 in addition, they con
structed a breakwater at that place from the upper basin to insure safe
navigation.86
This company announced the completion of their warehouses and the
opening of a line of steamers which would run from Portland to Corvallis
in February of 1854.87
46
However, the steamboat business at the Willamette was undergoing a
slump in 1854. Also, one of their steamboats had been burned while under
construction in January; the Gazelle exploded in April and the Oregon
sank. So the Willamette Falls Milling and Transportation Co., went out
of business in April 1854. The financial firm of Page, Bacon and Company
of San Francisco, California failed. To what degree the setbacks of this
enterprise contributed to this failure were not investigated.
According to a flood damage report in the Oregon Argus for
December 14, 1861, the Linn City Works, as they were then called, had
been used to transfer freight between upper and lower boats since that
time, but were washed away in the flood.88 How the site was used
beween 1861 and the construction of the canals and locks was not inves
tigated.
In 1868, the Willamette Falls Canal and Locks Company was incor
porated. An 1870 act of the Oregon Legislature authorized $200,000 from
a federal internal improvement grant for the project. This act provided
that the project be completed by January 1, 1873 and that the tolls not
exceed fifty cents for freight and ten cents per passenger. The state
was to receive 10% of the profits from these tolls for the school funds.
However, only one payment was ever made (see Figure 13).89
The locks and canal consist of a flight of four locks, each 210
feet long and 40 feet wide, and having a lift of about 10 feet
each. These locks are at the lower end of the canal. A canal
basin just above the flight of locks carrying the level of the
upper pool is about 1,250 feet long and a guard lock 210 feet
long at the upper end of this basin connects it with the upper
level. An upper entrance about 1,000 feet long makes the total
length of the canal, including the locks and entrance, about
3,500 feet.90
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The canal and locks were sold on March 8, 1876 to the Willamette
Transportation and Locks Company, which was later controlled by the
Oregon Railway and Navigation Company, and again sold on August 24, 1892
to the Portland General Electric Company. In 1899, the Federal Govern
ment made surveys as to the feasibility of purchasing the canal and
locks and did so soon after.91
On the east bank, McLoughlin had constructed a breakwater, which he
rebuilt after the flood of 1853.92 The People's Transportation Company,
which operated in the 1860s, made all their improvements on the east
bank. In the fall of 1865, they began to build a breakwater "extending
from the brink of the Falls on the Oregon City side, almost to Canemah"93
and a warehouse which was to be 150 ft long x 50 ft wide, with an in
clined plane reaching to the river below.94 Freight was to be raised
and lowered at the warehouse, "on cars drawn by water power on the
inclined plane."95 in November of 1865, the Oregonian announced that a
series of locks were being contemplated, and designs and estimates had
been made. The locks were to connect the basin with the lower river, be
forty feet wide, accommodate boats 170 feet in length, and were to have
six feet of water over the miter sill. The People's Transportation
Company was to construct these locks "when the business of the Willamette
River would demand it."96
On the east side of the river, a portage road was used to transport
freight and passengers between Oregon City and Canemah. The People's
Transportation Company had a portage connecting a basin above the Falls
with an area of quiet water below.
49
The Yamhill was the only tributary of the Willamette navigated for
long periods. The Annual Report for 1875 by the U.S. Chief of Engineers
described the Yamhill as a small river, flowing between steep banks,
covered with thick brush and timber. The portion immediately below
McMirinville was difficult to navigate because it was narrow and full of
snags. Both McMinnville and Lafayette were only accessible during high
water periods because there was a falls and a series of rapids below
Lafayette (see Figure 14).97 A canal was constructed near the turn of
the century.98
According to the Annual Report for 1897 by the U.S. Chief of
Engineers, the Santiam was considered navigable to Jefferson during high
water stages, but after railroads arrived, there was not sufficient
business to warrant steamboats running the river.99 During the low water
period, from about July to October, the depth of water on the shoals and
riffles between Jefferson and the mouth of the Santiam varied from eight
inches to two feet.100 Snags, overhanging trees, and several abrupt
bends were said to constitute hindrances to high water navigation but
were not impassable obstructions.101
Navigation of the Tualatin was first promoted in May 1851. It was
believed that a small steamboat would pay well on the twenty mile stretch
above the rapids which obstructed the first three miles of the Tualatin
above its mouth. A plank road was to connect the lower terminus of
navigation with Linn City or Oregon City.102
Other obstacles besides the rapids were snags and drift. In November
1851 the Spectator editor encouraged Tualatin Plains' inhabitants to
£,:,-c,'";" L.!ii%one
Figure 14. Rapids Below the Town of Lafayette on the Yamhill
River - 1875. W-194 Yamhill River, Oregon. Record Group 77,
National Archives, Washington, D.C.
50
51
clear the river so a boat could be placed on the river by December,103
and did so again in July 1852.
There was still no service by September of 1853, although a charter
had been granted.
. . . every place where a steamboat is needed is being
supplied with one, except the Tualatin River; it is still in
the background. We hope, however, the period is near at hand
when it will be supplied too. The charter granted to
Mr. Cooper and others last winter, has not been complied with
in any particular, we believe.104
In October of 1853, a dam and mill were constructed by James Moore
above the rapids near the mouth of the Tualatin. The Spectator editor
announced that navigation above this dam to the forks was "much talked
of," but referred again to the need to clear the drift.105
The Tualatin River Transportation and Navigation Company stock
holders met in October 1856 and decided to clear the river of obstruc
tions and build a dam at Moore's mill. A liberal investment in stock
was promised by the Oregon Milling and Transportation Company.106
The Swan, built by George Pease on the Tualatin in 1857, is iden
tified by one source as the first steamboat on the Tualatin, but it was
soon sold.107 in September 1858, an ad appeared for the Hoosier #3
stating she would "positively commence running on Monday, September 20,
1858;108 running during the season as far upriver as it is navigable."
The ad disappeared after a short time.
In February of 1867, the People's Transportation Company's steam
boat, Yamhill, began running on the Tualatin, despite bridges that
required a hinge be put in the smokestack so the boat could pass beneath
them during high water periods, and, in the summer, mosquitoes:
Captain Kellogg informs us that the P. T. Company's steamer
Yamhill is now making her regular trips on the Tualatin River
as far as Hillsboro. He says there is plenty of freight--
country produce--to come down from the head of navigation and
way landings.109
Further extensions of service were planned so that boats could reach
Centerville.
Recent developments indicate that the navigation of the Tualatin
River is not an enterprise to be derided, but that it will be
at least measurably successful. The stream has been cleared of
drift so that'it is navigable for boats of 30 or 40 tons as far
as Hillsboro, on one of its branches, and to a point within two
and a half miles of Forest Grove on the other. The north fork,
it is said, will be cleared of drift so that boats can run to
Centerville, some four or five miles above Hillsboro. It is
proposed by those who are engaged in the enterprise to deliver
freight in Portland from any of these points at six dollars per
ton.11°
The benefits of navigation to the farmers of the Tualatin Plains
were described:
. . . the navigation of the Tualatin will prove of great
advantage to the people who occupy the good farming country
through which the stream takes its course. Hitherto they have
been practically cut off from market for half the year, but if
in the winter season they can hereafter ship their produce to
Portland at the rates above mentioned, they will find the
arrangement highly beneficial to their interests. That the
stream will afford navigation for six or eight months during
the year is an established fact. ... During the summer
season hauling is comparatively easy from the plains to
Portland; but even then it is difficult enough. Transportation
for the winter months is a great desideratum, since the occupa
tions of the farmers during the season of good roads is such as
to save them little time to haul his [sic] produce to market.m
52
In September 1868, Captain Kellogg removed snags and fallen trees,
clearing the river for sixty miles from the mouth of the river. It was
53
planned that the Onward be placed on the Tualatin when the rains com
menced, to provide service from Colfax to Emrich's Landing in Washington
County.112
In 1869, the Tualatin River Navigation and Manufacturing Company was
formed to construct a canal and locks at the mouth of the river.H3
After this canal was constructed, it was discovered that the water was
too low for boats to pass through it. It was hoped the winter rains
would increase the level enough to permit use of the canal during the
1872-73 season.H4
These efforts to provide steamboat navigation on the Tualatin ceased
after the introduction of the railroads. An 1897 report of the U.S.
Chief of Engineers states that "steam navigation was carried on, when
the stage of the river permitted, for a few years previous to the con
struction of the railroad on the south bank, but without success."H5
Adaptation of Boats to the Willamette River
Besides the necessity of improving the river, boats had to be built
which were adapted to the river. Some of the earliest boats were built
in Oregon, but some boats were imported also.
In April of 1850, the Oregon Spectator editor announced that the
machinery for a steamboat had arrived, "accompanied by the workmen and
engineers necessary to construct it."H6 By June, others were under
construction:
We shall be looking, in the course of a couple weeks more for
the arrival of the Senator Lynn, which is now rapidly being
completed at Astoria, and intended to run between Astoria and
this city [Oregon City]. We further learn that there is
54
another steamer in progress of construction at Knighton's to
ply on the Columbia and Willamette Rivers. Two others are
also in contemplation for the Willamette above the Falls.
These facts clearly indicate that Oregon is not destined long
to move in a secondary orbit.H7
The importation of steamboats was tried because for a time it was
actually more expensive to build a boat in Oregon than to import it
because of the high cost of labor.H8
The Willamette was imported from Wilmington, Delaware in 1851, and
the Eagle, Black Hawk, Major Redding [sic], Firefly, Washington, and
Multnomah ( see Figure 15) from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.H9 Most of
these imported steamboats were \fery small (see Table 2).
Steamboats varied in appearance at first, not only because some were
imported, but because individual owners probably built the type they
were familiar with and believed best suited to the river. Both eastern
and western designs were used. The Lot Whitcomb was described as a
Hudson River type steamboat (see Figure 16),12° while the Wallamet was
built in imitation of boats on the Mississippi (see Figure 17).121
The importance of the source of the steamboat or its design lies in
the differences in the eastern and western steamboats. Eastern steam
boats featured a low pressure engine, deep hull, and were designed for
speed. They generally were equipped to carry more passengers.122
Western steamboats were shallow in draft, had high pressure engines, and
were designed to carry freight as well as passengers. The western
steamboat had evolved on an industrial frontier where design and con
struction changes were common, becoming adapted to inland commerce on
Fi
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Table' 2. . Imported Steamboats
Name Length Width Hold Measured Tonnage
200
15
10
15
10
20
75.
Willamette 160 28 7
Eagle 35 8 4
Black Hawk 30 7 3
Major Redding [sic] 35 8 4
Firefly 25 6 3
Washington 40 20 5
Multnomah 100 18 6
Source: U.S. Chief of Engineers, "Steamboats Out of Service,"
Annual Report of Major George L. Gillespie, Corps of Engineers, for the
Fiscal Year Ending June 30, 1880. Appendix MM1 of the Report of the
Chief of Engineers to the Secretary of War. House of Representatives Ex.
Doc. 1, pt. 2, 46th Cong., 3rd Sess., Congressional Serial Set vol. 155,
pp. 2273-2274.
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the Mississippi-Ohio system by the early 1840s. These boats were low
cost and short lived.123
Steamboats were constructed in the summer, to be completed to enter
business in the fall. For example, construction of the Wal1ametl24 and
Belle of Oregon Cityl25 was begun in late May of 1853 and completed in
October.
By the late 1850s (see Figures 18, 19, 20, and 21), steamboats began
to appear very similar. New boat designs copied the size and capacity
of successful boats.126 what evolved were steamboats which were flat-
bottomed, usually sternwheel boats using high pressure engines for the
extra power required. The texas was moved forward probably to enable
the steamboat captain to see the rock and gravel obstructions in the
river (see Figure 22).127 in later years, they became more ornate (see
Figure 23).
The Gazelle, with a hull measuring 120 ft. in length and 20 ft. in
width, a 6 ft. depth of hold, and a measured tonnage of 110, was
described as a large class boat, "as large as they should be made in
order to conveniently navigate the Willamette at its average stages of
water."128 Smaller steamboats replaced larger ones as water levels fell.
Another steamboat constructed by the same company that owned the
Gazelle is described below. The dimensions of the cylinder together
with the number and size of the boilers were the customary measure of a
steamboat's power.129 Steamboats commonly had two engines. Adding a
second engine increased a boat's power as well as overcoming other dis
advantages of boats run with only a single engine. With a single engine
there was an "uneven flow of power resulting from the momentary cessation
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66
of the engine's motion at the end or dead point of each stroke,"130 so
the boat moved forward unevenly and vibrated. On the sidewheel steam
boats each engine was connected separately with its own paddle wheel,
while on the sternwheel steamboats they were "coupled to opposite ends
of the paddle wheel shaft by cranks set at a ninety degree angle."131
With each engine connected to its own paddle wheel, the wheels could be
run in opposite directions for greater maneuverability and turning
power, especially important where swift currents, sharp bends, and fre
quent landings made it difficult to depend on rudder action alone.132
Flues were usually twelve to sixteen inches in diameter and if well
constructed, the same or greater thickness of iron than the boiler
shell.133 Two flues for each boiler was standard practice.134
The new steamer of the "Willamette Falls Milling and Transpor
tation Company" will have a great bearing on the water, and as
of necessary consequence will be of light draught. The dimen
sions, etc., are as follows: length of keel 135 feet; length
of deck 140 feet; beam 25 feet; and from out to out on the
guard 39i feet, and four foot hold; her tonnage is 151 tons,
but she will carry 200 tons; it will be propelled by two
engines, each cylinder measuring fourteen inches in diameter,
and having four foot stroke; there are two boilers 26 feet in
length and 42 inches in diameter, containing two flues in
each of 15 inches, and all the ends are made of heavy wrought
iron, with connecting rods running the entire length of the
boiler, and also crosswise of the same. All the machinery
and boilers tog were manufactured at the "Sutter Iron Works,"
San Francisco.135
Engines for early steamboats were procurred in the East, imported
from France, or as noted above, manufactured in San Francisco. By 1858,
the Willamette Iron Works in Oregon City, owned by Rossi and Co., were
providing machinery for some steamboats like the Relief.136* Engines
67
continued to be purchased in San Francisco. The high pressure engines
used in the Alert, built in 1866, were purchased in San Francisco.137
High pressure engines seem to have been the dominant type on the
Willamette River, and were probably best for conditions there. The
options were a low pressure condensing engine, or a high pressure non-
condensing engine. In the latter, the steam drove the piston directly,
and the steam exhausted into the air.138
High pressure engines weighed less, took up less space, were easier
and cheaper to build, and had fewer moving parts which meant lower
repair costs.139 They also had a wider range of power. Their reserve
power could be drawn upon when needed to ascend difficult rapids, force
a boat over a bar, or avoid a snag suddenly appearing ahead,140 all con
ditions likely to be encountered on the Willamette.
While one advantage of the low pressure engine was more economical
use of fuel, this was not a consideration where fuel was abundant.141
Before enough woodyards were established along the Willamette, boats
were required to take enough for the entire trip or to carry axes and go
ashore to cut wood when the supply ran out.142 The first woodyard was
established by Robert Newell in 1851 at Champoeg.143 Maps made in 1875
by the U.S. Corps of Engineers of the Willamette from Salem to Eugene
show several woodyards between Salem and Albany, with a concentration
between Independence and Buena Vista (see Figure 24). No comparable map
of the same time was found for the Portland to Salem stretch of the
river, so it is not known whether a similar concentration of woodyards
existed below Salem. Perhaps, this concentration indicates the point
where most steamboats had to replenish their supply, particularly if
Independence
miles
Salem
Woodyards Between
Salem and Albany
l0 Ankeny's Landing
Legend
A Uoodyard
Figure 24. Woodyards Between Salem and Albany - 1875. FromW-191-
1, Willamette River, R. G. 77, National Archives, Washington, D.C.
68
69
they intended to reach Eugene, or had used a considerable amount in
navigating the bars and rapids above the mouth of the Yamhill which
required extra power. The Welcome, which ran at a speed of 14 mph, used
one-half cord of wood per hour.144
How long a boat was able to operate depended on her construction.
Efforts were continually made to build boats which drew less water.
Since the river could not be improved for year-round navigation above
Salem, the Spectator editor called for the construction of steamers
adapted to the local rivers.
Such boats of light draught and great power should be con
structed, as will at once overcome the obstacles created by
our stong currents, and in the dry season, that caused by the
falling of the water, and consequent shallowness on many places
of our streams.145
The Canemah, constructed in 1851, seemed to be so adapted. The
Spectator editor proudly announced that "the Canemah, with her entire
machinery on board, only draws 11 inches of water. This being the case,
she will be able to freight from 50 to 100 tons of freight at any stage
of water."146 The boat drew seventeen inches when loaded.147 Boats in
use by the 1870s drew thirty inches, although some which drew twenty had
been constructed.148 By 1889, the construction of boats of light draft
permitted the boats owned by the Oregon Pacific to reach Corvallis for
all but two months of the year.149
Some steamboats were able to run when water levels were lower because
they were smaller or, because of their design, drew fewer inches of
water. For example, in August of 1851, the smaller Hoosier was still
running when unusually low water caused the Washington to be withdrawn.
70
The river above is said to be unusually low for this time of
the year; although not as low by some 10 or 15 inches as at
extreme low water. The Yamhill steamer runs regularly to
Dayton, and has had the trade, since the withdrawal of the
Geo. Washington, in her own hands.150
It was a common practice, especially in the early days when boat
sizes and designs were more variable, for boats to be moved to a dif
ferent route if they were unsuitable for upper Willamette service. Some
returned when the/water level increased. Others were taken off perma
nently and tried elsewhere.
The difficulty for the Washington was that she was a propellor
steamboat, not suited for the upper Willamette because the propellors
could easily be broken off when coming in contact with an obstruction.
The sidewheel steamers appear to succeed best in shoal water.
The propellors requiring to be submerged to give them power
which subjects them to the possibility of coming in contact
with the obstructions in the bed of the river. Though the
bottom of the river in most of the shoal places is a compound
of sand and gravel and cannot prove dangerous to the first men
tioned class of steamers.151
Paddle wheels were preferable to propellors also because they worked
well in either direction, were more easily repaired because they were of
wood construction, and were more accessible for repair because they were
out of the water in large part.152
After its introduction, sternwheelers were used almost exclusively
on the upper Willamette.153 Sternwheelers had been introduced on the
lower river in 1855 when the Jennie Clark had been put on the Portland-
Oregon City run. The first sternwheeler on the upper Willamette was the
Enterprise.
71
After their rudder design was modified, sternwheelers were an im
provement over sidewheelers because they were easier to handle, lighter,
and since their paddle wheels weren't submerged as much, were able to
run when the water level was lower.
Willamette River steamboats carried both passengers and freight. A
boat might be switched to another route if the percentage of freight to
passenger capacity made them unsuitable for Upper Willamette service.
For example, the steamboat Wallamet (also spelled Willamette in some
references) was able to accommodate 200 passengers.154 In the summer
of 1854, she was transferred from the upper Willamette to the lower
because her passenger capacity outweighed her freight capacity.155 in
comparison, the smaller Enterprise was designed to carry fifty passen
gers. I56 On a trip made in 1852, the Canemah brought downriver 150 tons
of grain and about 40 passengers.I57
Boats could be withdrawn from the river for lengthening or the
addition of more powerful machinery.158 Steamboats were also withdrawn
temporarily to repair damage. The length of time varied. The Lot
Whitcomb sank arid was disabled for two weeks after being dashed against
the rocks!59 opposite Milwaukie.
•••-.'. . the boat became perfectly unmanageable in the
whirlpool, just above, or opposite Milwaukie, when descending
the river on Friday of last week, and the force of the current
being so' strong as to dash her broadside against a ledge of
rocks. I60
When steamboats were damaged, transportation might be temporarily
suspended.
72
The propellors Washington and Eagle were both disabled for
several days last week. The communication between this city
and Portland, was in consequence temporarily suspended. The
unarrival of the boats referred to for the time, was seriously
felt by the traveling public, so important has the trade become
between the two points above named.161
Usually, however, a damaged steamboat was just replaced by another.
For example, when the Canemah collapsed both flues of one of her boilers,
she was temporarily replaced on her route by the Fenix.162 if the damage
was substantial, the machinery would be removed and put in a new boat.
Steamboats could be damaged by encountering a snag. The type of
damage varied. For example, the Oregon sank after encountering a
snag,163 while part of the wheelhouse was carried away when the Multnomah
struck one.164 Driftwood could damage wheels.165 Propellors could be
broken off in an attempt to run a shallow section of the river.166
Major and minor explosions occurred when flues collapsed.167 The
worst explosion occurred when the Gazelle exploded, killing 30 people.168
Some steamboats burned. One being built by the Willamette Falls
Milling and Transportation Company was burned while under construction
on the stocks a few days before it was to be launched, probably because
of the potential competition it represented.
The loss falls not only on the company, but it effects the
interest of the entire up country trade. In the event of its
running the price of transportation would have been lessened.
The merchants above will regret its loss.169
Those in a town to be served by a particular steamboat invested in
stock, often in an effort to ensure navigation to their town. In 1863,
the citizens in Eugene invested in stock in a steamboat. While this
73
boat was a potential competitor of the P. T. Co., even those with stock
in that company subscribed for stock in the new enterprise.
. . . let me add that it is more than rumored here that
another steamboat enterprise is on foot, to put a new boat on
the river to ply between Canemah and Eugene City, and that
something like $10,000 of the stock has already been taken,
and a fair share of that in this place. The citizens of this
place seem generally to express themselves that the plan, if
put in operation, will secure what we have so long needed—a
regular boat to this place. And, of course, the People's
Company will welcome any new scheme that promises to develop
the resources and build up the trade of the country, and thus
increase the commerce of the river. ... In fact, some of
those who have taken stock here, are persons who have
subscribed to the stock of the P. T. Company. . . .1/u
Some of those who invested in steamboats were merchants. For
example, for a time, the Lot Whitcomb was owned by George Abernethy and
Co.171 The Allan was owned by Allan, McKinley and Company, who were in
business in Oregon City.172
Both the Welcome and the Multnomah traveled at speeds of 14 mph. In
June of 1852, the Multnomah made a trip from Portland to Oregon City in
one hour, fifteen minutes.I73 While the rate of travel of steamboats
may have varied, at this rate the running time to Salem would have been
four hours, to Corvallis, seven and one-half, and to Eugene, eleven and
one-half.
When the steamboat was first introduced, several exploratory tours
were made by steamboats to discover how far upstream the river was
navigable. The Washington traveled upriver in July 1851, reaching Dayton
on the Yamhill River and Cincinnati on the Willamette.I74 The Multnomah
attempted to reach Eugene in August 1851, but got stuck on Matheny's
Barl75 near Wheatland. However, points as far as Corvallis were reached
74
in September 1851 when the Multnomah made another attempt after the
water rose.176 Points between Corvallis and Harrisburg were first
reached in December 1853.when the Fenix made an exploratory tour.177
Eugene was reached by steamboat on March 12, 1857,178 after a trip which
took three days. Springfield was not reached for ten more years, in
April 1867.179
The appearance of the steamboat was seen as the start of a new era
in the trade of the Columbia and Willamette Rivers.I80 As seen in the
commentary below, business increased with the lowered rates of freight
and passage as communication became "easy, cheap and reliable." The
fate of towns was determined.
River Trade
Within the past summer important changes have dawned upon the
commercial prospects of the interior of our Territory. Changes
which have doubtless determined the destiny of many of the
principal business points on the upper Willamette, and rendered
communication with the upper country easy, cheap and reliable.
Several first class steamers are already running above this
city, and created new facilities for the transaction of a
ripening and vigorous trade, fast developing itself between
this city and the counties south. . . .
Freight and passage on the rivers are comparatively low,
and hence the great increase of business with the more remote
sections of our Territory. The spirit of progression is emi
nently entertained by our citizens, and already the iron links
of navigation are binding the interests of the towns and county
south of us in close connection with those of our city, and
convincing the most incredulous of the immense importance of
our position.181
Routes and Schedules
The first steamboats operated independently, each operator choosing
his own route and schedule. They tried several routes, not only because
75
of changing demands for service but because early boats had to be tested
for suitability for particular river conditions. This irregularity is
confirmed in the description of service available in October 1851.
The facilities have so improved above the falls that we now
have a daily boat to Champoeg, a distance of about 23 miles,
and a boat every two days at a point some 11 miles farther up
and a distance six miles above the junction, on the Yamhill
river; and as soon as the water will admit of it, there will
be a weekly communication between the falls and Marysville,
the highest accessible point on the Willamette. The increas
ing business on the upper Willamette has not been commensurate
with the multiplication of boats. But we confidently antici
pate a great augmentation of trade, when the business of
locating shall become systemized and regularly arranged so
that a man on business can go from one point to another as
fast as steam can carry him and return again at the precise
time he wishes. Then, and not until then, can we expect order
and strict punctuality, two of the most important things in
successful trading.182
Service became more regular with the establishment of lines. While
some boats still ran independently, many became part of a line. The
formation of a line meant that steamboats were running acording to a
schedule, usually to connect with boats on another route. The routes
considered here are: (a) the Portland to Oregon City route on the lower
Willamette; and on the upper river, (b) the Oregon City to Dayton,
Lafayette, and McMinnville route; (c) the Oregon City to Salem, Albany,
and Corvallis route; and (d) the Oregon City to Eugene route.183
On the lower Willamette, the first line was the Union Transportation
Line, composed of the Black Hawk and Columbia offering service on the
Portland to Oregon City route from September 1851 to January 1852.184
When first introduced, the Columbia, and later the Lot Whitcomb, ran the
entire distance from Astoria to Oregon City. After May 1851, when the
76
Black Hawk, began running on the Portland to Oregon City route, a partic
ular steamboat, usually ran this section, connecting with other steamboats
at Portland for Astoria.185 After associating as a line, the Columbia
left Portland in the morning, and the Black Hawk left Oregon City in the
afternoon. Usually each apparently went the entire distance, but when
boats were unable to reach Oregon City due to low water on the Clackamas
Rapids, boats from Portland stopped at a place at first called Walling's
Landingl86 ancj5 after 1850, Willamette City, and those from Oregon City
ran to the rapids and back.187
Another line on this route from November 1853 to July 1854 was the
People's Line, composed of the Portland and Multnomah,188 The
Willamette Falls Milling and Transportation Company, which operated from
February to April 1854, and the Citizens Line, which existed in 1856,
both offered connecting service by one boat on the Portland to Oregon
City route and others on the upper Willamette routes. The Willamette
Falls Milling and Transportation Company, formed in early 1854, ran the
Belle on the lower river and the Oregon and Gazelle on the upper
Willamette.189 The Enterprise ran on the upper Willamette in 1856 as
part of the Citizens Line, connecting with the Portland on the lower
Willamettel90 and in 1857 ran as part of the Enterprise Line,191 con
necting with the Express on the lower Willamette.
The Defiance and Citizens Accomodation Lines provided service only
on the upper Willamette. The Defiance Line was composed of the Wallamet
and Canemah, which were soon joined by the Fenix. This line began run
ning in November 1853.192 The Canemah and Fenix, renamed the Franklin,
made up the Citizens Accomodation Line which ran during December 1854.193
77
Gold from California coming in payment for Oregon lumber, wheat, and
other produce, and brought back by returning miners, financed the early
steamboats. Oregon experienced an era of prosperity during the first
half of the 1850s. By December 1851, boats were running as far as
Marysville (Corvallis). Two boats provided daily service between
Portland and Oregon City, and two were running on the upper Willamette
once a week.194 in February 1852, the Spectator editor reported that:
. . . business is rapidly increasing on our rivers, and the
boats are all doing a good business, and traveling has kept
pace with the advance in business. A large portion of the
trade with the mines passes up the Williamette Valley.195
In December 1853, trade was reported "quite brisk" with boats running
daily between Oregon City and "the towns below." Five boats were
running above the Falls and four below.196
By January 1854, the first hint of an economic slowdown was evident
in the Spectator editor's comment: "a pretty heavy business is being
done here this season, but it is divided among a great number."197 By
March 1854, he reported scarce freight and an overabundance of steam
boats:
The Willamette River is at a convenient stage, at the present
time for steamboats. Freights are scarce. Only three steamers
are making regular trips between this city and Salem, and only
two are running to Corvallis. On the lower river, three
steamers are doing the business, and we presume could do three
times the amount if they had it to do. Capitalists would do
better at most anything now than building Willamete river
steamers. We've got a great plenty on hand, and two to spare. 198
In October 1856, the Spectator editor reported that five boats were
once again running on the upper river, with a sixth soon to be added.199
78
The number of advertisements began decreasing after 1855. Oregon
experienced a depression from 1859 to 1861 after California's demand
for lumber and produce declined. During this depression, several steam
boats were tied up.200 Rates of freight and passage were high as com
binations were formed with those boats running, sharing profits with
those tied up. The Farmers and Shippers Transportation Company was
formed to promote the formation of transportation companies owned and
operated by the farmers and shippers so that freight rates would reflect
the actual cost of running the boat.201
The number of days per week boats ran, and the number of boats run
ning to each town will serve as a measure of accessibility. The period
in the 1850s for which the most ads are available is the 1853-1854 navi
gation season. Most of the ads shown below were inserted in December
1853 and ran until July 1854. The particular month shown in March
1854, the time the Spectator editor described as one with an overabun
dance of steamboats to carry the available freight, so readers should
view this example as the greatest number of boats running, not as an
average.
In March 1854, the Willamette Falls Milling and Transportation
Company added a third boat to their line. Their announced schedule was
as follows:
Willamette Falls Transportation Company
Through line of steamers from Portland to Corvallis
BELLE, OREGON and GAZELLE
The steamer BELLE, Capt. W. Wells, will make daily trips to
and from Portland (Sundays excepted), leaving the company
warehouse at half past 7 o'clock P.M.; Oregon City at 8;
Milwaukie, half past 8; arriving at Portland at half past 9.
Returning, will leave Portland at 2 o'clock P.M.; arriving at
the falls at 4 P.M.
Passage from the falls to Milwaukie—$1.00; Portland—
$2.00 and returning at the same rate.
The Company's new and splendid steamer GAZELLE, Capt. R.
Hereford, will commence her regular trips on Tuesday, March
14th, at 7:00 o'clock A.M. and will run as follows—
Leaving the Co.'s warehouse on Tuesdays and Fridays of
each week at 7 o'clock A.M. Returning will leave Corvallis
on Mondays and Thursdays of each week, at 7 o'clock A.M.,
touching at all intermediate landings.
Freight will be taken from Portland through by the line
at the following rates:
From Portland to Milwaukie
From Portland to Oregon City
From Portland to Buteville
From Portland to Champoeg
From Portland to Crawfords
From Portland to Weston
From Portland to Fairfield
From Portland to Salem
From Portland to Cincinnati & Independence 17.00
From Portland to Bloominton " 18.00
From Portland to Albany & Corvallis " 20.00
No extra charge on freight beyond the above rates.
Passengers will be taken by the steamer GAZELLE as follows:
From the Falls to Buteville $ 1.00
From the Falls to Champoeg 1.00
From the Falls to Crawfords 1.50
From the Falls to Weston 1.50
From the Falls to Fairfield 2.00
From the Falls to Salem 2.50
From the Falls to Cincinnati 3.00
From the Falls to Independence 3.00
From the Falls to Bloomington 4.00
From the Falls to Albany 4.50
From the Falls to Corvallis 5.00
Meals will be charged extra, $1.00 each
No charge for lodging.
The steamer OREGON, Capt. J. D. Shields, will run as
follows: Leaving the Company's warehouse on Mondays and
Thursdays of each week at 7:00 o'clock A.M. for Salem, via
Dayton and Lafayette, touching at all intermediate landings.
Returning, will leave Salem Tuesdays and Fridays at 1:00
o'clock P.M., via Dayton and Lafayette.
per ton $ 2.00
ii 3.00
ii 10.00
ii 12.00
H 14.00
ii 14.00
ii 15.00
ii 16.00
79
80
Freight taken through by the "OREGON" will be charged at
the following rates:
From Portland to Dayton and Lafayette per ton 15.00
Buteville, Champoeg,) " same rate
Crawfords, Weston, ) " as
Fairfield, and Salem) " Gazelle
Passengers taken by the Oregon:
From the Falls to Buteville, Champoeg
and Crawfords 2.00
Dayton and Lafayette 3.00
Weston and Fairfield 3.50
Salem 4.00
No extra charge by this boat for meals or lodging.
Freights shipped from San Francisco or elsewhere to the
care of our agent at Portland, F. R. Ferguson, will be re
ceived and receipted, and all rear charges paid, and forwarded
without delay. Special care will be taken of all freight and
baggage shipped by this line. This line offers inducements
to Merchant and Shipper, as all freights pass direct from one
boat to the other, at the Falls, by the aid of machinery,
thus avoiding all exposure consequent to hauling through wet
weather and over muddy roads, as is the case by other lines.
Grain and other produce taken ... at low rates.202
Competing with the Belle on the lower Willamette were the Portland
and Multnomah as mentioned before, running as the People's Line:
People's Line
Steamers
Multnomah and Portland
After this date the steamers
Multnomah Capt. Hoyt
Portland Capt. Murray
will run in connection to and from Portland, as follows:
The "Portland" will leave Oregon City at 9 A.M.
will leave Portland at 2 P.M.
The "Multnomah" will leave Portland at 9 A.M.
will leave Oregon City at 2 P.M.
Freights or Passage
at reasonable rates. Apply on board.203
81
The iron steamer Allan, advertised for the "towing of ships, flats
or batteau from Vancouver or any point below, to Portland, or to the
rapids below Oregon City, and vice versa."204
Competing with the Willamette Falls Milling and Transportation
Company on the upper Willamette was the Defiance Line, whose advertise
ment reads as follows:
Defiance Line of Steamers
Wallamet, Canemah and Fenix
Wallamet Capt. A. F. Hedges
Canemah Capt. Charles Bennet
Fenix Capt. Jno. Miller
Daily Line
One of the above line of boats will leave Canemah e^/ery
morning:
On Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday for
Marysville and intermediate landings.
On Fridays and Saturdays for Salem and Yamhill.
For Freight or Passage
Apply to captains on board, or at the new warehouse in
Canemah. There will be a carriage in attendance upon the
arrival and departure of either of the boats of the above
line, to convey passengers to and from Canemah and Oregon
City. No storage charged on freight shipped on this line,
at the new warehouse in Canemah.205
About the same time, the Wallamet advertised trips to Corvallis on
Mondays and Thursdays.
As shown on the map for 1854 (see Figure 25), boats ran to Salem six
days a week, five days a week to Corvallis, and four days a week to Dayton
and Lafayette. Three boats ran as far as Salem on Mondays and Thursdays,
two on Tuesdays and Fridays, and one on Wednesdays and Saturdays. Two
boats ran as far as Corvallis on Mondays, Tuesdays, and Thursdays and
Corvallis'
Base Map: GLO. Oiagon Tenitofy. 1855
Scheduled Service
Days Per Week of
One Way Trips
torch 18S4
People's
Line
. , 1 .
K.F.M.T. Co. Defiance Line
P.-O.C. P.-O.C.
o.c-
Salen
via 0. O.C.-Cor.
O.C.
Salem
via 0. O.C.-Cor.
'*
X
X
X
X
X
. X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X X
X
X
X
X
X
Figure 25. Number of Days per Week Steamboats Ran Upriver
March,; 1854,:
82
83
one on Wednesdays and Fridays. One boat ran to Dayton on Mondays,
Thursdays, Fridays, and Saturdays.
Three boats ran six days a week between Portland and Oregon City.
The trip took about two hours. Unless connections were made at Oregon
City between upper and lower Willamette River steamboats, morning depar
ture times ranged from 8 a.m. to 10 a.m. When boats were part of a
connecting line, departure times were closer to 6 a.m. Departure times
on connecting lines were earlier in the summer to compensate for the
increased amount of time required to get over the bars on the upper
Willamette.
Advertisements for points above Willamette Falls were not found in
the Oregonian from July to November 1854, so no comparison between
winter and summer schedules can be made for 1854. Lack of ads may re
flect the poor economy, a low water level, or the use of a different
type of advertising.
As stated earlier, advertisements decreased after 1855 and several
boats were tied up during the economic slowdown which began in 1859.
Advertisements do not begin to increase again until 1863. During the
1860s the People's Transportation Company was the main operator on the
Willamette River. Competitors came along in the form of companies like
the Willamette Steam Navigation Company, with their own line of con
necting steamboats on the upper and lower Willamette, or independent
steamboats; e.g., the Echo, which provided service on the upper
Willamette where required.
•^
84
In October 1865, the navigation season was extended due to the com
petition between the Willamette Steam Navigation Company and the People's
Transportation Company.
The present is the first season that, steamboats have made reg
ular service up the Willamette until this late in the year.
This is mainly owing to the fact that two lines have been in
competition for the trade and travel; . . .206
The period December 1865 to December 1866 will be described here.
Ads for the People's Transportation Company, the Willamette Steam
Navigation Company, and the Echo can be shown. The boats of the W.S.N.
Co., and the Echo were purchased by the People's Transportation Company
in 1866.
On December 9, 1865, the People's Transportation Company inserted
the following notice which ran until February 13, 1866:
People's Transportation Company's Notice
From and after this day until further notice
The steamer Senator
will leave Portland for Oregon City every morning at 7
o'clock, carrying the U.S. mails.
The steamer Rival will leave Oregon City daily (Sundays
excepted) at 8 o'clock A.M. Returning, will leave Portland
at 2 o'clock P.M.
The steamer Reliance will leave Canemah every Monday
and Thursday upon the arrival of the Senator from Portland,
for Corvallis and intermediate points.
The steamer Enterprise will leave every Tuesday morning,
for Eugene City and intermediate points.
W. K. Witherell, Esq., will be in attendance on Capt.
Couch's wharf to receipt for all freight shipped for Upper
Willamette.207
On the same day, the Willamette Steam Navigation Company's advertise
ment for the steamer Active appeared and ran until February 1, 1866.
"^
Notice
The Willamette Steam Navigation Company's steamer Active
Capt. J. T. Apperson Master
will leave Canemah every Tuesday and Friday at 10 o'clock
A.M. for Salem, Albany and Corvallis.
Portland208 D. W. Burnside
Pres. W.S.N. Co.
85
The steamboat Echo was running independently at the time, making
trips about once a week to Eugene. Ads for the Echo announced individual
trips. Four were inserted in December, one for Friday, December 8th,
which is shown below and, one each for Saturday, December 16, 1865;
Saturday, December 23, 1865; and Saturday, December 30, 1865.
Independent Steamer
Echo
will leave Canemah
for
Eugene City and intermediate points on Friday, December 8th,
1865.
H. H. Johnston will be in attendance to receive freight
at all hours of the day at Couch's Wharf. Shippers will be
particular to mark receipts "Steamer Echo". Passengers wishing
to patronize the "Echo" will buy no tickets.209
Portland A. P. Ankeny
As can be seen on the map (see Figure 26) showing this service for
the 1865-1866 winter navigation season, there was service six days a
week by two boats between Portland and Oregon City. Boats ran as far as
Corvallis four days a week. Twice a week boats ran as far as Eugene.
If they also stopped at Corvallis, then Corvallis would have had two
boats stop twice a week. As happened in the 1850s, it can be assumed
that boats for Corvallis stopped at Dayton.
^Port
>^/>in
''"Or \
(6)
*Xc/„,
I2$s
Oregon
City
Rive
'S~
(4)
Scheduled Service
Days Per Week of
One Way Trips
u\
3^
•)
5)
Corvallis S. J /
(1)
Eugene
December 1865 -February 1866
People's Trans. Co. M.S.*. Co. Echo*
P.-O.C. P.-O.C. O.C.-Cor. O.C.-E. O.C.-Cor.
I- X I
a
X X ' x •• X r
i
• X , X a
b
x- . I X 1
•
X x X
X x
* Not mapped
Base Map: GLO. Oiooon Territory, 18S5
Figure: 26,- Number of Days per Week Steamboats Ran Upriver
•Pece('iber»?f865 to February^ 1866,
86
87
In late January 1866, rates of freight and passage were lowered as
the competition became keener between the two companies.
Trade on the Willamette—opposition has firmly set in on the
Willamette River. Rates of freight and passage have become
greatly reduced. The steamers are making their regular trips
above and below the Falls, but no freight of great amount is
taken, in consequence of the present high water. Active times
are expected throughout the coming season.210
Beginning in mid-February, 1866 passengers were carried for free.
On February 2, 1866, the Willamette Steam Navigation Company announced
that the Alert would run 6 days a week between Portland and Oregon City,
connecting with the Active, which was still running on Mondays and
Thursdays to Corvallis.211
The Spring Arrangement for the People's Transportation Company,
announced in mid-February 1866, had only one change. Only one boat ran
between Portland and Oregon City.212 The same schedule was reinserted
in March with lowered rates of fare.213 By April 1866, the People's
Transportation Company owned the boats of the Willamette Steam Navigation
Company,214 as well as the Echo. The Echo had continued to run inde
pendently from January through April, making one trip in January, two in
February, five in March, and one in April.215
In the ad which ran from April to July 1866, the People's Transpor
tation Company used these boats on the routes they had formerly run on,
alternating them with the other boats the company owned (see Figure 27).
People's Transportation Company
Notice
From this date until further notice the
steamers
Base Map GLO Oiegon Tercilory 1855
TT
Scheduled Service
Days Per Week of
One Way Trips
April 1866'to July 1866
People's Trans. Co.
P.-O.C. O.C.-Cor. O.C.-Oay O.C.-E.«
X X X As
often
X as
necessitj
X X of
trade
X X demands
X X
X
Not napped
Figure 27. Number of Days per Week Steamboats Ran Upriver
April, 1866 to July, 1866.
"1
88
89
"Senator" or "Alert"
will leave Lincoln House Wharf, every morning, (Sundays
excepted) at 7 o'clock for Oregon City connecting with the
steamers "Reliance," "Fannie Patton," or "Active" on Monday
and Thursday of each week, for Salem, Albany and Corvallis
and intermediate points, and with the steamer "Union" on
Monday, Wednesday and Friday of each week for Dayton,
Lafayette and intermediate points.
Steamers "Enterprise" or "Echo" will be dispatched for
Eugene City and intermediate points as often as the necessity
of the trade demands.216
A. A. McCully
Pres., People's Trans. Co.
In the ad which ran from July 24, 1866 to October 4, 1866, no service to
Eugene was advertised. The Echo or Enterprise made the Monday and
Thursday trips as far as Corvallis. The Union made trips Mondays,
Wednesdays, and Fridays to Dayton. The Senator continued to make daily
trips between Portland and Oregon City.217 As can be seen in comparing
the maps for December 1865 (see Figure 26) and July 1866 (see Figure 28),
points between the mouth of the Yamhill River and Corvallis were visited
by steamboats half as many days per week, and points above Corvallis not
at all in July.
During the month of October 1866, no service was available above
Salem. The Senator ran six days a week between Portland and Oregon
City, leaving at 6 a.m. The Echo or Enterprise traveled to Salem on
Mondays, Tuesdays, Wednesdays, Fridays, and Saturdays and the Union to
Dayton on Monday, Wednesdays, and Fridays.218 So, on three days of the
week points between Oregon City and the mouth of the Yamhill had access
to two boats (see Figure 29).
The ad which ran during November 1866 extended service by the
Enterprise or Echo to Albany on Mondays, Tuesdays, Thursdays, and
Base Map: GLO.Oregon Territory. 1855
Scheduled Service
Days Per Week of
One Way Trips
July 1866 to October 1866
People's Trans. Co.
P.-O.C. O.C.-Cor. O.C.-Day
Hon X X
Tue
Wed X
Thu X
Fri X
Sat
Sun
Figure 28. Number of Days per Week Steamboats Ran Upriver - July,
1866 to October, 1866.
90
/¥
Scheduled Service
Days Per Week of
One Way Trips
October 1866
People's Trans. Co.
P.-O.C. O.C.-Salem O.C.-Day
X X
- X
X X
X X
X
Base Map: GLO. OreQOn Territory, 1855
Figure 29. Number of Days per Week Steamboats Ran Upriver
October, 1866.
91
92
Fridays (see Figure'30). The Senator still ran 6 days a week between
Portland and Oregon City, arid the Union still ran to Dayton three days
a week.219
On December 8, 1866, the People's Transportation Company inserted
their winter season ad. Service to points above the mouth of the Yam
hill River differed from the December 1865 ad, in part perhaps because
there were no competitors, but ads in succeeding years differed in
number of boats used and number of days per week steamboats visited
particular towns also, even when there were no competitors. The ad for
December 8, 1866 reads as follows:
People's Transportation Company
Notice
Until further notice the steamer Alert
will leave Portland daily, at 7 A.M.
* for Oregon City
connecting with the steamer Reliance
for Corvallis
on Monday and Thursday of each week
Also with the Fannie Patton
for Corvallis
on Tuesday and Friday of each week .
Also with the Active
for Eugene
on Wednesday of each week
Also with the steamer Union on Mondays,
Wednesdays and Fridays of each week
for Layayette and intermediate points."0
Dec. 8, 1866 A. A. McCully
Pres. P. T. Co.
As shown on the map (see Figure 31), points on the Willamette to
Corvallis were visited by a steamboat five days a week, while those
above Corvallis only one day a week. As usual, points on the Yamhill
River were visited three days a week and those between Portland and
Base Map: GLO,Oregon Territory, 1855
Scheduled Service
Days Per Week of
One Way Trips
November 1866
People's Trans. Co.
P.-O.C. O.C.-Albany O.C.-Day.
X X X
X X
X X
X X
X X X
X
Figure 30.. Number of Days per Week Steamboats Ran Upriver
November,": 1866.
93
Eugene
Base Map:GLO, Oregon Territory, 1855
People's Trans. Co.
P.-O.C. O.C.-Cor. O.C.-Cor. O.C.-Oay. O.C.-E.
X X X
X X
X X X
X X
X X X
X
Figure 31. Number of Days per Week Steamboats Ran Upriver
December, 1866 to February 1867.
94
95
Oregon City six days a week. Points between Oregon City and the mouth
of the Yamhill River had access to two boats three days a week.
This one year example of the type of service offered by the People's
Transportation Company gives a sense of the seasonal variation in the
schedule due to variations in water level. For places between Corvallis
and Eugene, steamboat service was most certain for three to five months,
December to February or April. It was worst in late summer and early
fall when the wheat harvest would have taken place.221 Points above the
mouth of the Yamhill River also experienced the greatest variation in
the number of boats and number of days per week steamboats visited them.
Accessibility for all points on the Willamette River would change
with the coming of the railroads. During the 1870s steamboat navigation
encountered its first competition from the railroads. Railroads had
many competitive advantages. They were able to run year-round, unham
pered by periods of high and low water. They could be extended into
areas inaccessible to steamboats. The larger the area reached by the
railroads became, the greater the amount of business generated. Rail
roads could build direct lines between settlements, cutting the distance
between places. Eventually they would provide a faster connection to
national markets.
Those who invested in railroads bought into steamboat companies.
Once they gained control of steamboats, railroads raised freight rates.
Competing companies were formed and people were encouraged to patronize
them despite the railroads' threats and new rates, lowered in an effort
to drive these new companies off the river.
96
Agitation for railroads had begun in 1854 and probably reflected the
first attempts to provide service to places inaccessible by water.
Route surveying for what was to become the Oregon and California Rail
road began on Oct. 4, 1867 for the west side line and March 1868 for
the east side line. Construction of both began in April 1868.222 Both
lines were taken over by Ben Holladay. The first twenty miles of track
were completed from East Portland to Oregon City in January 1869. When
the lines were reorganized in 1870, the east side line was named the
Oregon and California Railroad, the west side named the Oregon Central
Railroad. The Oregon Central was completed to St. Joseph on the Yamhill
River by November 1872. The Oregon and California reached Salem by
October 1870; Albany by December 1870; and by October 1871 the Willamette
was crossed south of Harrisburg and Eugene was reached.
In January 1871, the Calliope began service. This was the first
steamboat to connect with a railroad, the Oregon and California Railroad.
After connecting with the "cars" at Rock Island, the Calliope ran to
McMinnville on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays, and made the return
trip Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays.223 This notice ran only aweek
and no other notice appeared.
In late August 1871, the sale of the People's Transportation Com
pany was rumored.224 jn September 1871, all steamboats except the
Senator, running between Portland and Oregon City, ceased running while
sale negotiations were ongoing.225 Ben Holladay purchased the company
and incorporated the Willamette Transportation Company.226
This company operated a daily boat on the Portland-Oregon City
route, adding a second from early January 1872 to early March 1872.
97
On the upper Willamette, service was provided to Dayton and Corvallis.
Passengers for Dayton and intermediate points on the river were to take
the "cars" to Canemah, where they transferred to the steamboat Dayton
on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays. From December 1871 to March 1872,
this route was extended to Lafayette. From mid-December 1871 to late
February 1872, the Fannie Patton ran to Corvallis on Mondays and Thurs
days. The policy of the railroad seemed to be to run boats above Dayton
only during the winter navigation season, and only to a limited extent.
In October 1872, the Willamette River Transportation Company was
incorporated. They announced their intention of engaging in navigation
to Eugene on the Willamette, to Lafayette on the Yamhill and to Jefferson
on the Santiam.227
This company formed to compete with the railroad companies because
freight rates increased after the railroad absorbed the People's Trans
portation Company. In October 1872, an editorial appeared in the
Oregonian complaining about the high freight rates charged:
What benefit is a railway to a people who are thereby forced
to pay more for carrying their produce to the shipping port
than they had to pay when they had no railway? When the
river transportation is, no matter by what means, forced to
a higher point than the necessary cost of freight on the
river would be, independently of outside enterprises, there
is cause for complaint among the farmers, and the time for
competition has arrived. That such a state of affairs
as does exist today on the Wallamet River is proved by the
undeniable fact that the already high charges on wheat from
Albany put on board ship at Portland was run up $1.35 higher
after the river carrying passed into the hands of the rail
way. 228
In March 1873, a rate war occurred. The Willamette River Trans
portation Company reduced rates to points served by both rail and
98
steamboat. All freight except grain and flour was transported for about
half the railway rates and grain and flour for two-thirds of the rail
road rates.229 The railroad companies reduced rates in order to drive
the Willamette River Transportation Company off the Willamette. The
Oregonian editor reported that the farmers seemed determined to patron
ize the opposition.230 jne railroad companies responded by sending a
person through the valley to intimidate the shippers of grain. Shippers
were told the opposition had no backing and could only last a short
time, and that as soon as it was withdrawn the railroad would charge
double rates to any shipper who patronized the opposition. When this
did not work, the railroad dropped freight rates to $1.00 per ton to
Portland regardless of its point of origin. However, shippers patro
nized the Willamette River Transportation Company.231 in 1874, U. B.
Scott began running the Ohio on the upper Willamette.
The time period shown here as an example is 1875. Where possible,
both railroad and steamboat schedules will be described to give the
reader a sense of the increased accessibility some towns acquired. As
stated earlier, distance between two places by railroad was often less
than that by water. The U.S. Corps of Engineers Annual Report for 1875
listed the river and rail distances for points on the Oregon and
California Railroad (see Table 3).
The distances saved increased as one traveled to upriver places.
Also, the express train to Albany made the 82.5 mile trip in four hours
and thirty-five minutes, a rate of 19 mph. While express trains would
have been faster than freight trains, this rate is faster than the 14
99
Table 3. Distance Between Towns by Rail and River
Miles
Distance from Por tl and By River By Railroad Diff.
Oregon City 12 16.16
Salem 70.5 53.69 16.81
Albany 104.5 82.50 22.0
Harrisburg 151 107.6 44.4
Eugene 175 125.73 49.27
U.S. Chief of.Engineers, Annual Report of Major N. Michler, Corps
of Engineers, for the Fiscal Year Ending June 30, 1875. Appendix GG2 of
the Report of the Chief of Engineers to the Secretary of War. House of
Representatives, 44th Cong., 1st Sess., Ex. Doc. 1, No. 2, Congressional
Serial Set vol. 1676, p. 772.
100
mph rate of the steamboats, so trains not only traveled a shorter dis
tance, they were as fast or faster than the steamboats.
The companys operating during the sample period were the Willamette
River Transportation Company's steamers, operated in competition to the
Oregon Steamship Company, the O.S.S. boats which connected with the rail
roads, and the steamboat Ohio, which operated independently. In every
case, it will not be possible to map the schedule of the Oregon Steamship
Company. These ads did not always name the destination and the number of
boats running on the upper river. When the Oregon City Enterprise was
consulted in addition to the Oregonian, the question was further compli
cated. Throughout the year 1875, the following advertisement appeared in
the Oregon City Enterprise, even during periods when Eugene, Harrisburg,
and McMinnville would not have been accessible due to low water.
OREGON STEAMSHIP CO.'S
STEAMBOAT NOTICE!
Str. E. N. COOKE,
Will leave OREGON CITY for PORTLAND
every day [Except Sunday,] at 7± o'clock
A. M. Returning, will leave Portland for
Oregon City at 2± o'clock, P. M.
Str. ALICE,
Will leave OREGON CITY for CORVALLIS
every Monday and Thursday of each week.
Str. DAYTON,
Will leave OREGON CITY for MCMINNVILLE,
LAFAYETTE and DAYTON and all points
between, every Monday, Wednesday and
Friday of each week. Leaves the Basin
at 8 o'clock, A. M., and connect with
the train at Canemah at 9, A. M.
Str. ALBANY
Leaves OREGON CITY for'HARRISBURG and
EUGENE, and all intermediate points
every week.
101
Str. FANNIE PATTON,
Leaves OREGON CITY for ALBANY and
all intermediate points between twice
every week. J. D. BILES, Agent,232
Oregon City,
February, 11, 1874
So while the above advertisement gives a sense of the schedule during
the winter months, the ads in the Oregonian will be used to describe the
seasonal variation in the steamboat service.
On November 9, 1874, the Willamette River Transportation Company
inserted the following advertisement for service to Albany, Corvallis,
the Yamhill River, and Astoria.
The Willamette River Trans
portation Co.'s Steamers
Will leave the Central Wharf between Washington and
Alder streets, as follows:
Steamer "GOV. GROVER" for Corvallis, on Monday
and Thursday, at 6 A. M.
Steamer "WILLAMETTE CHIEF" for Albany, on Tuesday
and Friday at 6 A. M.
Steamer "SHOSHONE" for Points on the Yamhill
River, on Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 8 A. M.
Steamer "BEAVER" for Astoria, Tuesday, Thursday
and Saturday, at 6 A. M.
Lightering and Towing of Vessels between Portland
and Astoria at REDUCED RATES.233
FRANK T. DODGE, Agent
The ad for November 9, 1874 for the Oregon Steamship Company which
had been running since September 1874 in the Oregonian, listed a boat on
the Portland-Oregon City route and a connection at Oregon City with the
boat to Dayton. Later ads listed upriver points in the freight rate
section. These freight rate sections will be used to evaluate how far
upriver the boats traveled.
OREGON STEAMSHIP COMPANY'S
STEAMBOATS.
102
NOTICE.
FROM AND AFTER MONDAY,
Sept. 22d, the steamer
E. N. COOKE
Will leave OREGON CITY every day (Sunday excepted),
at 7:30 A. M. for Portland, returning, will leave
Portland for Oregon City at 2:30 P. M.
Passengers for DAYTON and all intermediate
places will take CARS at 7:30 A. M., connecting at
Canemah with the steamer DAYTON on Monday, Wednes
day and Friday, connecting at Oregon City with the
0. & C.R.R. Co. at 8 P. M. on Tuesday, Thursday
and Saturday for Portland.
THROUGH TICKETS sold at the Office of the
0. & C.R.R. Co., at REDUCED RATES.
All freight by this line delivered to con
signees FREE OF DRAYAGE.
Freight received until 5 P. M.234
J. D. BILES, Agent.
In early November 1874, the Ohio was running to Salem. As was true
in other decades, the schedules of the independents were the most var
iable. A complete description of the Ohio's schedule will be supplied
later in this paper.
THE LIGHT DRAFT STEAMER,
OHIO
WILL LEAVE W.R.T. CO.'S WHARF, PORTLAND, at 5
A. M. FOR SALEM, On Monday, Wednesday and Friday of
each week.
Returning, leave Salem at same hour on Tuesday,
Thursday and Saturday, until further notice.
Rates on Freight reasonable. Fare $1.00
U. B. Scott, Master235
When mapped (see Figure 32), the combined schedules show that boats
ran six days a week between Portland and Oregon City. Since boats of
the Willamette River Transportation Company and the Ohio started their
Corvallis
Base Map: GLO. Oregon Territory, 1855
Salem
Scheduled Service
Days Per Week of
One Way Trips
November 1874
W.R.T. Co. O.S. Co. Ohio
P.-Day P.-Albany P.-Cor. P.-O.C. O.C.-Oay P.-Sales
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
I
X
Figure 32. Number of Days per Week Steamboats Ran Upriver
November 1874,
103
104
trips from Portland, there was more than one boat on this route five
days a week. One to four boats were traveling on the upper river during
the week. Places between Oregon City and Salem were reached five days a
week, places between Salem and Albany four, and those between Albany and
Corvallis, two days a week.
By this date, the Oregon and California Railroad was running a train
each way between Portland and Roseburg six days a week, an express train
each way between Albany and Portland, and a freight train each way be
tween Portland and Junction City. The Oregon Central was running a train
each way between St. Joseph on the Yamhill River and Portland six days a
week. These routes are shown on the General Land Office Map for 1876
(see Figure 33) and the schedules are shown as follows:
OREGON & CALIFORNIA R. R. CO.
To Take Effect Sunday, Aug. 2d, 1874 at
4 A. M.
DAILY (EXCEPT SUNDAY)
As Follows:
PORTLAND AND ROSEBURG
LEAVE ARRIVE
Portland 7:30 A. M.
Roseburg 5:00 A. M.
Roseburg .7:10 P.M.
Portland 4:15 P.M.
ALBANY EXPRESS TRAIN
DAILY, (EXCEPT SUNDAYS)
As follows:
LEAVE ARRIVE
Portland 3:50 P. M.
Albany 5:30 A. M.
Albany 8:25 P. M.
Portland 10:05 A. M.
FREIGHT TRAINS
DAILY, (EXCEPT SUNDAYS) AS FOLLOWS:
LEAVE ARRIVE
Junction 6:00 P. M.
Portland 5:15 P. M.
Portland 6:15 A. M.
Junction.........5:45 A. M.
Railroad Lines Built
1876
Railroads HinnnilH
105
Miles
Figure 33. Existing Railroad Lines - 1876. U.S. Dept. of Interior,
G.L.O., Oregon.
"1
The Oregon and California Railroad Ferry makes connection with
all Regular Trains.
Close connections are made at ROSEBURG with the Stages of
the Oregon and California Stage Company.
Tickets for Sale to all the principal points in California
and the East at Company's Office, Cor. F and Front Sts., at
Ferry Landing, Portland.
Storage will be charged on freight remaining in Warehouse over
24 hours. Freight will not be received for shipment after 5
o'clock P.M.
E. P. ROGERS, J. BRANDT, Jr., Gen'l. Sup't.236
Gen'l Freight and Passenger Agent
THE OREGON CENTRAL R. R. CO.
To take Effect Monday, March 30th, 1876,
at 6 A. M.
Daily Trains will run between
PORTLAND AND ST. JOSEPH
AS FOLLOWS:
LEAVE ARRIVE
Portland ...2:00 P. M. St. Joseph 7:00 P. M.
St. Joseph 6:00 A. M. Portland 10:00 A. M.
Connecting at Cornelius with Stages for Forest Grove at St.
Joseph for all points South and West—Lafayette, McMinnville,
Amity, Monmouth, Independence, Buena Vista and Corvallis.
Passengers received at Fourth street siding on giving
signals to the train, but are prohibited from getting on or
off the train at any other point on the street.
Passengers getting on the train at Ticket Stations with
out tickets will be charged twenty-five cents extra.
On and after Sunday, August 16, there will be no trains
run on Sundays.
Freight received at the Company's New Warehouse and will
not be received for shipment after 4 P. M. „„.„„ ln «7
J. BRANDT, JR."'
106
In December 1874, the schedule for the Willamette River Transpor
tation Company was the same, but the route of the Ohio was extended to
Corvallis. However, the boat ran only on Mondays and Thursdays.
107
OHIO!
INDEPENDENT LINE:
THE LIGHT DRAFT STEAMER,
OHIO,
Leaves the Wharf foot of Alder street, Portland, for Salem,
Albany, Corvallis, and all intermediate points on Mondays and
Thursdays of each weeek. Leaves Corvallis on return Wednes
days and Saturdays, until furhter notice. No delays on account
of low water. Rates of freight reasonable. For any further
information apply on board, or to G. L. Lindsley, Agent on
the wharf. ^ .. ^ ?w
U. B. SCOTT, Master.238
The schedule of the Oregon Steamship Company as listed in the
Oregonian is shown below. The Welcome was on the Portland-Oregon City
route, the Dayton on the Oregon City-Dayton route, and the Alice on the
Oregon City-Corvallis route. The E. N. Cooke and Fannie Patton were
running somewhere on the upper river after connecting with the Welcome
at Oregon City, but how far upriver is not known. Since no advertise
ments were found in the Eugene Register-Guard, and other boats were
only running as far as Corvallis, it can probably be assumed that they
were running as extra boats, perhaps to Salem or Albany. "Notice by
poster" implies a changing schedule.
NOTICE.
UNTIL FURTHER NOTICE THE STEAMER WELCOME will leave the dock
foot of Ash street (O.S.N. Co's wharf) at 6 o'clock A. M.
every morning (Sunday excepted), for Oregon City, connecting
with the Steamer ALICE on Monday and Thursday for Corvallis
and intermediate points and on other days with the FANNIE
PATTON and E. N. COOKE, of which due notice will be given by
Posters.
FARE, ONE DOLLAR.
For Butteville, Champoeg, Dayton and Lafayette, connecting
with Steamer DAYTON on Monday, Wednesday and Friday.
Fare, 75 Cents.
All up freight to Corvallis or Lafayette and intermediate
points for One Dollar per Ton.
108
Freight received on the Dock of the O.S.N. Co., or
O.S.S. Co., for any of the above points.
Through Freights to Astoria forwarded without delay at
the lowest rates.
All Freight delivered free of drayage.
J. D. BILES, Agent."y
The change from the November map is the additional number of boats
running to Corvallis (see Figure 34).
The schedule of the Ohio changed December 29, 1874, announcing ser
vice to Salem and Albany. From February 25, 1875 to August 30, 1875,
service by the Ohio was announced on a trip-by-trip basis. From the
February 5, 1875 issue to the March 18, 1875 issue, Harrisburg was
advertised as a destination point. From the March 23, 1875 issue to the
May 20, 1875 issue, Eugene was the destination. In the month of June
1875, one trip to Harrisburg and two to Eugene were advertised. During
July, the destination was Corvallis, and in August, September, October,
and the first half of November was Salem. For the rest of November
1875, the advertised destination was Harrisburg, and finally Eugene
again in early December 1875.240
In November 1875, the City of Salem, also owned by U. B. Scott,
began running. On November 4, 1875, atrip to Albany was advertised,241
on November 8th and November 15th, a trip to Corvallis.242 On November
24th, November 29th, and December 13th, trips to Harrisburg were adver
tised. 243 During the latter parts of December, ads for trips to
Harrisburg and Eugene were inserted.244 a sample of the type of ad
found February 25, 1875 is as follows:
Base Map: GLO. Oregon Territory, 1855
/ Oregon v^ ~
tyr city Sfc
Scheduled Service
Days Per Week of
One Way Trips
December 1874
W.R.T. Co. O.S. Co.* Ohio
P.-Oay P.-A1ban) P.-Cor. P.-O.C. O.C.-Cor. P.-Cor.
X
X
X
X
X
X '
X
X
i
1
1
X
X
I
* Fannie Patton and E. N. Cooke not mapped
Figure 34. Number of Days per Week Steamboats Went Upriver -
December, 1874.
109
no
OHIO!
INDEPENDENT LINE:
THE LIGHT DRAFT STEAMER,
OHIO,
Leaves Pacific Wharf, foot of Salmon street, FRIDAY, Feb. 26,
for Harrisburg and all intermediate points on the Willamette
river.
U. B. SCOTT, Master
M. 0. LOWNSDALE, Agent,245
on the Wharf.
While there were often three advertisement a month, only one was in
serted in April 1875 and September 1875.
The schedule of the Willamette River Navigation Company inserted
February 20, 1875 and shown below, consisted of a boat twice a week to
Harrisburg and one to Astoria:
THE WILLAMETTE RIVER TRANSPORTATION
CO.'S STEAMERS
Will leave the Central Wharf between Washington and Alder
streets, as follows:
FOR HARRISBURG and intermediate points on the Willamette
River, on Monday and Thursday at 6 A. M.
FOR ASTORIA—Steamer BEAVER—Monday, Wednesday and
Friday, at 6 A. M.
Lightering and Towing of Vessels between Portland and
Astoria AT REDUCED RATES.
FRANK T. DODGE, Agent.246
This schedule remained in effect until April 10, 1875 when the boat
to Harrisburg began running only as far as Corvallis,247 and again on
July 23, 1875 when that boat only went as far as Albany.248 After
August 4, 1875, no advertisements for this company were inserted until
November 10, 1875.
Ill
The Oregon Steamship Company's ad for February 25, 1875 lists
freight rates for Harrisburg so it is assumed boats went that far upriver.
NOTICE
UNTIL FURTHER NOTICE THE Str. SENATOR will leave her dock
foot of F street every day (Sundays excepted), at 2:30 P. M.
for Oregon City.
Passengers for Dayton and intermediate points will take
cars at 7:30, connecting at Canemah on Monday, Wednesday and
Friday of each week.
Rates of Freight:
Corvallis to Portland $2.50
Albany and Salem 2.00
Harrisburg ... 3.00
All freights delivered in Portland free of drayage.
Up Freight, $1.00 per Ton.
Freight forwarded to Astoria with dispatch.
J. D. BILES, Agent.249
The advertisement inserted in the Oregonian for June 5, 1875 listed
the E. N. Cooke and the boat to Dayton on Mondays and Thursdays. No
places farther upriver appear even in the freight rates portion of this
ad until July 2, 1875 when Albany appears.
NOTICE.
UNTIL FURTHER NOTICE The Str. E. N. COOKE will leave her dock
foot of F street, every day (Sundays excepted), at 2:30 P. M.
for Oregon City.
Passengers for Dayton and intermediate points will take
cars at 7:30, connecting at Canemah on Monday and Thursday of
each week.
Rates of Freight—Down:
From Albany and all intermediate points on the
Willamette to Portland, including drayage $1.25
Up Freight 1.00
All freights delivered in Portland free of drayage.
Freight forwarded to Astoria with dispatch.
J. D. BILES, Agent250
/?
112
While the variability of the Ohio schedule and the uncertainty of the
Oregon Steamship Company's schedule make the above schedules difficult
to map, what is apparent is the seasonal change in service. Places as
far as Harrisburg were reached in February, and Albany in July. There
was a further decrease when the Willamette River Transportation Company
ceased running in August.
The ad which appeared November 10, 1875 for the Willamette River
Transportation Company was almost identical to the ad for the preceding
November. The boats were different and boats ran to Dayton on Tuesdays,
Thursdays, and Saturdays instead of Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays.
The boat to Albany ran on Tuesdays and Fridays and the boat to Corvallis
251
on Mondays and Thursdays.
In addition to the boat six days a week between Portland and Oregon
City and the boat to Dayton, the Oregon Steamship Company freight rates
section of the advertisment lists Salem, so it is presumed boats were
running that far upriver.252 At that time, the Ohio was running to
Harrisburg.
In the schedule announced January 1876 for the Willamette River
Transportation Company, the Corvallis boat also went to Harrisburg, and
the boat to Albany ran four days a week.
THE WILLAMETTE
TRANSPORTATION AND LOCKS CO'S
STEAMERS leave PORTLAND from the Central Wharf, between
Washington and Alder streets as follows:
FOR DAYTON—Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 7 A. M.
FOR ALBANY—Monday, Tuesday, Thursday and Friday, at 6
A. M.
FOR CORVALLIS AND HARRISBURG—Monday and Thursday, at 6
A.M.
113
For Lightering and Towing of Vessels
Between Portland and Astoria apply at the office of the Com
pany, near corner of Front and Washington streets.
FRANK T. DODGE, Agent.253
The ad for the Oregon Steamship Company had not changed by mid-
January 1876. In May 1876, the Willamette Transportation and Locks
Company, controlled by the Oregon Steam Navigation Company, purchased
the property of the Oregon Steamship Company. The sale included the
transfer of the E. N. Cooke, Bonanza, Success, Dayton, Fannie Patton,
Alice, the basin at the Falls, the water privileges, the workshop and
wharf at Oregon City and at other points along the river.254
Another company formed in response to the high rates was the
People's Protective Transportation Company, made up of the S. T. Church
and the McMinnviHe. In March 1877, the Spring Valley Grange published
a resolution to patronize the People's Protective Transportation Company
and the J. W. Cochran Company. The resolution stated that since pur
chasing the Oregon Steamship Company, the Oregon Steam Navigation Com
pany had monopolized business on the Willamette River and charged
exorbitant rates. Grangers were encouraged to patronize the People's
Protective Transportation Company. Merchants, warehousemen, and millers
were warned that grangers would not patronize them unless they joined
their cause. In May 1877, further resolutions were announced resolving
to sustain the U. B. Scott Company, in addition to the People's Protec
tive Transportation Company and J. W. Cochran Company, in preference to
the Willamette Transportation and Locks Company.255 in November 1877,
an article stated that the arrangement of patronage guaranteed by the
114
various granges had not been met so the owners were considering selling
the McMinnville and S. T. Church.256
So, most of the efforts to provide steamboat transportation in the
1870s, in addition to that provided by the railroads, appears to have
been done by those interested in competitive freight rates. An editorial
written in 1873 stated the expectation that the railroads would carry
the passenger traffic and that boats would become principally freight
carriers, as on the Sacramento and San Joachin Rivers.257
Those competing with the railroad-operated steamboats operated their
boats on similar schedules, possibly because of the guaranteed patron
age. The Ohio in particular seemed to venture farthest upriver.
When competing steamboats were introduced, freight rates between
Albany and Portland dropped.258 in addition, farmers around Scio
resolved to haul their wheat to Albany or Jefferson in order to ship by
river. Up freight for merchants and farmers was to be shipped to Salem
or Albany and hauled from there.259
During the 1870s, those places above Salem not served by railroads
still experienced a seasonal break in service by steamboats. The same
seasonal variations in the number of days per week and number of boats
running occurred. However, the number of trains running and the sched
ules they kept only varied slightly in departure time.
Except for irregular service by the Ohio, places above Harrisburg
received less regular service than they had during the 1860s.
The high freight rates charged by the railroad companies also pro
duced efforts to acquire other connections. In 1875 a forty mile canal
115
between Albany and McKenzie Fork was planned, as well as a railroad con
necting Corvallis and Yaquina Bay.260
In the 1880s, steamboats were increasingly run in connection with the
railroads. The two major companies operating were the Oregon Pacific
Railroad and the Oregon Railway and Navigation Company, successor to the
Oregon Steam Navigation Company. Independently operated steamboats in
serted ads for short periods on an irregular basis, usually advertising
to do towing, freight hauling, or for excursions. Excursions will be
described later in this paper.
According to the advertisement inserted November 13, 1884, the Oregon
Railway and Navigation Company was running a boat between Portland and
Dayton on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays, and one to Corvallis on
Mondays and Thursdays. The narrow gauge railroad division ran trains on
Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays to West Stayton and Brownsville on the
east side line, and to Air 1ie on the west side. Connections could
apparently be made to Woodburn and Whites via the Oregon and California
Railroad.
OREGON R'Y & NAVIGATION CO.
MIDDLE COLUMBIA RIVER DIVISION,
DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY.
Boat leaves Portland for Dalles at 1 A. M.
Boat arrives at Portland from Dalles at 5 P.M.
Leave Portland
for Mon. Tue. Wed. Thu. Fri. Sat.
Astoria & Low-
Dayton, Or....
Salem
6 A.M.
7 A.M.
6 A.M.
6 A.M.
• •••••
6 A.M.
7 A.M.
6 A.M.
• •••••>
6 A.M.
6 A.M.
7 A.M.
• •••••
6 A.M.
NARROW GAUGE DIVISION, EASTSIDE,
Between PORTLAND and WEST STAYTON,
via 0. & O.R.R. to Woodburn.
Trains for West Stayton leave Portland at 7:30 A. M. on
Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays.
For Brownsville (via Lebanon Junction) leaves Portland
at 4 P. M. on Monday, Wednesday and Friday.
WESTSIDE '•
BETWEEN PORTLAND, SHERIDAN AND AIRLIE
via 0. & O.R.R. to Whites
Leave Portland at 9 A. M. Returning, leave Air lie for
Portland at 6 A. M.
Freight for all points on Narrow Gauge Division will be
received and forwarded by the 0. & O.R.R. East and Westside
Divisions, respectively.
General Offices on Front and T. Sts.
C. H. PRESCOTT, A. L. STORES,
Manager, O.F.A.P. Agent261
A. L. MAXWELL, Ticket Agent.
116
The Oregon and California Railroad had a mail train running both
ways six days a week between Ashland and Portland and the Albany express
route had been extended to Lebanon. The west side division schedule
consisted of a mail train both ways, six days a week between Portland
and Corvallis, and an express to McMinnville. These routes are shown on
the 1884 General Land Office Map (see Figure 35).
OVERLAND TO CALIFORNIA
VIA
Oregon & California R. R.
And Connections,
69 Hours between Portland and San Francisco.
Only 24 hours' Staging.
Fare to San Francisco $32: to Sacramento $3
Leave Portland at 7:30 A. M. daily (except Sunday).
Arrive at San Francisco 6:30 P. M., third day.
Close connections made to Ashland with stages of the
California and Oregon Stage Company.
v Hillsboro
McMlnnvIll
Airlle Vlst
O Corvallis
Harrisbur
10
Miles
Eugene
Existing
and Proposed
Railroad Lines
ii iiini
Completed
Railroads
Proposed
Railroads
Figure 35. Existing and Proposed Railroad Lines - 1884. U.S. Dept.
of Interior, G.L.O., Oregon.
XV
(DAILY EXCEPT SUNDAY)
East Side Division.
BETWEEN PORTLAND AND ASHLAND.
Mail Train.
LEAVE. ARRIVE,
Portland 7:30 A. M.
Ashland 8:45 P. M.
Ashland.... 4:45 A. M.
Portland 4:35 P. M.
Albany Express Train
Portland.. 4:00 P. M.
Lebanon 4:45 A. M.
Lebanon ...2:30 P. M.
Portland ...10:00 A. M.
Pullman Palace Sleeping Car leaves Portland Mondays and
Thursdays. Returning, leaves Ashland Tuesdays and Fridays.
The 0. & O.R.R. Ferry makes connection with all the regular
trains on the East Side Div. from foot of F St.
West Side Division.
BETWEEN PORTLAND AND CORVALLIS.
Mail Train.
LEAVE. ARRIVE.
Portland 9:00 A. M.
Corvallis. 6:30 A. M.
Corvallis ...4:00 P. M.
Portland 3:20 P. M.
Express Train.
LEAVE. ARRIVE.
Portland 5:00 P. M.
McMinnville 6:45 A. M.
McMinnville 6:00 P. M.
Portland 8:00 A. M.
Local tickets for sale and baggage checked at company's
up-town office, cor Stark and Second streets. Tickets for
principal points for California can only be procurred and
baggage checked at company's office,
Corner F and Front Sts., Portland, Ore.
Freight will not be received for shipment after 8:00
o'clock P. M. on either the East or West Side Divisions.
R. KOEHLER, E. P. ROGERS,
Manager. G. F. & Pass. Agent262
118
The steamboat schedules for boats operated by the railroads seldom
changed, and then only slightly. The above advertisement for the Oregon
Railway and Navigation Company changed on May 28, 1885 to two days a
119
week, Monday and Thursday to Dayton, Salem, and Corvallis263 anc| ceased
entirely in July 1885.264 on September 10, 1885, the schedule appeared
again with trips three days a week to Ray's Landing.
Oregon R'y & Navigation Co.
WILLAMETTE RIVER
Boats leave Portland at 7 A. M. Mondays, Wednesdays and
Fridays, for Ray's Landing and way points, returning
Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays.
N. P. Train, to connect with Puget Sound line or
Victoria, etc., every day at 11:45 A. M.265
In October, Dayton was substituted266 for Ray's Landing as a desti
nation, and on November 10, 1885 it was Corvallis four days a week.267
Beginning Nov. 21, 1885, boats ran to Corvallis five days a week and to
Dayton three days a week.
Oregon R'y & Naviagation Co.
WILLAMETTE RIVER
Boats leave Portland at 6 A. M. every day except on Saturday
for Corvallis and way points, returning every day except
Sunday. Boats leave Portland at 7 A. M. Monday, Wednesday
and Friday, for Dayton and way points, returning Tuesdays,
Thursdays and Saturdays.
A. L. MAXWELL, Ticket Agent,
JNO. J. BYRNE, Gen. Pass. & Ticket Agent.268
No towns above Corvallis were served by railroad operated steamboats.
The Oregon Steam Navigation Company ran steamboats to Corvallis only
seven months of the sample year shown, whereas in earlier decades Cor
vallis was reached nine months of the year. Service to Dayton, which had
been year-round in earlier decades, ceased four months of the year.
120
The Oregon Pacific Railroad between Corvallis and Yaquina Bay began
running in October 1885. River steamers connected with the trains at
Corvallis.269
Unlike the preceding decade, no company formed in opposition to the
railroads. There are few advertisements for independently operated
boats. As stated earlier, they may have advertised using a different
method. When advertisments appeared they ran for very short periods.
Two such ads that appeared are those for the A. A. McCully and the Salem
which apeared in the November 12 and 13, 1884 issue of the Oregonian.
The Independent Willamette St.
A. A. McCULLY
Is now receiving freight for
Salem, Independence, Albany, Corvallis
And all intermediate landings on Willamette river,
making two and three trips per week.
Office and landing foot of Salmons at. For particulars
inquire of Z. J. HATCH, Agent, 213i Front st. lla270
Steamer Salem
Will contract to carry Wheat at lowest rates, also, JOB
TOWING on lower Willamette and Columbia rivers. Charters for
Picnics and Excursions cheap.
Apply on board or Postoffice Box 844, Portland.271
Ads for these boats appeared again the following fall.272 N0te that
the above ads, particularly that for the Salem, emphasized the carrying
of bulk freight, towing, and charter for excursions. Before the intro
duction of the railroad, steamboats had carried a variety of freight, as
well as passengers, and towing and excursions had been done in addition
to the regular service they provided, not as a livelihood.
121
Excursions were commonly offered on Sundays and holidays. During
the 1850s, 1860s, and 1870s, these excursions took place on the 4th of
July, or when a fraternal organization or a church sponsored a trip, or
were just announced as "pleasure excursions." They were announced on an
individual basis. During the 1880s, the number of excursion runs on the
Portland-Oregon City route greatly increased. Single trips were still
announced, like the one of the City of Quincy shown below to give the
reader a sense of the escape from the city these excursions provided.
Sunday Excursion
From the dust and heat of the city a day's recreation at
the foaming and dashing Willamette Falls. Fishing for young
salmon, visiting the Indian Cave, and a promenade on the
bluffs at Oregon City. The elegant steamer City of Quincy
leaves Morrison St. dock at 10 o'clock
Sunday, May 29th, 1881
Only a limited number of tickets to be sold. No disrepu
table persons allowed on the steamer. Tickets to be had at
D. W. Prentice and Co. Music Store or at Morrison St. dock
Round trip 75 cents273
In addition to the type of excursion announced above, regular sched
ules were maintained by steamboats. An example of this type of ad is
that run for the City of Sell wood, beginning in September 1884^ and
occurring during much of 1885. The September 1884 ad permitted resi
dents of Sellwood to buy twenty round-trip tickets for $1.00,274 wnen
the normal round trip ticket price was 25<t. This special price for
frequent travelers suggests use of the steamboats by commuters.
SELLWOOD TIME TABLE.
The steamer CITY OF SELLWOOD
Will make regular trips from foot of Taylor street each day
between Portland, Sellwood, Milwaukie and Oswego, touching at
City View Park, Red House and River View Cemetery every trip.
WEEK DAYS—Leave Sellwood 6:20, 8:30 A. M.; 1, 3:30 and
5 P. M. Leave Portland 7 and 11 A. M.; 2, 4 and 6:20 P. M.
SUNDAY TRIPS—Leave Sellwood 7, 9:30, 10:30 and
11:30 A. M.; 3:30 and 5 P. M. Leave Portland 8, TO and
11 A. M.; 2, 4 and 6 P.M.
At 7 A. M. and 2 P. M. leaves Portland for Milwaukie,
White House and Oswego. Returning, leaves Oswego at 8 A. M.
and 3 P. M., touching at all intermediate points up and down.275
122
The White House, which later became known as the Riverside Hotel and
Driving Park, is shown under the name of Riverside, across the river from
Milwaukie on the 1889 portion of the map of Multnomah County showing the
Portland area (see Figure 36).276 Riverview Cemetery was across the
river from Sellwood and City View Park and race track north of Sellwood.
By 1887, West Shore magazine was promoting Oregon City as a home for
summer residences for Portlanders.277 The Latona ran on the Portland-
Oregon City route during 1885,278 as part 0f the People's Line. She
became part of the Oregon City Transportation Company, which in 1893,
ran the Latona as an excursion boat on the Portland-Oregon City route,
at the same time the Oregon Water Power and Railway Company provided
electric interurban service between the two points. Under an agreement
between the two companies, tickets were interchangeable. Passengers
could take the steamboat one way and the interurban the other.279
In 1888, an advertisement for daily excursions on the upper
Willamette to Ray's Landing, with the return trip to be by railway, was
inserted.
Daily Excursions
on
Upper Willamette River
"City of Salem" Steamer
Figure 36. Riverside, City View Park, and the Racetrack North of
Sellwood. Multnomah County, 1889 R. A. Habersham.
123
between
Portland, Oregon City, Butteville, Champoeg and Rays', and
return same day by railway, Tuesdays, Thursdays and
Saturdays.
Alder street wharf 7:00 A. M. Round trip Good
Oswego 7:45 A. M. 1.25 to and for
Oregon City 8:25 A. M. from Portland Railway
Boones Ferry 10:30 A. M. or
Butteville 11:15 A. M. Steamer
Champoeg 11:45 A. M.
Rogers (Newberg) 12:15 P. M.
Rays' Landing 1:00 P. M.
Fulquartz (per Rai' way) 1:30 P. M.
Portland (per Railway) 2:45 arrive
124
or leave Portland by Portland and Willamette Valley Railway at 10:30
A. M. on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays, and return same day by
steamer, reaching Portland at 6 P.M.
40 miles steamer and 30 miles railway.280
The Oregon Railway and Navigation Company, in its Annual Report for
1887 regarding the entire Columbia River Division stated:
The business of the River division has been so nearly
absorbed by the rail line that it now serves mainly as a
feeder to the rail lines, and its value is therefore limited
to that purpose.281
The steamboats operated by the railroads continued to be confined to
that portion of the river below Corvallis in the 1890s, the companys
continuing to run boats between Portland and Dayton, and Portland and
r
Corvallis.282
The Oregon Railway and Navigation Company continued to operate boats
on the river until 1916,283 ancj the Oregon City Transportation Company
until 1919.284
The Willamette river's water level variations resulted in a seasonal
break in steamboat service above the mouth of the Yamhill River. While
125
river improvements extended the head of navigation from Weston to Salem,
yearly improvements had to be made, and even then, falling water levels
could delay the arrival of the steamboat. The schedules for points
above the year-round head of navigation reflect the changing water
level. Steamboats went as far upriver as they could, and the steamboat
schedules reflect the extension from Salem to Albany, then to Corvallis,
and finally as far as Eugene. Not only were Albany and Salem accessible
longer periods.of the year, they usually had boats stopping more days
per week than points upriver. Dayton experienced a much more regular
schedule, getting year-round service and almost always three days a
week. With the coming of the railroad, only the most profitable portions
of the routes were used. One wonders if had their been no competitors,
would the railroads have cut back service even more. Those upriver were
forced to ship by railroad, competitors extending steamboat service for
a time, but by the 1880s the railroads appear to have cut off all
competition. What effect the financial panic of 1873 and the following
depression had on the attempts of the independents was not investigated.
Accessibility for the towns changed with the coming of the railroad.
Some towns were left off the railroad, and lost population when busi
nesses left. Those towns that acquired railroad connections could
extend their hinterlands. However, some, for example, Albany, Dayton
and Lafayette, competed with new towns founded by the railroads. Towns
that acquired railroad connections and kept steamboat connections had
lower freight rates. In the following chapter, the growth of the towns
will be described and the,factors of accessibility, efforts of town
promoters, and site will be considered.
126
Notes
1 Reuben Gold Thwaites, "Palmers' Journals of Travels over the
Rocky Mountains 1845-1846," Early Western Travels 1748-1846, vol. 30,
(Cleveland, Ohio: Arthur H. Clark Co. 1906), pp. 166-167.
2 u.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report of Major N. Michler for
the First Six Months of the Fiscal Year Ending 30 June 1876, Appendix
FF11 of the Report of the Chief of Engineers to the Secretary of War.
House of Representatives, 44th Cong., 2nd Sess., Ex. Doc 1, pt. 2.
Congressional Set vol. 1744, p. 654.
3 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Explanation on "Map of the Upper
Willamette River from Salem to Independence Bar" by Major N. Michler,
June 1875, transmitted with the Annual Report for the Fiscal Year Ending
30 June 1876, Appendix GG of the Report of the Chief of Engineers to the
Secretary of War. House of Representatives, 44th Cong. 2nd Session, Ex.
Doc. 1, pt. 2. Congressional Serial Set, vol. 1676, Record Group 77,
Map W-294-1, available from the Cartographic and Architectural Branch,
National Archives, Wash. D. C.
4 The Congressional Serial Set, available in the Documents Section
of U.S. Govt. Depository Libraries contains reports by the U.S.
Engineers Office to the Secretary of War who in turn submitted his
reports to Congress. Reports covering river and harbor improvements for
several harbors and inland waterways in the U.S. are available. When
maps are not bound with the report or are listed as not printed, it is
advisable to check with the National Archives concerning the availabi
lity of these maps. The maps, water curves and profiles uncovered in
the course of this research are part of Record Group 77, Chief of
Engineers Civil Works Map File, organized by date, map maker and/or
annual report writer. Reports for 1871, 1873, 1875, 1876, 1896, 1904
were found covering the Willamette River and are listed in Bibliography
under the entry: U.S. Engineers Office. Maps are listed under: U.S.
National Archives.
5 Portland (Oregon) Morning Oregonian, 23 January 1874, p. 2:1.
6 Corvallis (Oregon) Gazette, 28 July 1866, p. 2:1.
7 Gazette, 21 July 1866, p. 3:1.
8 Oregon City (Oregon) Oregon Spectator, 12 May 1854, p. 2:2.
9 Ibid.
*1° Ibid., p. 2:1.
11 Oregon Spectator, 23 June 1854. p. 2:5.
12 Ibid.
13 Ibid., p. 2:6.
14 rnrwal'lic fflronnnl Cainttn • 1/1 T..1., 1occ _ n.-t
15 Gazette, 19 August 1853, p. 2:5,
127
16 Gazette, 4 August 1854, p. 2:4
17 Portland (Oregon) Weekly Oregonian, advertisements 31 July 1852,
p. 3:4, to 27 November 1852.
18 Oregon Spectator, 19 June 1851, p. 2.
19 Oregon Spectator, 12 November 1853, p. 3:1.
20 Portland (Oregon) Morning Oregonian, 29 November 1864, p. 3:1.
21 Morning Oregonian, 7 October 1851, p. 2:1.
22 Oregon Spectator, 21 October 1851, p. 3:1.
23 Oregon Spectator, 4 November 1851, p. 2:4.
24 Norbury L. Wayman, Life on the River: A Pictorial History of the
Mississippi, the Missouri, and the Western River System, (New York:
Crown Publishers, 1971), p. 254.
25 Portland (Oregon) Daily Oregonian, 26 January 1866, p. 3:1.
26 Oregon Spectator, 6 January 1852, p. 3:4; 3 February 1852, p. 2:2:
2 March 1852, p. 2:3.
27 Oregon Spectator, 6. January 1852, p. 3:4.
28 Milwaukie (Oregon) Western Star, 6 February 1851, p. 2:5 in
W.P.A. Transportation Volume, Oregon City Public Library, Oregon.
29 Oregon Spectator, 26 November 1853, p. 2:4.
30 Ibid.
31 Oregon Spectator, 3 December 1853, p. 3:2.
32 Oregon Spectator, 10 December 1853, p. 2:5.
/y
128
33 "Through the Locks," Daily Oregonian, January 1873, p. 3:1.
34 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report of Major N. Michler,
Corps of Engineers^ for the Fiscal Year ending 30 June 1876, Appendix
FF 11 of the Report of the Chief of Engineers to the Secretary of War,
House of Representatives, 44th Congress, 2nd Session Ex Doc. 1, Part 2
Congressional Serial Set Volume #1744, p. 654.
35 Ibid., p. 647.
36 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report of Major G. L. Gillespie,
Corps of Engineers, for the Fiscal Year ending 30 June 1880, Appendix
MM 1 of the Report of the Chief of Engineers to the Secretary of War,
House of Representatives 46th Congress, 3rd Session Congressional Serial
Set Volume 1955, p.. 2256; Appendix FF 11, 1876, p. 647.
37 Oregon Spectator, 21 January 1854, p. 2:3.
38 Oregon City (Oregon) Oregon Argus, 5 January 1856, p. 2:3.
39 Oregon Argus, 3 January 1857, p. 2:1.
40 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report of Major Gillespie,
Appendix MM 1, 1880, p. 2256; Annual Report of Major N. Michler, Appendix
FF 11, 1876, p. 647. :
4i Harvey W. Scott, History of Oregon Country, vol. 5, p. 129; see
also Oregon Argus, 18 January 1852, p. 2:4. "Suspension of Navigation,"
Oregon City (Oregon) Enterprise, 25 January 1868; "Transportation Held
Up by Ice," in W.P.A. Transportation Volume, Oregon City Public Library.
42 Oregonian, 22 January 1868, as quoted in Harvey W. Scott History
of the Oregon Country, vol. 5, p. 125.
43 Oregon Argus, 5 January 1856, p. 2:3.
44 Oregon Spectator, 21 January 1847, p. 2:1.
45 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report of Major N. Michler in
Appendix FF 11, p. 654.
46 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Report of Major J. F. Mclndoe, Corps of
Engineers on the Willamette River between Oregon City and Eugene trans
mitted with a letter from the Chief of Engineers 19 January 1910, House
of Representatives, 62nd Congress, 1st Session, Document #13,
Congressional Serial Set Volume 6116, p. 3.
47 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report of Major N. Michler,
Appendix FF 11, p. 655, 656.
129
48 U.S. Dept. of Interior, Bureau of Land Management. Surveyors
Notes 20 July 1852, General Description of Township 4 South, Range 3
West, p. 2 of 4. BLM Office, Portland, Oregon.
49 Oregon Spectator, 10 July 1851, p. 2:3; 19 August 1851, p. 2:2;
7 October 1851, p. 2:1.
50 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report of W. H. Heuer, on the
Survey of the Willamete River above Oregon City, Oregon, transmitted
with a letter from the Secretary of War, 10 January 1871, Senate, 41st
Cong., 3rd Sess., Ex. Doc. 14. Congressional Serial Set vol 1440, p. 8.
51 Ibid., p. 9, 10.
52 Ibid., p. 12.
53 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report of Major N. Michler. . .,
1876, Appendix FF 11, p. 661.
54 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report of W. H. Heuer, 1871,
p. 12.
55 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Supplement, Annual Report of Major
Michler. . ., 1876, Appendix FF 11, p. 654.
56 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Report of W. H. Heuer, 1871, p. 9, 10.
57 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report of Major Michler, 1876,
Appendix FF 11, p. 654.
58 Corvallis (Oregon) Gazette, 23 February 1867, p. 2.
59 Howard McKinley Corning, Willamette Landings, Oregon Historical
Society, Portland, Oregon, p. 162-3.
60 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report of Major Michler, 1876,
Appendix FF 2, p. 635.
61 Norbury Wayman, Life on the River, p. 258.
62 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report of Major Michler, 1876,
Appendix FF 2, p. 635.
63 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report of Major Michler, 1876,
Appendix FF 2, p. 635.
64 Oregon Spectator, 15 October 1846, p. 2:4.
65 Oregon Spectator, 4 December 1850, p. 2:5; also 12 December 1850,
p. 2:6; 18 April 1850, p. 3; 24 December 1853, p. 2:6.
130
66 Oregon Spectator, 12 December 1850, p. 2.
67 Oregon Spectator, 10 July 1851, p. 2; 9 August 1851, p. 2; also
U.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report 1876, FF 2, p. 634.
68 Oregon Spectator, 10 July 1851, p. 2.
69 Oregon Spectator, 4 November 1851, p. 2:2.
70 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report of Major Wiliam Jones,
on the Improvement of the Columbia and Willamette Rivers below Portland,
Oregon and of the Upper Willjmette, Appendix UUl and 2, of the Report of
the Chief of Engineers to the Secretary of War, 23 June 1889, House of
Representatives, Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 2, 51st Cong., 1st Sess., Congresssional
Serial Set vol 1719, p. 2581.
7i Oregon Spectator, 10 July 1851, p. 2.
72 Oregon Spectator, 9 September 1851, p. 2:6.
73 Oregon Spectator, 7 October 1851, p. 2; 16 August 1851, p. 2.
74 Oregon Spectator, 6 August 1851, p. 2:2.
75 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report of W. H. Heuer, 1871, p. 8.
76 Ibid., p. 8.
77 Ibid., p. 9, 12.
78 Ibid., p. 9.
79 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Report of Major George L. Gillespie,
Appendix MM 2, p. 2275.
80 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Report of Major Michler, 1876, Appendix
FF 11, p. 655.
81 Ibid., p. 661.
82 Ibid., p. 636.
83 "Building a Canal discussed Up River Navigation," Oregon
Spectator, 10 July 1851, p. 2.
84 Oregonian, 22 January 1870, p. 2; Oregon Spectator, 7 January,
1854, p. 2:3.
85 Oregonian, 4 March 1854, p. 2.
86 Oregonian, 22 January 1870, p. 2.
131
87 Oregon Spectator, 4 February 1854, p. 3:4.
88 Oregon Argus, 14 December 1861, p. 2.
89 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Report on the Examination and Survey
the Canal and Locks at Willamette Falls, Willamete River, Oregon,
14 December 1899, House of Representatives, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
Doc. No. 202, p. 8.
90 Ibid., p. 9.
9i Ibid., p. 5.
92 Oregon Spectator, 16 September 1853, p. 2:2.
93 Oregonian, 19 September 1865, p. 2:1.
94 Ibid.
95 Ibid.
96 Harvey W. Scott, History of the Oregon Country, vol. 3, p. 95-97.
97 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report of Major N. Michler,
1875, Appendix GG 6, p. 70.
98 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Report on the Yamhill River by W. C.
Langfitt, Corps of Engineers, House of Representatives, Document #78,
58th Congress, 2nd Session. Congressional Serial Set, vol. 4671, p. 9.
99 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Report of W. L. Fiske on the
Examination of the Santiam River, Oregon, transmited with a Letter from
the Secretary of War, 4 October 1897. House of Representatives, Doc.
109, 55th Cong., 2nd Sess. Congressional Serial Set, vol. 3662, p. 2.
100 ibid.
101 Ibid.
1°2 Oregon Spectator, 22 May 1851, p. 2; see also 12 June 1851, p. 2.
1°3 Oregon Spectator, 3July 1852, p. 2; 18 November 1851, p. 2:3.
1°4 Oregon Spectator, 2 September 1853, p. 3:1.
1°5 Oregon Spectator, 20 October 1853, p. 2:4.
1°6 Oregon Argus, 18 October 1856, p. 2:4.
1°7 E. K. Wright, "Early Steamboat Line Pursued By Worst of Evil
Fortune," Portland (Oregon) Sunday Oregonian, 13 October 1929, sec. 1,
p. 22.
132
1°8 Oregonian, September 1858, p. 2.
1°9 Daily Oregonian, 26 February 1867, p. 3:1.
11° Daily Oregonian, 1 April 1867, p. 2:1.
HI Ibid.
H2 Daily Oregonian, 6 October 1868, p. 3:1.
113 Daily Oregonian, 10 May 1869, p. 3:1.
114 Morning Oregonian, 26 November 1872, p. 2.
115 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Document 221, 55 Congress, 2nd Session.
116 Oregon Spectator, 18 April 1850, p. 2.
117 "Steamers for Oregon," Oregon Spectator, 15 June 1850, p. 1.
118 Oregon Spectator, 22 May 1851, p. 2.
119 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report of Major George L.
Gillespie, Appendix MM 1, 1880, p. 2274.
120 Oregon Spectator, 7 January 1854, p. 2:3.
121 Oregon Spectator, 20 October 1853, p. 3:1.
122 Norbury L. Wayman, Life on the River, pp. 150-151.
123 ibid.
124 Oregon Spectator, 20 October 1853, p. 3:1.
125 Statesman, 28 May 1853, p. 2:7.
126 Daily Oregonian,.23 May 1865, p. 3:!..
127 Staff member, Steamboat "Columbia Gorge," Cascade Locks, Oregon.
128 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report of Major George L.
Gillespie, Appendix MMl, 1880, p. 2274; Oregon Spectator, 24 March 1854,
p. 2:4.
129 Louis C. Hunter, Steamboats on the Western Rivers, p. 143.
130 Ibid., p. 145.
i3l Ibid., p. 144.
133
i32 Ibid., p. 146.
133 Ibid., p. 155.
134 Ibid.
135 Oregon Spectator, 16 September, 1853, p. 3:1.
136 Oregon Argus, 21 August 1858, p. 2:1.
137 Daily Oregonian, 19 January 1866, p. 3:1.
i38 Louis C. Hunter, Steamboats on the Western Rivers, p. 123.
139 Ibid., p. 129-130.
140 Ibid., p. 130.
U1 Ibid., p. 133. .,
142 Oregon Spectator, 7 October 1851, p. 2:1.
143 Oregon"Spectator, 4 November 1851, p. 3:4.
144 John Gates, "Letter to G. S. Gildersleave, 1 October 1874, from
Portland, Oregon" in Box 3, Gates Papers, University of Oregon Manu
scripts Collection, Eugene, Oregon.
145 Oregon Spectator, 11 November 1851, p. 2:1,2.
146 Oregon Spectator, 9 September 1851, p. 2:3.
147 Ibid.
148 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Report of Major N. Michler, 1876,
Appendix FF 11, p. 656, 661.
149 "Corvallis" Oregonian, 22 April 1889, p. 7.
150 Oregon Spectator, 5 August 1851, p. 2:2
151 Ibid.
152 Louis C. Hunter, Steamboats on the Western Rivers, p. 167.
153 Weekly Oregonian, 6 September 1855, p. 2:3.
154 Oregon Spectator, 20 October 1853, p. 3:1.
155 Oregon Spectator, 23 June 1854, p. 2:5; 4 August 1854, p. 2:4;
11 August 1854, p. 2:1.
134
156 Weekly Oregonian, 16 June 1855, p. 2:3.
157 Oregon Spectator, 27 January 1852, in W.P.A. Transportation
Volume, Oregon City Public Library.
158 Statesman, 30 April 1853, p. 2:6; Oregonian, 3 April 1852,
p. 2:6.
159 Oregonian, 29 January 1853, p. 2:5.
16° Oregonian, 8 January 1853, p. 2:1.
161 "A New Steamboat Burned," Oregon Spectator, 13 October 1853,
p. 2:2.
162 Oregon Spectator, 19 August 1853, p. 2:6.
163 Oregon Spectator, 24 March 1854, p. 3:1.
i64 Oregon Spectator, 10 February 1852, p. 2:1.
165 Oregon Spectator, 7 April 1854, p. 2:1.
166 Oregon Spectator, 23 September 1851, p. 2:1.
167 Oregon Spectator, 19 August 1853, p. 2:6; Statesman, 7May 1853,
p. 3:2.
168 Oregonian, 14 April 1854, p. 1:1,
169 "A New Steamboat Burned," Oregon Spectator, 13 October 1853,
p. 2:2.
170 Morning Oregonian, 8 August 1863, p. 2:2.
171 Oregonian, 8 January 1853, p. 2:1.
172 E. K. Wright, Sunday Oregonian, Sec. 3, p. 10.
173 Oregon City (Oregon) Statesman, 22 June 1852, p. 2:4, in W.P.A.
Transportation Volume, Oregon City Public Library, Oregon City, Oregon.
174 Oregon Spectator, 3 July 1851, p. 2:1.
175 Oregon Spectator, 19 August 1851, p. 2:2.
176 Oregon Spectator, 16 September 1851, p. 2.
177 Oregon Spectator, 17 December 1853, p. 2:1.
178 Oregonian, 21 March 1857, p. 2.
135
179 Daily Oregonian, 22 April 1867, p. 3:1.
180 "Steamer Columbia - New Era," Oregon Spectator, 11 July 1850,
p. 2.
181 "River Trade," Oregon Spectator, 11 November 1851, p. 2:1.
182 Oregon Spectator, 7 October 1851, p. 2.
183 In order to describe the type of service different towns re
ceived, I checked steamboat ads in the Portland Oregonian for a forty
year period. They were not always continuously inserted. When a boat
was changed from one route to another, or a company or boat ceased
operating, the ads disappeared. Gaps in the data may also reflect the
use of posters instead of newspapers as an advertising medium. The ads
may have only been inserted when a change took place, or when a new com
pany or boat were available. In any case, there would have been a need
to reach a larger audience. Independent steamboat operators advertised
for shorter periods of time than did the larger companies, usually
because they offered more varied service than the companies. During
periods of depression, fewer steamboat ads appeared.
184 Weekly Oregonian, 6 September 1851, p. 2.
185 Oregon Spectator, 4 November 1851, p. 2.
186 Oregonian, 4 December 1850, p. 4.
187 Oregonian, 27 November 1852, p. 3.
188 Weekly Oregonian, 5 November 1853, p. 3.
189 Weekly Oregonian, 11 March 1854, p. 2.
190 Weekly Oregonian, 22 September 1855, p. 2.
191 Weekly Oregonian, 17 January 1857, p. 3.
192 Weekly Oregonian, 19 November 1853, p. 2.
193 Weekly Oregonian, 9 December 1854, p. 3.
194 Weekly Oregonian, 30 December 1851, p. 2.
195 Weekly Oregonian, 24 February 1852, p. 2.
l9^ Weekly Oregonian, 10 December 1853, p. 2.
I97 Weekly Oregonian, 7 January 1854, p. 2.
1" Weekly Oregonian, 24 March 1854, p. 2.
If
136
1" Oregon Argus, 11 October 1856; Weekly Oregonian, 18 October
1856, p. 2.
200 "Address to Farmers and Shippers of the Willamette Valley,"
Weekly Oregonian, 19 November 1859, p. 2.
201 Ibid.
202 Oregonian, 7 March 1854, p. 2:6 to 11 April 1854.
203 Oregon Spectator, 12 November 1853, p. 3:3 to 1 July 1857.
204 Oregonian, 2 April 1853, p. 3:1 to 26 January 1856.
205 Oregonian, 10 December 1853, p. 2:6 to 1 July 1854 issue.
206 Daily Oregonian, 7 October 1865, p. 3:1.
207 Daily Oregonian, 9 December 1865, p. 2.
208 Daily Oregonian, 9 December 1865, p. 2.
209 Daily Oregonian, 4 December 1865, p. 2.
21° Daily Oregonian, 26 January 1866, p. 3:1.; 10 February 1866,
p. 3:1; 12 February 1866, p. 2:4.
2H Daily Oregonian, 2 February 1866, p. 2.
212 Daily Oregonian, 14 February 1866, p. 2.
2i3 Daily Oregonian, 16 March 1866, p. 2.
2i4 Daily Oregonian, 26 April 1866, p. 2.
215 Daily Oregonian, 4 January 1866, p. 2:4; 30 January 1866, p. 2;
2 February 1866, p. 3; 26 February 1866 p. 2; 7 March 1866, p. 2;
9 March 1866, p. 2; 14 March 1866, p. 2; 16 March 1866, p. 2; 20 March
1866, p. 2; 6 April 1866, p. 2.
216 Daily Oregonian, 26 April 1866, p. 2.
217 Daily Oregonian, 24 July 1866, p. 2.
218 Daily Oregonian, 4 October 1866, p. 2.
219 Daily Oregonian, 1 November 1866, p. 2.
220 Daily Oregonian, 8 December 1866, p. 2.
137
221 Halbakken, David Sanstad, "A History of Wheat Growing in Oregon
During the 19th Century," (Masters thesis, Department of History,
University of Oregon, June 1948), p. 7.
222 Donald G, Holtgrieve, "Historical Geography of Transportation
Routes and Town Development in Oregon's Willamette Valley," (Ph.D.
dissertation, Department of Geography, University of Oregon), p. 88.
223 Morning Oregonian advertisment, 7 January 1871 to 12 January 1871
224 Oregonian, 23 August 1871, p. 3:1.
225 "The Wallamet Steamboat Line," Morning Oregonian, 4 September
1871, p. 3.
226 Oregonian, 7 September 1871.
227 Oregonian, 26 October 1872, p. 3.
228 Oregonian, 29 October 1872, p. 2:1; see also 17 February 1873,
p. 2:1; 20 February 1873, p. 2:1.
229 Editorial, Oregonian, 6 March 1873, p. 2:2.
230 Oregonian, 22 March 1873, p. 2.
231 Oregonian, 4 June 1873, p. 2; 24 June 1873, p. 1.
232 Oregon City Enterprise, 20 November 1874, p. 1:2, ran to
December 1878.
233 Oregonian, 9 November 1874, p. 2:3.
234 Ibid., p. 3:7.
235 Ibid.
236 Ibid., p. 1:7.
237 Ibid.
238 Oregonian, 24 December 1874, p. 2:3.
239 Ibid.
240 Oregonian, 21 November 1874, p. 2:2; 5 February 1875; 15 February
1875, p. 2:3; 19 February 1875; 25 February 1875; 9 March 1875; 18 March
1875; 23 March 1875, p. 2:6; 28 April 1875, p. 2:2; 5 May 1875, p. 2:4;
14 May 1875, p. 2:6; 20 May 1875; 1 June 1875; p. 2:2; 12 June 1875,
p. 2:3; 23 June 1875; 7 July 1875; 13 July 1875; 20 July 1875; 27 August
138
1875; 30 August 1875, p. 2:2; 7 September 1875, p. 4:4; 16 October 1875,
p. 3:6; 18 October 1875, p. 4:6; 12 November 1875, p. 2:2; 15 November
1875; 29 November 1875; 8 December 1875; 18 December 1875, p. 4:6.
241 Oregonian, 4 November 1875, p. 2:3.
242 Oregonian, 8 November 1875, p. 2:2; 15 November 1875, p. 2:2.
243 Oregonian, 24 November 1875, p. 2:2; 29 November 1875;
13 December 1874, p. 4:6.
244 Oregonian, 20 December 1875, p. 2:3; 24 December 1875, p. 4:6; 25
December 1875; 29 December 1875.
245 Oregonian, 25 February 1875, p. 2:3.
246 Oregonian, p. 2:6.
247 Oregonian, 10 April 1875, p. 2.
248 Oregonian, 23 July 1875, p. 2.
249 Oregonian, 25 February 1875, p. 2:3.
250 Oregonian, 23 July 1875, p. 2:6.
251 Oregonian, 20 November 1875, p. 4:6.
252 Oregonian, 20 November 1875, p. 4:6.
253 Oregonian, 10 January 1876, p. 4:6.
254 Oregonian, 29 May 1876, p. 3:2.
255 Oregonian, 8 May 1877, p. 3:4.
256 Oregonian, 21 November 1877^ p. 1:7.
257 "The River Open," Daily Oregonian, 3 January 1873, p. 2:1.
258 "Competition in Transportation," Daily Oregonian, 1 March 1875,
p. 1:4.
259 Ibid.
260 ibid.
261 Oregonian, 13 November 1884, p. 3:1.
262 Oregonian, 13 November 1884, p. 3:1.
263 Oregonian, 28 May 1885, p. 7:7.
139
264 Oregonian, 10 July 1885, p. 4:7.
265 Oregonian, 10 September 1885, p. 4:3.
266 Oregonian, 8 October 1885, p. 7:7.
267 Oregonian, 10 November 1885, p. 4:7.
268 Oregonian, 21 November 1885, p. 4:7.
269 Oregonian, 8 October 1885, p. 7:7; 10 November 1885, p. 4:7; 21
November 1885, p. 4:7.
270 Oregonian, 12 November 1884, p. 4:2.
271 Oregonian, 13 November 1884, p. 3:2.
272 Oregonian, 27 August 1885, p. 4:6; 22 October 1885; 11 September
1885, p. 13.
273 Morning Oregonian, 27 May 1881, p. 2.
274 Morning Oregonian, 4 September 1884, p. 4.
275 Morning Oregonian, 8 October 1885, p. 7:6.
276 Portland and Vicinity, (Portland: L. Samuel, Publisher, 1887),
p. 13.
277 "The City at the Falls," West Shore, August 1887 (Portland:
L. Samuel, Publisher), p. 583.
278 Oregonian, 21 November 1885, p. 4; 9 February 1885, p. 4.
279 George F. Jones, Through the Willamette Valley: Little Trips by
Land and Water for Little Money, jointly provided by the Oregon Water
Power and Railway Company and the Oregon City Transportation Company
(Portland: Press of Bushong and Company, 1903).
280 Morning Oregonian, 3 June 1888, p. 4.
28i Annual Report ... of the Oregon Railway and Navigation
Company, (New York: Searing and Hyde, 1887), p. 6.
Morning Oregonian, 24 April 1890, p. 2, p. 12; 1 January 1895,
p. 39.
Randall V. Mills, Sternwheelers Up the Columbia, (Palo Alto, CA:
Pacific Books 1947), p. 63.
282
39.
283
ifi
284 Ibid., p. 65.
140
CHAPTER III
\
TOWN DEVELOPMENT
The steamboat stimulated the growth of towns and improved established
trade patterns.1 As a regional marketing system, it fed local trade^ —
into external markets.2 The demand for Oregon lumber and wheat from the
California gold rush areas brought an increase i-n-exports.. A steamship
line and two lines of sailing vessels provided dependable service between
Portland and San Francisco.3 As a commentator reported in 1852, milling
was "a principle [sic] interest in Oregon."4 Of the products of new
mills which were built, "some was for commerce and some for home
consumption."5 Towns, both those that had been established earlier and
those platted during this era of prosperity, competed for the export
trade. Local trade was attracted to those places with access to exterior
markets. Begun on a more or less equal footing, a system of relation
ship between the towns developed, as some towns grew faster than others
and acquired functions not available at smaller places.
Each townsite owner believed his location to have unique advantages
which would result in its eventual development as a great city. The
first towns in the Willamette Valley were laid out in the early 1840s
(see Figure 37). The dates used here are based on written accounts of
when the townsite owner laid out the town (see Appendix A). Recording
the plat often occurred later. Oregon City and Linn City, platted in
\
Figure 37. Towns Platted
plat dates.
1840-1844. See Appendix for sources of
141
142
1842, and Multnomah City, platted in 1843, were located at Willamette
Falls, where potential as a water power site was recognized. Choice of
sites for river towns was often based on its presumed advantage as a
shipping point.6 Linnton and Portland, platted in 1844 and 1845, were
sited on the lower Willamette. On the upper Willamette, Champoeg,
Oxford (which may or may not have been the same as Champoeg),7 and
Butteville were platted in 1844.
Additional towns were platted as settlement spread southward (see
Figure 38). A town named Atchison was laid out in 1847 on the Wheatland
site.8 Cincinnati became Eola and Marysville became Corvallis.
During the 1850s, an era of town building mania occurred with the
prosperity occasioned by the flow of gold from California into the area.
Several more towns appeared (see Figure 39).
Dates for some towns were not found, so the General Land Office
Survey maps made between 1851 and 1853 were checked to determine whether
the town may have been in existence. Surveyors were directed to record
information about towns. The amount of detail recorded varies from sur
veyor to surveyor. What were probably larger towns were often mapped
using a varying number of squares. Four squares mark the site of
Fairfield.9 In other cases, individual buildings are shown. For
example at Weston, the steamboat landing and a storehouse are shown.10
The sites of Wheatland, Lincoln, and Buena Vista are shown as Matheny's
Ferry, Dokes Ferry, and Halls Ferry and no buildings are shown, so if
these towns had been platted, they may not yet have begun to grow.H No
buildings appear on the site of Orleans,12 platted across the river from
Corvallis. Several squares mark the town of Boonville.13 The ferry and
Figure 38. Towns Platted 1845-1850. See Appendix for sources of
plat dates.
143
Boonevitie •
(1853)
Base Map: GLO.Oregon Terrilory. 1855
V Harrisburg
LancasterV* (1853)
Eugene"
(1852)
¥
Towns Platted
After 1850
6 Location Approximate
Figure 39. Towns Platted After 1850. See Appendix for sources of
plat dates.
144
145
three buildings, labeled Smith's, Martin's, and Donald's store, which
Corningl4 says made up the early town of Burlington, appear in section 6
of Township 13 South, Range 4 West. Nothing noting the existence of a
town occurs at Spores or Forgeys, the future sites of Lancaster and
Harrisburg, respectively.15 This township was surveyed in October 1853.
By the time the steamboat Fenix arrived at that point in December 1853,
Forgey had laid out the town of Thurston (Harrisburg).16
Although Eugene Skinner had platted the town of Eugene in April
1852,17 only the ferries and houses of Skinner and Briggs appear on the
township map dated 1853.18 The town of Rapids, near Clackamas Rapids,
was mentioned by Israel Benjamin in a journal of his tour through
Oregon in 1861.19
Additional sections were laid out in towns already established. In
many cases, townsite owners on adjoining Donation Land Claims platted
these additions or new towns. When Theodore Winthrop passed through the
Willamette Valley in 1853, he noted this clustering of towns at
Marysville (Corvallis), where Dixon's addition to Marysville20 was
platted on his Donation Land Claim. In addition, the town of Orleans
was platted across the river from Marysville.
Whenever one has hit upon a good site for a town, his next
neighbor starts a rival one so that there are often two
settlements within a quarter mile in open warfare.21
This clustering occurred at the Falls, where Multnomah City adjoined
Linn City.22 At Albany, what is recorded as Hackleman's Addition to
Albany, on Albany's town plat, appears as New Albany on the Surveyor's
Map for 1852 (see Figure 40).23 North Salem was platted in 1850.24
Figure 40. Albany and New Albany. U.S. Dept. of Interior, G.L.O.,
Survey, T.llS., R.3W.
146
147
Townsite owners advertised the advantages of their town announcing
lots for sale, and newspaper editors promoted their towns. The water
power and portage site at the Falls was believed destined to make Linn
City and Oregon City great. At that time, Oregon City was the point at
which people purchased their supplies rather than at Portland because of
the additional expense of the extra freight transfer at the Falls. The
Spectator's editor proclaimed that at some future date Green Point,
Multnomah City, Linn City, and Oregon City would one day all be part of
a great city.25
Townsite owners of Clackamas City and Buena Vista advertised that
their sites were high and dry; C. Pickett stating that his town
(Clackamas City) was ten feet above high water marks.26 in addition,
the Buena Vista townsite owner proclaimed the healthfulness of his site,
"there being no swamps or wet lowland about this place."27 Champoeg's
site was an open area in the forest which permitted easy access to the
river. Several Willamette Valley river towns began as ferry crossings.
No bridges crossed the Willamette in the 1870s and every town history
seems to record the operation of a ferry by a settler or town pro
prietor. Besides, Wheatland, Buena Vista and Lincoln, mentioned earlier,
Hi 1den records that Harrisburg, Dayton, and Jefferson began as ferry
crossings.28 Syracuse began as Hale's Ferry.
As important as the site, was the situation of these towns in rela
tion to their hinterland and transportation facilites. In some cases,
situation was the sole attribute of a town. Howison describes the site
of Linnton as "mosquito ridden and overshadowed by huge fir trees,"29
148
but its situation was "a natural depot for the produce of the well
settled Tualatin Plains."30
While roads were a secondary mode of transportation because their
muddy condition in the winter made travel over them slower than travel
by steamboat—or earlier, flatboats—they provided access to shipping
points. Early river town promoters made efforts to connect with the
farming areas in their hinterlands.
Many towns hoped to be the depot for the Tualatin Plains as Linnton
did. Linn City was for a time, as shown by the road marked as Warre's
map of Oregon City (see Figure 41), but as Sidney Moss explained:
But when they openCed] a road direct to Portland that was a
place where ships could land, the farmers could get their
goods at a cheaper rate, with a better road, and the farmers
went there.3!
Besides the road the promoters of Portland built to the Tualatin
Plains, they also built one up the east side of the river to Oregon City.
This road appears on Warre's Oregon City map.32
Other towns built connecting roads to Oregon City. The town of
Willamette City announced the opening of a road from their landing at
the foot of Clackamas Rapids:
Thereby furnishing a safe means for conveying merchandise,
etc., to Linn City, Oregon City, and above the Willamette
Falls. ... As the steamer Columbia discharges and takes
in at this place her cargo to and from the above places, this
arrangement will facilitate the trade of the surrounding
country to a great extent.33
The position of Willamette City relative to Oregon City, Linn City,
and Clackamas City is shown on the map reproduced from General Land
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150
Office Surveyor's maps done in the 1850s. Whether one of the roads
shown was meant or a more direct one built is not known (see Figure 42).
Use of this road would probably have been seasonal, since when the
river rose, steamboats were able to go the entire distance to Oregon
City.
Some towns were on through roads. The road network in 1855 as taken
from a General Land Office map of the state of Oregon is shown in Figure
43. Champoeg lay, on the route between Fort Vancouver and California used
by the Hudson's Bay Co.34 Corvallis and Lafayette were both on routes
used by miners headed for California.^ Lafayette advertised the ability
to accommodate miners in an ad for the Lafayette mining store.36 Oregon
City was on the Barlow road, the entrance to the Willamette Valley for
many immigrants. When steamboats could go no farther, merchandise for
upriver points was left at Salem, Albany, and Corvallis and transported
by wagon upriver. Whether it may also have been left at landings is not
known. The towns would have had merchants or commission agents willing
to accept freight. Roads to Salem, Albany, and Fairfield may have been
more heavily traveled by those bringing wheat to ship. Halbakken iden
tifies Linn and Marion Counties as the major wheat producing counties of
the valley.37
At the Falls, Absalom Hedges blasted a lower portage road between
Oregon City and Canemah, and Robert Moore put one through on the Linn
City side. The upper portage road shows on Warre's map of Oregon City
(see Figure 41). *•
Figure 42. Relative Positions of Willamette, Oregon and Linn
Cities. U.S. Dept. of Interior, G.L.O. Survey. T.2.5, R.l.E. and
(•c«o»9K«l»W«
151
152
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153
In addition to attempts to connect with their hinterlands and other
towns by building roads, town promoters attempted to improve transpor
tation facilities by investing in steamboats to ensure service to their
town. The Spectator editor pointed out that investment in steamboats
would save merchants in freight costs:
. . . the employment of a small steamer on the Willamette
to do the carrying business would save its own cost in a year
to the merchants of this city in the cost of freight. And at
the same time, merchandise would be delivered here more safely,
dryly and expeditiously. Our Portland neighbors, it will be
seen, are making a noble effort to promote the steam naviga
tion of our rivers. We are also informed that Mr. Hedges of
Falls City intends during the coming season to put a steam
boat on the Willamette above the Falls.38
The coming of the steamboat was viewed as the signal of a new era in
the trade of the Columbia and Willamette.39 The availability of this new
form of transportation, coupled with the expected increase in immigra
tion from the passage of the Donation Land Act of September 27, 1850,
was expected to encourage the rapid growth of towns.
Tis thus the change will be, and the day is not now very dis
tant, when these rivers will be covered with the ever "puffing
steamer," transporting the produce from one section to the
other. The towns already established will, in a short time,
grow into cities, and new ones will be constantly springing
up that will astonish all mankind with the rapidity of their
growth.40
Also, when the Fenix ascended to the town of Thurston (Harrisburg)
in December 1853, the reaction of the people upriver to the presence of
the steamboat was that "every countenance both old and young beamed with
delight, and towns innumerable sprang up in imagination."4!
154
The proprietor of the Thurston (Harrisburg) townsite, William A.
Forgey, donated several town lots "of first choice,"42 to the officers
and owners of the Fenix. Other efforts by townsite owners included:
Lot Whitcomb's building of the steamboat that bore his name; the clear
ing of the river by the people of Salem to improve service to their
town, an action also taken by Oregon City residents with respect to the
Clackamas Rapids.
As was shown in Chapter II, steamboat navigation was seasonal above
the mouth of the Yamhill River. In 1852 Weston was the year-round head
of navigation. By 1875, the river had been improved so that boats could
get to Salem year-round if the steamboat captains were willing to spend
two hours to drag the boat over the bars. Boats were unable to go
beyond Salem by August and resumption of steamboat navigation above that
point could occur anytime from September to November. Boats always went
as far upriver as they could. They only got to Eugene during high water
months in winter and if the water was high in the spring. Boats ran to
Portland daily, Dayton three times a week, Salem from two to six, and to
Corvallis and Albany two to five, and Eugene once a week or as often as
the depth of water permitted.
Besides efforts to improve connections to their towns, promoters
made efforts to attract population by donating lots, especially to those
who would set up a business. In several cases, promoters donated lots
for schools, churches, county courthouses, as well as the state or terri
torial capital. At Eugene, Albany, and Corvallis land was donated for a
county courthouse. The Montieths of Albany donated "ten acres of land
directly west of the courthouse site."43 The proceeds from the sale of
155
this land were to be set aside for the construction of the new court
house.44 Hugh Burns offered to donate thirty lots in Multnomah City and
erect a building fifteen by thirty-five feet, and one and one-half
stories high for the seat of the provisional government.^ The town
proprietor of Buena Vista made a similar offer when promoting his town
for the state capital. McLoughlin donated a block of land for the
Female Seminary at Oregon City,46 as well as giving lots to the
Methodists for a church.47
Successful towns had some combination of a favorable site, good
connections by road to their hinterlands, a degree of accessibility to
other towns and ocean shipping via steamboat, and energetic town pro
moters. The town promoters are of primary importance in a consideration
of town growth because their efforts can improve a mediocre site or gain
an improved position on a transportation route. Improved accessibility
can enable a town to achieve a higher ranking in a hierarchy of places.
Equally important to understanding the development of a particular
area is the opposite case. Why did some towns fail?
In the case of river towns, one factor of town failure was destruc
tion by flood. Some early Willamette river towns were located on the
alluvial deposits or first terrace, which were usually flooded when the
river rose. Extensive damage at the Falls occurred with each flood.
While the flood of 1861 was. the worst to occur, other flood years were
1844, 1881, and 1890.48 In still other years, high water caused con
siderable damage, particularly to the business and industrial sections
of the towns which were usually located closest to the river. Not all
these high water years have been documented to my knowledge, so damage
156
which occurred during the 1849 and 1853 high water periods is presented
here in detail to illustrate the sort of destruction the towns exper
ienced.
The destruction caused by the flood of 1861 has been fairly well
described so will be used as an example of flood damage. Other than to
note that considerable damage was done, Brands states that available
sources do not describe the extent of damage done at Oregon City or
other towns in the Falls area by the flood of 1844.49
In December 1849, a freshet washed away the beef market on Water
Street, the Red Store and Couch's and Co., and left the storehouse of
Cranfill and Simpson on its end in the water at Oregon City.50 a later
report states:
From what information we have been able to obtain we feel
assured that nearly all the mills in the territory have been
swept away or seriously injured. Those on the west side seem
to have experienced the greatest damage. It will require the
expenditure of some thousands of dollars to repair all the
injuries experienced by the Oregon City mills, though for
tunately they were not swept away. O'Neals' mill in Polk Co.,
the new mill just being erected at Yamhill Falls, and the
Clackamas mills are all a total loss. It will cost some
$40,000 or $50,000 to repair the damage done on Water Street
in Oregon City, including the street itself and the houses.51
In 1853, considerable damage was done again in the Falls area. The
Oregonian reported that several houses had been carried away at Linn and
Oregon Cities, the sawmills on the island adjoining Oregon City and the
bridge connecting it to Oregon City were swept away but the island
gristmills were still standing (see Figure 41). Dr. McLoughlin's saw
mill was swept away. A wharf boat sunk at Canemah.52
157
Elsewhere in the valley, Dayton suffered the loss of General Palmer's
mills. Champoeg was inundated. The bridges over the Yamhill were
damaged, but not washed away.53 At Portland, Coffin's wharf was carried
away as well as a portion of Norton's wharf.54 Portland apparently con
sistently suffered less flood damage than Oregon City.
The most extensive flood damage occurred during the flood of 1861.
Reports used here appeared in the Oregon Argus at Oregon City and the
Oregonian at Portland, based on eyewitness accounts or quotes from the
Corvallis Union or Albany Democrat. Information is more detailed con
cerning the larger towns. The type of damage ranged from loss of entire
towns at some locations and little or no damage at others. Here the
type of site selected by the townsite owner had a bearing on the degree
of damage suffered by a particular town. As expected, those towns on the
lowest terraces and alluvial deposits suffered the worst damage. It is
known that Orleans and Champoeg were carried away. These towns are on
the lowest terrace.55 Only the houses remained undamaged at Santiam
City and Jefferson.56 Syracuse is not mentioned which suggests that it
may have been destroyed earlier. Some houses were washed away at
Butteville,57 and the warehouse at Wheatland as well.58
Damage to towns on higher terraces usually consisted of losses of
commercial establishments or mills which were closest to the river. A
sawmill was lost at Milwaukie,59 and those at Albany almost completely
destroyed.60 At Salem, DuRellis' Mill and the cidar manufactory as well
as the wharf built the previous summer were carried away.61 Wheat was
spoiled at Independence.62 At Portland, the wharf between Washington
and Alder Streets was swept away, as well as a portion of Coffins, and
158
the rear portico of the Bank Exchange Saloon.63 Eugene was reported
partially covered, the damage to property not great, and Harrisburg was
reported under water.64 Peoria was high and dry.65
Damage to the towns at the Falls was extensive. Once again, Oregon
City reported the worst damage. The water was four feet deep in Main
Street and most of the frame storehouses were swept from their founda
tions. Many houses were swept away there.66 The bridge to the Island
Mills was destroyed.67
The Linn City Works, which had been built in 1852-1853, were used to
transfer freight between boats on the upper and lower rivers. These were
washed away, as were the Oregon City Mills, and the breakwaters on both
sides of the rivers, the Island Mills, and the Willamette Iron Works.
Businesses and houses were damaged.68 a list of property owners and
their losses appeared in the Oregon Argus for December 14, 1861. In
all, the loss at Oregon City was $170,000.69
On the Yamhill River, Dayton again suffered damage. William and
Lippincott's Store, as well as several other buildings were destroyed.
At Lafayette, water rose to the eaves of Wolfe's warehouse, but no loss
of building was reported. All bridges crossing the Yamhill were swept
away. This damage was caused by backwater from the Willamette. Water
backed up behind Rock Island, saving, it was believed, Oregon City from
worse damage.70
In those towns where rebuilding took place, some rearrangement
undoubtedly took place as those sites which were found easily flooded
were abandoned. The value of other sites not easily flooded would
increase. Hilden states that businesses at Dayton moved away from the
159
river,7! and it may be expected that this was true at other sites also.
The Oregon Argus editor emphasized the need to locate new improvements
where damage was less likely:
We have had opportunity however to learn lessons which may be
of great value to us in making improvements hereafter. The
water in this freshet, was ten or twelve feet higher, opposite
Oregon City, than in the freshet of January, 1853, and any
permanent improvements located hereafter should be prepared
for still higher water. Some particular points may be much
more easily guarded against the violence of a freshet than
others, and these will probably be seized as points for im
provement first.72
Besides loss from flood, townsite ventures failed when a change in
the channel caused a city to be left without access to shipping. Such
was the case for Lancaster and Boonville, located south of Corvallis
along the section of the river where channel changes occurred yearly.
Just as efforts of townsite promoters can assist town growth, so
some actions can work against the success of towns. Some, like the
proprietors of Linnton, were absentee owners. Others sold lots for high
prices. Sidney Moss stated that McLoughlin originally sold lots at
Oregon City for whatever price he could get, but later attempted to sell
them for high prices, particularly to potential buyers from Portland and
San Francisco.73
Access to water power was another issue. Palmer stated that Robert
Moore's town of Linn City did not grow as much as Oregon City because he
would not sell water power.74 Moss states that McLoughlin would not
lease him "water enough to turn a grindstone."75
The degree to which uncertainty of land titles affected the growth
of towns can only be partially answered here. It appears to have been
160
a problem throughout the 1850s, to have affected some towns more than
others, and at the very least to have resulted in less willingness to
invest in improvements.
When the Donation Land Law passed September 27, 1850, some settlers
claimed sites where towns already existed and for a time proper owner
ship was in question. The Oregon Spectator editor described the situa
tion:
Subsequent to the passage of the law of September 27, 1850
granting donations of the public lands to settlers in Oregon,
various speculators pounced on the different townsites in the
territory,, in which they were all settled. They were in all
cases the first settlers on the various tracts, and claimed on
the passage of the law above mentioned, the right to locate
their 640 acre warrants so as to cover not only the portions of
the various towns occupied by themselves, but by others. The
Surveyor General of Oregon decided in favor of their various
claims thus ousting all other persons who had also settled in
the different towns of the territory, and improved the respec
tive lots they occupied.76
The Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Oregon memorialized
Congress concerning the matter, stating that section 4 of the Donation
Land Law which voided any land sales made before patents were received:
... operates prejudiciously to the interests of our
Territory, retarding the growth of our Towns and villages,
rendering insecure and uncertain all investments in real
estate in said towns and thereby cripling the business and
energy of our Territory.77
The Oregonian editor echoes this concern and called for an amendment
which would enable investors to obtain title quickly:
One of the most important considerations is that our present
donation law, which all admit to be defective, should be '
amended in many particulars . . . memorialize Congress for such
amendments ... so as to obtain at an early date a title to
his land. This is preminently necessary in townsite claims.
Without a title to land no city or town can advance in business,
wealth or happiness; without a good and valid title, no capita
list will invest his money in improvements; without improve
ments the country will lag behind the advancement of the age,
and other points possessing less inducement will attract capi
tal and enterprise away.78
In a later column, the editor claimed that for Portland in 1853:
The business of this city was retarded and all manner of
obstructions thrown in the way of improvement, by the con
stant personal difficulties between the proprietors.79
In 1854, the land department refused to grant patents to the pro
prietors of the Portland land claim.80 in that year, House Bill 316
passed which:
... provides that the donations hereafter to be sur
veyed in Oregon and Washington, claimed under the provisions of
the Act of September 27, 1850, shall, in no case, include a
town site, or lands settled upon for the purposes of business
or trade, and not for agriculture; and that all town sites
shall be subject to the operations of the Act of May 23, 1844
. . . for the relief of the citizens of towns upon the lands of
the United States, under certain circumstances.81
The May 23, 1844 act reads as follows:
. . . that whenever any portion of the surveyed public
lands has been or shall be settled upon and occupied as a town
site, and therefore not subject to entry under the existing
preemption laws, it shall be lawful, in case such town or place
shall be incorporated, for the corporate authorities thereof,
and if not, incorporated, for the judges of the county court
for the county in which such town may be situated, to enter, at
the proper land office, and at the minimum price, the land so
settled and occupied, in trust, for the several use and benefit
of the occupants thereof, according to their respective
interests; the execution of such trust, as to the disposal of
lots in such town, and the proceeds of the sales thereof,
according to their respective interests; the execution of which
161
trust, as to the disposal of the lots in such town, and the
proceeds of the sales thereof, to be conducted under such rules
and regulations of the State or Territory in which the same is
situated: Provided, that the entry of the land intended by this
act be made prior to the commencement of the public sale of the
body of land in which it is included, and that the entry shall
include only such land as is actually occupied by the town, and
be made in conformity to the legal subdivisions of the public
lands authorized by the Act of April 24, 1820, and shall not in
the whole exceed 320 acres.82
162
As a result of these decisions, the Common Council authorized the
mayor in 1854 to enter a 320 acre claim for the citizens of Portland.83
However, the legislature of Oregon continued to memorialize Congress
regarding the difficulty of finalizing sales and donations of land due
to the decision of the Commissioner of the General Land Office.
AND WHEREAS, many of the early emigrants to Oregon Terrirtory
and many who arrived in Oregon since the passage of the dona
tion law, have made selection of claims under the provisions of
the donation law, and, as far as possible, complied with all
the provisions of said donation law, and expended large sums of
money in improving said claims in cultivation, creating build
ings, stores, mills, and machinery, that was absolutely
necessary to meet the wants and necessities of the country,
thereby in many instances making it necessary for the original
settlers to donate or sell small parcels of land to accommodate
and encourage mechanics, merchants, and professional men, who
do not hold adversely to the original settlers, but claim their
title from them, thereby forming a small town or city;
AND WHEREAS, many of the settlers have complied with all
the provisions of the donation law, and procured certificates
of title from the proper officer;
AND WHEREAS, the Commissioner of the General Land Office
has returned some of said certificates to Oregon, deciding that
lands occupied for town sites, and for purposes of trade and
commerce, cannot be held by settlers under the donation law,
and are reserved from settlement by the preemption laws of the
United States;
AND WHEREAS, the Supreme Court of the Territory of Oregon,
in a late decision, declared that the preemption, .laws of
June 22, 1838, September 4, 1841, and the act of May 23, 1844,
were not applicable to, or operative in the Territory of Oregon;
AND WHEREAS,, a large proportion of the valuable part of
those claims upon which townsites have been located is in the
163
hands of second holders, some of whom are non-residents, and
holding by a succession of titles from the original proprietors,
none of whom are holding adversely to the claimants under the
donation law;
AND WHEREAS, the settlers upon claims that the wants of
the people of Oregon required should be used for purposes of
trade and commerce, and town sites, have been greatly
embarassed by the decision of the Commissioner of the General
Land Office, and been prevented from perfecting the titles to
their claims, and therby rendered unable to make good their
bonds and agreements to parties to whom they have sold or
donated lands and lots in good faith, thereby creating dis
appointment and embarrassment in their titles;
AND WHEREAS, the decision of the Supreme Court of the
Territory of Oregon gives general satisfaction to the people of
Oregon, who understood that the donation law opened all of the
lands in Oregon to settlers, excepting only the lands reserved
by it, and that the provisions of the donation law, if carried
out, would work the greatest good to the greatest number:
therefore,
Resolved by the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of
Oregon, That our Delegate in Congress be and he is hereby
instructed to use his influence with the Congress of the United
States to procure the passage of a law that will place all
settlers holding claims that the exigencies of the country have
required to be occupied as town sites, or for purposes of trade
and commerce, upon the same footing and position, as to right .
to hold, as settlers upon lands used for agricultural purposes
alone.
Passed January 23, 1855.84
The Portland patent as requested by the Common Council was approved
in 1858. Persons who had purchased lots were to be given a deed from a
Commissioner appointed by the Common Council. These people were to file
a claim in writing and pay $5.00 for each lot. Other town lots were to
be sold.85 Before this plan could be put into action, the Commissioner
of the General Land Office, on October 18, 1858 set aside the patent
granted to the Common Council and the land reverted to the Donation Land
claimants: Stark, Lownsdale, Chapman, and Coffin.86
164
During this time, property changed hands as if the title were clear.
Lots were sold with the understanding that the town proprietor would
pass title as soon as he acquired it. Purchasers were given a quit
claim deed. The lot was still considered part of the original land
claim as regarded obtaining title, but the lot owners exercised all
ownership rights, including resale.87
At Oregon City, section 11 of the Donation Land Act had granted the
land to the legislative assembly of Oregon, rather than to McLoughlin, a
British citizen. Thurston apparently promoted this provision from fear
that the Hudson's Bay Company employees or the Puget Sound Agricultural
Company settlers would attempt to claim large tracts of land.88
Those who had purchased lots before March 1849 were to receive
patents for them. Many of these lots were in that part of the city on
the lower basalt bench on which actual settlement had taken place so
controversy over this area would have made settlers less willing to
invest in Oregon City lots and improvements when there were other places
nearby. After the flood of 1861, the Oregon Argus editor expressed the
hope that the land title question would be resolved so that investors
would be willing to put money in improvements.89
The Oregon legislature requested that Congress return the claim to
the McLoughlin family in 1856, but when that request went unanswered,
accepted the claim in 1862 and promptly sold it to the family.90
At North Salem, laid out in 1850, both McClane and Boon claimed the
area on which the town was located under the Donation Land Act. The
Salem Directory for 1871 states that the long litigation resulting from
this hindered the improvement of the town.91 in order to protect the
165
claim of the Oregon Institute at Salem for the Methodist Missionaries,
the land was put in the hands of W. H. Wilson, who was to claim it under
the terms of the Donation Land Act, giving two-thirds of the proceeds
from the lot sales. According to J. Quinn Thornton, Wilson not only
failed to do this, but also apparently tried to press some Salem prop
erty owners for additional money for a clear title.92
Corvallis and Dayton apparently had no unusual title problems. The
Historical Atlas of Marion and Linn Counties states that Albany had no
title problems.93 in the case of Lafayette, the townsite owner died. A
resurvey of his claim exists which suggests that some sort of claim
question existed there. The death of the townsite owner may also have
been a factor in the decline of Milwaukie, Linn City, and Oregon City.
Corning quotes the Oregon Argus for April 6, 1851, a few years after the
death of Moore:
On the opposite side of the river is Linn City—one of those
townsites of which much was said and written some ten years
ago. There are a few pleasant residences on the site--but
the expectations of its rapid growth have long since ceased.94
This commentary appeared before the flood of 1861 so any damage done
was to a town already in decline.
Some towns grew quickly, particularly with the yearly influx of
immigrants. Oregon City benefitted from its position at the end of the
Barlow Road. Early settlers often arrived destitute and lived in towns
until farmland or a steady job could be obtained.95 McLoughlin offered
jobs in the mills to early immigrants, or hired them to cut timber.96
166
As can be seen in the descriptions given below, a sawmill, grist
mill, wheat storage warehouse, or a store were often the first buildings
erected in a town. These functions reflect the settlers' needs for
basic supplies as well as the primary components of their economy, or
way of making a living.
Travelers' accounts give a sense of the size and functional diversity
which occurred as the town grew. The number of functions is tied to
increase in population since some functions require a certain number of
people to serve in order to survive. The type of function not only
reflects the economy but the income of its inhabitants and rate of
building activity. Some functions require or at least attract other
functions. As can be seen in Table 4, listing functions at Oregon City
from 1843 to 1867, the number of mills, especially sawmills increased,
which could reflect the demands of the California market as well as the
increase in population. By 1846, diversification is apparent, with the
addition of functions which serve special needs, like a hatter or
tailor, and those which require a larger population, like an attorney,
because their services are demanded less often. Palmer commented that
several carpenters and masons were in constant employment,97 a reflec
tion of the rapid rate of building.
When Warre returned in June 1846, one year after his first visit, he
commented:
The village at the falls has much improved in appearance.
Many buildings have been erected and the trees cleared from
the adjacent heights.98
Table 4. Functions at Oregon City 1843-1867
Hastings
Autumn
1843
Stores
Mills - Flour
Mills - Other
Mills - Saw
Hotel
Churches
Houses
Jail
Taverns
Hatter
Tannery
Tailor
Cabinet Mkrs.
Cooper
Blacksmith
Physicians
Attorneys
Printing Ofc.
Lath Machine
Brickyard
Jewelry & Watchmkr.
Clothing
Drug Store
Silversmiths
Boot Maker
Confectionary
Hardware
Crockery
Bakery
Barber
Saddler
Tinware Manu.
Plow Manu.
Foundry
Daguerreotyper
Dentist
Courthouse
Schools
Carpenters
4
2
2
Burnett
1844
4
1
Warre Palmer
1845 1846
3
1
2
80
1
4
2
2
100
2
1
1
3
2
2
1
3
1
1
1
1
2
Dec. 12,
1850
Western
Star
36*
2
5
3
4
1
2
x
6
1
2
8-10
1
1
1
x
x
2
2
167
1867
Pac. Coast
Directory
1
2**
1
2
2***
4
0
0
0
0
0
1
3
3
0
0
2
4
2
3
0
2
0
168
Table 4--(Continued)
Dec. 12,
Hastings 1850 1867
Autumn Burnett Warre Palmer Western Pac. Coast
1843 1844 1845 1846 Star Directory
Masons X X
Carriage & Wgn. Mkr. X 2
Merchants - Gen.
Stationary 1
Furniture 9
Groceries & Prod.
Lumber 1
News & Newspaper 1
Agent
Academies 4
Painters - House 1
Stables - Livery 1
Butchers 1
Gunsmiths 1
Dry Goods 2
Insurance Agts. 2
Booksellers 1
Boot Dealer 3
Machinist 2
Storage 1
Surveyor 1
* Some of functions listed below are included in this count.
** 1 woolen and 1 paper mill.
*** This count includes clergymen.
SOURCE: Travellers' Accounts, Newspaper Account, 1867 Directory
NOTE: x = no number given
169
The other towns in the valley were just getting started in 1846 when
Palmer and Howison passed through and recorded the progress made. Even
those platted about the same time were in varying stages of development.
Some, like Linnton, lacked promise for future development, in the eyes
of these travelers. Howison described Linnton thus:
It contains only a few log houses, which are overshadowed by
huge fir trees that it has not yet been convenient to remove.
Its few inhabitants are very poor and severely persecuted by
mosquitoes day and night. Not one of its proprietors resides
on the spot, and its future increase is, to say the least,
doubtful.99
In contrast to the dark, mosquito-ridden town of Linnton, which not
even its proprietors wanted to live in, Howison was impressed with the
town of Portland, more promising, not only because of its site, but
because of the efforts of the town proprietor to make it more so, as
well as the make-up of the population —industrious mechanics who were
heads of families:
Eight or nine miles above Linnton ... we come to a more
promising appearance of a town. It has been named Portland
by the individual under whose auspices it came into exist
ence, and mainly to whose efforts its growth and increase
are to be ascribed ... Pettygrove. . . .
Twelve or fifteen houses are already occupied, and other
buildings, and with a population of more than 60 souls, the
heads of families mostly industrious mechanics, its prospects
of increase are favorable.100
In addition to Oregon City, Palmer recorded his impressions of Linn
City and Multnomah City, platted the same year as Oregon City, but much
smaller and made up of residences mostly, perhaps, at Linn City because
170
the proprietor would not sell water power rights. About Linn City, he
says:
When I left there were about 15 buildings in this village,
inhabited mostly by mechanics. The proprietor had refused to
sell water power, which was doubtless one of the reasons why
more emigrants did not settle in it.l°l
And about Multnomah City:
There were but a few buildings, and some mechanics settled
in it.I02
On the upper river, Palmer described three places—Butteville,
Champoeg, and Salem, each with at least one function:
Eight miles from Pudding River is a village called Buttes.
There were but a few cabins in it when I left. The pro
prietor has erected a warehouse to store the wheat they might
purchase of the settlers.
South of Buttes three miles is the village of Champoic.
... It contains a few old shabby buildings, and a ware
house owned by the company [Hudson's Bay].
At the Institute there reside about 15 families. . . .
The Methodist missionaries have erected a saw and grist mill
. . . now owned by resident citizens. ... At this place a
town [Salem] is laid out.103
The settlers depended on the Hudson's Bay Company to market what
they could not sell to incoming immigrants. Few American vessels visited
the area, but the Hudson's Bay Company had a contract to supply wheat to
the Russians in Alaska and had established other connections with the
Sandwich Islands. This arrangement was satisfactory until 1846 when
more wheat and lumber were produced than the Hudson's Bay Company
needed to make its commitments. Howison described full warehouses and
171
lumber piled around mills awaiting purchase in his description of his
tour in 1846.1°4 Prices for what was sold were low.
He attributed the economic slowdown to the lack of a fixed currency,
remoteness of the Willamette Valley from the rest of the U.S., and
uncertainty of the foreign market, and most of all, to the hazardous
nature of navigation in and out of the Columbia which resulted in high
freight rates and insurance premiums.105
Conditions improved somewhat during 1847 when a large immigration
arrived, and there was some demand from California for Oregon produce.106
In July 1848, news of the discovery of gold in California reached Oregon.
The gold brought back by returning miners and sent in payment, for produce
brought an era of prosperity to Oregon. Passage of the Donation Land
Act on September 27, 1850 increased the number of people coming to
Oregon to settle.
Portland grew rapidly as a result of her position as the connecting
point between the Willamette Valley and the California mines. By 1850,
Portland was only slightly smaller than Oregon City, the population of
Portland being 805 and that of Oregon City 933, according to Bowen.107
As can be seen on Figure 44, these two places were much larger than any
other river town for which population estimates are available. Salem
was the next most populated place, but much smaller, with a population
of 291. The populations of the remaining places ranged from 30 to 125.
As can be seen on Table 5 comparing functions by size of city in
1850, Portland had 18 stores compared to Oregon City's 36. However,
Portland was growing so fast that in late 1851 it was described as
having 35 wholesale and retail stores, 2 tin shops, 4 public taverns,
Figure 44. Size of Population - 1850 from Bowen, Willamette
Valley, and Holtgrieve, Historical Geography.
172
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175
2 steam sawmills, 1 steam flouring mill, 6 or 8 public drinking shops
with billiard tables, 1 wine and spirit manufactory, and a variety of
mechanic shops.108 Oregon City, on the other hand, had in January 1853,
a little over a year later, suffered losses from high water. So, even
though Fisher described Oregon City in a positive vein in August 1853,
by that time it had probably begun to decline relative to Portland. He
said there were 4 wholesale stores and 14 retail dry goods stores, as
well as a foundry, and stated there were several large business houses
going up. Whether the 18 stores mentioned above are the total number is
not known, so it is not certain whether this represents a decrease from
the 36 counted in 1850. He described the population as ever changing
but with a trend toward permanent increase.109
Layayette had a larger number of storesllO than might be expected
because of its position on the road to the mines. Milwaukie was de
clared to have "prospects of a rapid increase"Hl by a newspaper pub
lished there.
By 1852, the surveyors of the General Land Office were working
throughout the Willamette Valley. The surveyors described Fairfield as
a place with 1 store and 3 or 4 houses.H2
Of the places for which no population estimates are available, the
surveyors descriptions will be used as a measure of their relative size.
Weston was similar to Fairfield in that it had 1 store and "a few in
habitants.1!3
Albany and Syracuse were larger than Weston and Fairfield, and of
similar size. Syracuse had 15 or 20 houses and 1 sawmill.114 Albany
had 1 saw and 1 flouring mill in addition to 15 houses.H5 If
176
Holtgrieve's method of assigning 5 occupants per householdll6 is applied
to Albany and Syracuse, then these places would have had populations of
about 75. Butteville had 3 stores and a number of other buildings.!!7
Besides calculating urban populations in 1850 for Portland, Oregon
City, Milwaukie, Linn City, Lafayette, and Salem, Bowen described other
characteristics of these urban places. The following comments refer to
patterns he found in those towns: Urban centers accounted for 25% of
Oregon's 1850 population.H8 The highest percentage of city dwellers
were from New England or were foreign born: 58% of the New Englanders
and 60% of the foreign born lived in cities. More than 30% of those
from the middle Atlantic states and Ohio were urbanites. Other mid-
western and southern source areas accounted for only around 20%, with
the fewest coming from Missouri and Tennessee. Most Canadians lived in
Portland or Oregon City. Males outnumbered females three to one in
Portland. Oregon City also had more males than females, while in Salem
and Lafayette the ratios were more balanced.H9
During this era of prosperity in the early 1850s, many towns were
platted both along the river and throughout the valley. Many town pro
motion schemes had yielded little actual growth however, according to a
Linn County resident reporting in 1852:
There is, of course, a great deal of town making going on,
particularly on paper. The "store," that notable place in
the country, usually denotes the piece of ground, in which
hope has pictured a fair city. The principal part of these
town sites may, however, be profitably cultivated in wheat
for some years to come.120
177
By 1853, the boom had begun to slow down. Bushrod Wilson, living in
Corvallis, wrote the following in a letter to Minneapolis, written in
mid-December 1853:
Times has changed in Oregon some, the mining trade is not as
brisk as it was formerly—owing to the number of new harbors
being found on the coast nearer the mining district. . . .
Merchandising is not as good as it has been owing to the
great number engaged in it and the competition in trade.121
By 1854, Oregon lost its share of the lumber and provisions market
when California began producing for its own needs. The markets had
become saturated with goods.122
In 1855, also, the time limit for the Donation Land Law ran out.
Immigration declined rapidly as the decade went on due to the Indian
wars in other parts of Oregon and the attraction of the booming mid
west.123 Bushrod Wilson reported that there were few chances for spec
ulation, the principal one being to watch the California produce market
and ship according to demand there.124 He had also considered specu
lating in town property but explained why conditions were not good for
that type of venture by 1857.
As for speculating in town property, I thank you for the
advice. I have had that in view ever since I came to Oregon.
We are too remote. Isolated almost from the older states.
There is no great influx of Immigrants. Six years ago when
California was filled with the mania of making towns, Oregon
was alike affected, half of the towns then started in Oregon,
where some men lost fortunes, are not known now. We must
have the material to make towns of a large floating popula
tion is not the commodity. It gives an air of briskness but
no stability.125
178
In 1858, Wilson reported that there had been no overland immigra
tions for three years. In addition, Oregon suffered a depression be
tween 1859 and 1861. Merchants in the towns had difficulty meeting
obligations and several firms failed.126
Milwaukie is an example of a town which had stagnated by 1859. The
effect of the economic slowdown, death of its founder and possibly proxi
mity to Portland and Oregon City was evident. As described by a
visitor:
This once promised to be a thriving little town, but its
progress has been impeded. It remains only a small village
in which a number of houses are vacated and going to
decay.127
With a population estimated by Holtgrieve of 175 for 1860, an in
crease of only 72 over Bowen's 1850 estimate, Milwaukie remained in
the smallest population size category on the map made for 1860 (see
Figure 45). Oregon City remained in the same population size category.
Holtgrieve estimated an 1860 population of 888 for Oregon City, a de
crease from the 933 estimated by Bowen in 1850. By 1860, Oregon City's
town proprietor had died, its land title questions were only beginning
to be sorted out, and it had suffered flood damage in 1849 and 1853. It
retained its position as a freight and passenger transfer point between
the upper and lower Willamette.
Portland had continued to increase relative to other places, due to
its position as a connecting link between river steamboats and ocean
shipping. With a population of 2,874, it was almost three times as large
as the next biggest river town, Albany, with an estimated population of
Figure 45. Size of Population - 1860 from Estimates by
Holtgrieve, Historical Georgraphy, Appendix A.
179
180
1,000. Several factors could account for the rapid rise of Albany.
Halbakken names Linn County as a main wheat producer. Both fall sown
varieties and spring sown varieties were planted, and harvested in July
and August.128 Albany would have been amain shipping point for much of
this wheat, particularly for those points to the south when Albany was
accesssible to steamboats and points farther upriver were not. This
wheat shipment may explain why boats stopped at Albany four days of the
week.
Traveler's accounts for the 1860s were not readily available, so
after the flood of 1861 not much is known about the towns until 1867
when the Pacific Coast Directory appeared. From this directory I made
Table 6, showing the number and type of function by city in 1867. Towns
were arranged by population size in 1870 (see Figure 46), the closest
date for which population estimates are available. Portland continued
to increase faster than other Willamette Valley towns and Albany
remained the second largest place. The Willamette Valley and Cascade
Mountain Wagon Road, built in 1864, was declared to have "contributed to
the material prosperity of Albany by drawing a trade to it that it would
have otherwise been unable to obtain."129 j.n the 1880s, West Shore
magazine described Albany as a town which had always had active town
promoters.13° Salem, McMinnville, Corvallis, and Eugene all increased
enough to move into the next size category.
In comparing the total number of functions, listed at the bottom of
each column, the city which has the second highest number of functions
is not Albany, the second largest, but Salem, the capital city.
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Figure 46. Size of Population - 1870 from Estimates by
Holtgrieve, Historical Geography. Appendix A.
190
191
Besides having a higher number of functions, Salem had a greater
diversity of functions than Albany. As a capital city, which Salem was
finally permanently designated in 1864,131 it had more of those func
tions which resulted from: (a) the need to provide transportation and
accomodations for travelers, e.g., hotels and stages; (b) the need to
entertain, e.g., liquor stores; (c) to transact legal business, e.g.,
attorneys and notaries, and (d) the presence of more money, e.g.,
tailors and shoe shops. The functional diversity is shown best in that
portion of the chart devoted to functions found in the four top cities.
The presence of the office of the railroad two years before one was
constructed in Oregon suggests the presence of a lobbyist.
Oregon City continued to decline in relative importance. Although
its population was still greater than Eugene's, Oregon City had fewer
functions. Its decline may be associated with proximity to Portland.
Canemah and Linn City also had relatively few functions for their size
reflecting their also becoming increasingly in the shadow of Portland,
just as earlier they may have suffered from being too close to Oregon
City.
The low number of functions reported for Independence and Spring
field may reflect their proximity to Monmouth and Eugene. The low
number of functions reported for Dayton and Butteville may reflect a
lack of rebuilding after the flood of 1861. Champoeg is known to have
rebuilt on higher ground and is here listed as having ten functions.
Given the mismatch between number of functions and population for the
other cities, it would be difficult to guess what the population
of Eola, Peoria, and Lancaster would have been. Eola was close to Salem
192
so may have had fewer functions, and Lancaster may have already begun to
lose population as the river channel changed, and continued to lose when
the railroad was built.
Towns left off the railroad declined as businesses moved to places
with railroad connections. For example, Sternberg and Sanders, a
general merchandise store, moved from Lancaster to Junction City.132
Peoria businesses moved to Halsey and Shedd.133
Towns on the railroad increased their accessibility as the railroad
decreased the distances between places because it was faster and per
mitted the establishment of new connections. As can be seen on the map
showing railroad lines completed by 1876 (Figure 33 in Chapter II),
Portland was connected, at least by ferry, to both west and east side
lines. Of the next five largest towns in 1870—Albany, Oregon City,
Salem, Corvallis, and Eugene—only Corvallis was not on a rail line.
The growth of Albany and Eugene in particular, in succeeding decades can
probably be attributed to railroad connections. Corvallis was not con
nected until 1880.
Jefferson was on the line, but proximity to Albany may have negated
this advantage. Just as a town can have an advantage if, as the head of
navigation it is the farthest point reached, towns which for a time are
railheads and which provide a special reason to stop may derive an ad
vantage from a railroad connection. Albany was the railroad mealstop
and?may have drawn larger numbers of those needing to ship freight
because there were more services provided there.
Harrisburg was close but apparently not actually on the line at
first. An article in the Oregonian, describing Linn County towns in
193
1873, noted Harrisburg had access to shipping by water in winter and
spring.134
According to Holtgrieve, most railroad companies followed the policy
of connecting major cities, giving smaller ones the option of contrib
uting to the railroad by cash or land donations, or of being left off
the route.135 Perhaps this is the reason the railroad platted St. Joseph
rather than connecting with Lafayette on the Yamhill.
As was shown in the transportation section, daily express trains ran
to Albany and daily freight trains as far as Junction City in the mid-
18705. While Albany may have gained accessibility by acquiring the
railroad, the area from which it drew wheat for shipment was probably
diminished. In 1873, Shedd was said to have a favorable position for
shipping and storing wheat, while Halsey was described as being "in the
heart of the prairie."136 Fortunately for Albany, the area known as Albany
prairie usually had higher yields of wheat.137
An 1874 article about Yamhill County towns stated that St. Joseph
got the lion's share of the freight, which had formerly gone by river at
Lafayette, due to the "convenience and dispatch of the west side rail
road. "138 But, merchants at Lafayette and McMinnville still got the
business trade.139
In 1879, McMinnville and Lafayette were said to have made "little
progress in ten years."I40 At the same time the narrow gauge had report
edly done much to improve Dayton. While the trade generated by farmers
who had hauled their wheat to town had been lost, the coming of the
railroad had offset that.141 Dayton and Lafayette had each moved into a
larger size category by 1880 (see Figure 47). In the case of Lafayette,
Figure 47. Size of Population - 1880 from Estimates by
Holtgrieve, Historical Georgraphy. Appendix A.
194
195
the increase from 300 to 396 was enough to move it into the next cate
gory. Dayton's population changed from 200 to 368, and McMinnvilles's
from 500 to 670. St. Joseph was dismantled by 1879 when it was no
longer the railhead,142 so some 0f these places could have absorbed the
population of St. Joseph.
The most significant change on the 1880 map, is the emergence of
Salem as the second largest town in Oregon. The actual increase was
from 1,139 to 2,538. The Capitol was permanently located at Salem in
1864. A major factor of growth during the seventies was the locating of
several state institutions there. The state constitution provided that
all public buildings of the state be located in Salem. Besides the then
new state capitol, built in 1874, Salem had the state penitentiary,
located there in 1864, with construction of permanent buildings begun in
1870. An appropriation to start the school for the blind was passed in
1872, and the first of many appropriations passed to establish the
school for the deaf was made in 1870.143 All these new state functions
would have generated new jobs and attracted population. The state
asylum was granted to Salem in 1880, the actual move from East Portland
taking place in 1883.144
As shown on the map of railroad lines built by 1884 (see Figure 35
in Chapter II), the railroad net had increased considerably by that
time. Albany, Corvallis, and Eugene moved into larger population size
categories by 1890, as did McMinnville and several towns in close prox
imity to Portland (see Figure 48).
McMinnville was described as "a dull place before'the coming of the
railroad."145 Using Holtgrieve's estimates, its population doubled
>5000
2500 - 4999
1500 - 2499
750 - 1499
350 - 749
< 350
Figure 48. Size of Population - 1890 from Estimates by
Holtgrieve, Historical Geography, Appendix A.
196
197
between 1880 and 1890, from 670 to 1,368. Also in 1888, it became the
county seat of Yamhill County, replacing Lafayette.146 Independence was
said to handle one-third the grain in Polk County in 1883, but it grew
by only 10 during the decade.147
While investment by the state had been considerable during the
1870s, Salem business was said to have increased only a slight degree
prior to 1882, having "been under a cloud the last eight or ten years."
A new mill and warehouse proposed in that year were regarded as a sign
of change.148 However, Salem's population only grew by about 800 be
tween 1880 and 1890 so new investment was probably not considerable.
Although wheat rust affected the crop in Linn County about 1881, and
Albany business was said to be "overdone" and times "slow" and "hard",149
by the end of the decade the population had increased by 1,200. With
both river and rail connections by 1888, Albany was said to be in "a
better position to demand cheap rates from the transportation companies
that touch the city than is any other town in the valley."150
Eugene's population increased by 1,700. Here the coming of the rail
road made a significant difference in the ability to ship freight in
response to market demands. Steamboats ceased running as far upriver as
Eugene after the railroads came because by the time the water had risen
far enough for boats to reach it, the grain had already been harvested
and shipped.151 Trains brought new settlers. A connection by rail to
Florence was contemplated, and the connection to the Oregon Railway and
Navigation Company's east side line expected,152 although it later went
through Springfield, as seen on the 1897 map showing railroads con
structed by that date (see Figure 49).
Figure 49. Existing and Proposed Railroad Lines
of Interior, G.L.O. map of Oregon.
1897,U.S.Dept.
198
/ I
199
Towns in close proximity to Portland were becoming tied in as sub
urbs with increasing counnections via daily steamboat lines and electric
interurbans, as described in Chapter II. Articles on Oregon City in
creasingly stressed the possibilities for manufacturing there,153
pointing out that water powered mills polluted the air less than steam
powered mills, rather than the possibility of Oregon City becoming the
most important city in Oregon, as was true in the 1840s. As part of
this promotion as a manufacturing point, Oregon City in 1888 was once
again intent on improving the Clackamas Rapids for better access to*T-
Oregon City by boats of deep draft.154 For recreation, roads suitable
as "boulevards for the resort of the Portland driving public" were to be
"-' completed between Portland and Oregon City.155
Portland was connected to a transcontinental line in 1883. Between
1880 and 1890 the population increased from 17,577 to 46,385, and by
1900 was 90,426, far greater than the next largest Willamette Valley
town (see Figure 50). As can be seen on Figure 49, by 1897 Corvallis
and Albany had made connections to Yaquina Bay and Idanha. However,
Yaquina Bay was not a good harbor and the extension from Idanha further
east was never built so neither connection brought the added business
that each town sought.
In conclusion, a variety of factors affected the success or failure
of particular river towns. Besides an acceptable boat landing, an im
portant site factor was susceptibility to flooding. Entire towns or
the business portion of some towns were lost, in the case of towns at
the Falls and Dayton, several times, from flood or high water. The
advantage of water power ensured a willingness to rebuild which was not
McMinnville
^3
Independence
Corvallis
6 12
Mil88
Eugene
Base Map: GLO, dragon Territory, 1855
St. John'sXJV^
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Size of Population
1900
>5000
2500 - 4999
1500 - 2499
750 - 1499
350 - 749
< 350
•Ingfleld
Figure 50. Size of Population - 1900 from Estimates by
Holtgrieve, Historical Geography, Appendix A.
200
201
as apparent at other town sites. Dayton's year-round accessibility to
steamboats probably encouraged rebuilding there. As was seen, rebuild
ing sometimes entailed rearrangement of use of the site. Those parts of
town easily flooded were less likely to be used again.
Ease of movement between places and connections to other places were
an important factor. Several towns sought connections to the Tualatin
Plains, but Portland's access to ocean shipping caused farmers to switch
from Linn and Oregon Cities to Portland.
Parts of the Willamette Valley were cut off for portions of the year
from the steamboat transportation network. Places like Eugene, in that
situation, grew slowly until the railroad arrived. Albany benefited
the most from its steamboat connection because it was probably accessible
to steamboats when freight was ready to be shipped, and would draw those
who would have otherwise gone to Salem as soon as the boats could reach
that point. Albany may have benefited also from fewer squabbles over
land titles. Salem experienced a growth spurt during the decade it
acquired several state institutions.
Towns left off the railroad network entirely like Peoria suffered the
indignity of the loss of businesses when they packed up and moved to
railroad towns.
The town promoter, as a decision maker, was also a major factor.
His willingness to invest in the site and convince others to do the same
could result in a town surpassing its neighbor.
202
No fixed formula for town growth is proposed here. The combination
and degree of importance of these factors was different for almost every
town. The same factors could be tested elsewhere but the resulting
story would be unique to that place.
203
Notes
1 Carl 0. Sauer, The Geography of the Ozark Highland of Missouri,
Geographic Society of Chicago, Bulletin No. 7, (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1920), p. 111.
2 Roberta Balstad Miller, City and Hinterland Contributions in
American History, No. 77, (Westport Conn: Greenwood Press 1979), p. 156.
3 Arthur Throckmarton, "Moguls of the Middle Columbia" in Panorama
of a Century, The Oregonian, 11 February 1959, p. 39C.
4 Oregon Spectator, 3 February 1852, p. 2.
5 Ibid.
6 Richard C. Wade, The Urban Frontier, (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press 1959) p. 33.
7 John A. Hussey, Champoeg: Place of Transition (Portland Oregon:
Oregon Historical Society, 1967), p. 200.
8 Howard McKinley Corning, Willamette Landings (Portland: Oregon
Historical Society, 1973), p. 84.
9 U.S. Dept. of Interior, Bureau of Land Management, G.L.O. Survey
Map, Township 5 South, Range 3 West, December 1852, Portland, Oregon.
10 U.S. Dept. of Interior, Bureau of Land Management, G.L.O. Survey
Map, Township 4 South, Range 3 West, Section 22 and 27, December 1852,
Portland, Oregon.
11 U.S. Dept. of Interior, Bureau of Land Management, G.L.O. Survey
Map, Township 5 South, Range 3 West. December 1852 (Wheatland); Township
6 South, Range 3 West, March 1852 (Lincoln); Township 9 South, Range 4
West, November 1852 (Buena Vista).
12 U.S. Dept. of Interior, Bureau of Land Management, G.L.O. Survey
Map, Township 11 South, Range 5 West, August 1852.
13 U.S. Dept. of Interior, Bureau of Land Management, G.L.O. Survey
Map, Township 12 South, Range 5 West, May 1853.
14 Corning, Willamette Landings, p. 150-151.
204
15 U.S. Dept. of Interior, Bureau of Land Management, G.L.O. Survey
Map, Township 15 South, Range 4 West, June 1853, Portland, Oregon.
16 Oregon Spectator, 17 December 1853, p. 2:1.
i7 Personal Communication, Margaret West Archivist, Lane County
Historical Museum, Eugene, Oregon.
U.S. Dept. of Interior, Bureau of Land Management, G.L.O. Survey
Map, Township 17 South, Range 3 West, October 1853.
19 Israel J. Benjamin, Three Years in America 1859-1862 Vol. II,
Book III Translated by Charles Reznikoff. (Philadelphia: The Jewish
Publication Society of America 1956), p. 161. .
20 Plat of Dixons 1st Addition to Corvallis, Surveyors Office,
Benton County.
21 The Canoe and the Saddle To Which Are Added His Western Letters
and Journals, ed. John H. Williams (Tacoma: John H. Williams, 1913),
p. 255.
22 Plat of Linn City, Clackamas County Surveyors Office.
23s.piat of Albany, Linn County Surveyors Office; U.S., Dept of the
Interior, Bureau of Land Management, G.L.O. Survey Map, Township 11
South, Range 3 West.
24 J. Neury Brown, compiler Salem Directory for 1871, (Salem,
Oregon: Snyder and Cook 1871), p. 29.
25 Oregon Spectator, 13 Dec 1849, p. 2:2.
26 "Town Lots," Oregon Spectator, 5 February 1846, p. 3:4.
27 Corning, Willamette Landings, p. 140.
28 Clark G. Hilden, "An Historical Geography of Small Town Main
Streets in the Willamette Valley, Oregon" (Ph.D.dissertation, Dept. of
Geography, University of Oregon 1980), p. 11.
29 Neil M. Howison Ltd. "Report of Lieutenant Neil M. Howison on
Oregon, 1846" Portland, Oregon: Oregon Historical Quarterly 14 (1913)
Reprinted from U.S.- COngress, House of Representatives, 30th Congress,
1st Session, Misc. Doc. No. 29, p. 42.
30 Ibid,
205
31 Sydney Moss, "Picture of Pioneer Times at Oregon City," Narrative
and Remarks presented at Oregon City, Oregon, 18 June 1878. Used with
permission of the Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley,
p. 45-46.
32 Howison, "Report on Oregon 1846", p. 42
33 Oregon Spectator, 12 September 1850, p. 3.
34 Sydney Moss, "Picture of Pioneer Times at Oregon City." Used
with permission of the Bancroft Library, University of California,
Berkeley, p. 5.
35 Corning, Willamette Landings, p. 112-113.
36 Oregonian, 17 May 1851, p. 3.
37 David S. Halbakken, "A History of Wheat Growing in Oregon During
the Nineteenth Century," p. 42, 34.
38 "Navigation of the Willamette", Oregon Spectator, 27 December
1849, p. 2.
39 Oregon Spectator, 11 July 1850, p. 2.
40 Oregon Spectator, 24 October 1850, p. 1.
41 Oregon Spectator, 17 December 1853, p. 2.
42 Ibid.
43 Floyd C. Mullen, The Land of Linn: An Historical Account of Linn
County, Oregon. (Lebanon, Oregon: Dalton's Print. 1971, p. 34.
44 ibid.
45 Corning, Willamette Landings, p. 50
46 Oregon Spectator, 1 November 1849, p. 2.
47 Oregon Journal, 14 October 1958, Vertical File - Cities - Oregon
City, Oregon Historical Society, Portland, Oregon.
48 M. D. Brands, "Flood Runoff in the Willamette River, Oregon."
U.S., Dept. of the Interior, U.S. Geological Survey, Water Supply Paper
968-A, p. 1.
49 ibid., p. 12.
50 Oregon Spectator, 27 December 1849, p. 2.
51 "The Late Freshet", Ibid., 10 January 1850, p. 2.
52 Oregonian, 8 January 1853, p. 2.
53 Ibid., 15 January 1853, p. 2.
54 Ibid.
55 Oregon Argus, 14 December 1861, p2:3; Weekly Oregonian, 14
December 1861, p. 1:5.
56 Weekly Oregonian. 14 December 1861, p. 1:5.
57 Ibid.
58 Ibid.
59 Ibid., 7 December 1861, p. 3:3.
60 Oregon Argus, 14 December 1861, p. 1.
61 Weekly Oregonian, 14 December 1861, p. 1:5.
62 Ibid.
63 Daily Oregonian, 5 December 1861, p. 3:1.
64 Weekly Oregonian, 21 December 1861, p. 1:3.
65 Ibid.
66 Weekly Oregonian. 14 December 1861, p. 1:5.
67 Daily Oregonian. 5 December 1861, p. 3:1.
68 Oregon Argus, 14 December 1861, p. 2:4,5.
69 Ibid., p. 2:5.
70 Ibid., 28 December 1861, p. 2:3.
71 Clark G. Hilden, "An Historical Geography of Small Town Main
Streets in the Willamette Valley, Oregon," p. 30.
72 Oregon Argus, 14 December 1861, p. 2.
206
73 Sydney Moss, "Picture of Pioneer Times at Oregon City," Used with
permission of Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley
p. 48-49.
207
74 Corning, Willamette Landings, p. 35.
75 Sydney Moss, "Picture of Pioneer Times at Oregon City." Used
with permission of the Bancroft Library, University of California
Berkeley, p. 49. '
,„ 76 Washington Star. 20 April 1854, as quoted in Oregonian, 10 June
1854, p. 2:4. a
77 Oregon Territory, Memorial Asking Congress to Amend the Land Law
of Oregon, Document #5559. Available at Oregon Historical Society
Portland, Oregon. J'
78 Weekly Oregonian, 18 December 1852, p. 2.
79 Ibid., 5 November 1853, p. 2. .
„80 Oregoni.an, 24 June 1854, p. 2; see also Oregonian, 3 June 1854,
p. 2;3; and 10 June 1854, p. 2:2; 2 September 1854, p. 2:1.
81 U.S. Congress, Debate about Donation Land Law, 22 June 1854
Congressional Globe, p. 1476. '
82 Act of May 23, 1844 "For the Relief of the Citizens of Towns Upon
the Lands of the United States, Under Certain Circumstances," Public
Statutes at Large. 5, 657 (1850).
83 Portland, Oregon, City Council Minutes, 1854.
84 Oregon Territory, Relative to Town Sites. Special Laws passed by
Legislative Assembly at the 6th Regular Session began and held at Salem
4 December 1854, p. 57-58. Printed: Corvallis, 1855.
85 Portland, Oregon, City Council Minutes. 1858.
86 Multnomah County Records, Manuscript 1275 B, Miscellaneous
Records, Multnomah County Records Once Part of Washington County Records.
Title Abstracts consisting of Land Book, Lot Book, Reference Book, Plat
Book by James Thorne, Oregon Historical Society, Portland, Oregon.
87 Testimony of A. L. Lovejoy, Photostatic copies of the first map
of the town of Portland, Oregon, 1845, depositions of the original
proprietors, deeds, transfers and agreements, of the owners of the
Portland Land Claims. Deposited in the Oregon Collection. University of
Oregon, Eugene [u.d.] Oregon Coll. 979.5491, p. 566. Questions and
Answers numbered 381, 391, 392, 407, 410.
88 U.S. Congress, Debate about Donation Land Law, Congressional
Globe, vol 23, sec. 3,. p. 1078 (1854).
89 Oregon Argus, 14 December 1861, p. 2.
208
90 Harlow Head, "The Oregon Donation Acts," (M.A. Thesis
University of Oregon, 1969), p. 96.
91 J. Henry Brown, Compiler, Salem Directory for 1871, (Salem
Oregon: Snyder and Cook, 1871), p.~W.
_ 92 J. Quinn Thornton, "History of Title to Real Estate in Salem,"
following p. 108 in Salem Directory for 1874. (Salem, Oregon; E. M.
Waite), p. 7. b
93 Edgar Williams and Company, Illustrated Historical Atlas of
Marion and Linn Counties, Oregon. (San Francisco: Edgar Williams and Co.
18/8, reprinted Salem, Oregon: Marion County Historical Society
1975-1976), p. 26i.
94 Oregon Argus, 6April 1861, as quoted in Corning,"Wil1amette
Landings, p. 42.
95 Donald Holtgrieve, "Historical Geography of Transportation
Routes and Town Development in Oregon's Willamette Valley," p. 14.
96 William Bowen, Willamette Valley, p. 65.
97 Reuben Gold Thwaites, Early Western Travels, vol. 30, pp. 159-
160.
98 Henry Warre as quoted in Joseph Schafer, "Documents Relative to
Warre and Vavasour's, Journey through the Willamette Valley, 1844-1846 "
Oregon Historical Quarterly Vol. 10. March 1909, (Portland, Oregon-
Oregon Historical Society), p. 76.
99 Howison, "Report on Oregon 1846," p. 2.
100 Ibid.
101 Reuben Gold Thwaites, Early Western Travels, vol. 30, p. 163.
102 Ibid.
103 ibid., p. 179, 180, 181.
104 Howison, "Report on Oregon 1846," p. 40.
105 Ibid., p. 39.
106 Arthur Throckmorton, "The, Frontier Merchant in the Early
Development of Oregon," p. 71".
F209
107 William Bowen, The Willamette Valley, p. 61.
1°8 Ezra Fisher, "Letter to Benjamin Hill," 30 January, 1852 in
Oregon H1Storical Quarterly, vol 17; (Portland: Oregon Historical
Society, 1916), pp. 449-450.
1°9 Ezra Fisher, "Letter" 23 August, 1853, Oregon Historical
Quarterly, vol 19, 1918, p. 246.
m^ 10„U'S' Dept' of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Surveyors
Notes_, General Township Description, Township 4 South, Range 3 West ~
vol. R15, 20 July 1852, Portland, Oregon, p. 2 of 4.
HI Western Star. 20 November 1850.
119
c U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Surveyors
Notes, Township 5 South, Range 3 West, vol. R16, Portland, OregonT
p. 118. s
H3 Ibid.
114 U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Surveyors
Notes_, General Description of Township Line between T9 and 10 South and—
Ranges 3 and 4 West on microfiche for Til South, Range 5 West, vol. 4R
Portland, Oregon, p. 238.
115 Ibid.
116 Holtgrieve, "Historical Geography of Transportation Routes,"
p. 256.
U.S. Dept. of Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Surveyors
Notes, Township 3 South, Range 1 West, vol. R9.
118 Bowen, "Willamette Valley," p. 16.
119 Ibid., p. 55.
120 "Matters in Linn County," Oregon Spectator, 3February, 1852,
P • c •0 •
10/, 1?1 Bushrod w- Wl'1son, Letters of Bushrod Wilson to Joseph P. Wilson,
1846-1875, Manuscripts Collection, University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon,
18 December 1853, p. 2.
122 Throckmorton, "Moguls of the Middle Columbia," Panorama of a
Century Section, p. 39C; Oregonian, 11 February 1859, p. 39C.
123 ibid.
210
ioAc12,t-,lUS*!n0£ W' "V™"' Letters of Bushrod Wilson to Joseph P. Wilson,1846-1875, 10 March 1857, p. 1.
125 Ibid.
126 Throckmorton, "Moguls of Middle Columbia," p. 39C.
H. S. Nedry, "Diary of a Tour," Oregon Historical Quarterly
vol. 46, (Portland: Oregon Historical Society, 1945), p. 249.
128 Halbakken, "A History of Wheat Growing in Oregon,", p. 7.
129 Edgar Williams, Illustrated Atlas of Marion and Linn Counties
p. 26i, San Francisco, 1878.~~
130 »a City of the Willamette," West Shore, July 1888, no. 7,
p. 376.
131 "Willamette Valley Edition," Supplement to the Oregonian filed
between 17 November 1888 and 18 November 1888, No page numbers.
132 Corning, Willamette Landing, p. 164.
133 ibid., p. 157.
134 "Linn Co. Towns," Oregonian, 1December 1873, p. 1:4,5.
135 Holtgrieve, Historical Geography, p. 118.
136 "Linn Co. Towns," Oregonian, 1 December 1873.
137 Ibid.
138 "Yamhill Co. Towns," Oregonian, 24 January 1874, p. 1:5,6. See
also Oregonian, 15 January 1874, p. 1:3,4.
139 Ibid.
140 "West Side," Oregonian, 30 September 1879, p. 1:5.
141 Ibid.
142 Oregonian, 30 September 1879, p. 1:5.
iooo14VS'o1IaTO^e-V,alley Edition," Oregonian, filed between 17 November
1888 and 18 November 1888.
144 Ibid.
145 Oregonian, 1January 1883, p. 1:5,6; p. 12:2.
211
146 "City of McMinnville" West Shore, April 1889, Portland, Oregon,
p. 213.
147 Oregonian, 1 January 1883, p. 12:2.
148 Ibid., p. 1:3.
149 Ibid.
150 "Willamette Valley Edition," Oregonian, filed between 17 November
1888 and 18 November 1888. No page number. Section on Albany.
151 Ibid., Section on Eugene.
152 Ibid.
153 Ibid., Section on Oregon City.
154 ibid.
155 Ibid.
212
CHAPTER IV
RIVER TOWN LANDSCAPE
As a settlement area, the river town has a particular pattern. In
this chapter I describe the morphology of the river town landscape. The
term morphology as used here is the interpretation of form and structure
from a historical point of view. The focus on the river resulting from
the importance of water connections can be seen in the pattern of
arrangement of its parts, or landscape. The parts or features of the
landscape and their relation to each other are identified.
Considered here are: (a) the size, shape, and orientation of town
plans and lots; (b) the streets as to width, degree of straightness, and
names; (c) the landing areas which were the core of the town's activity
because of the importance of shipping and receiving; (d) the location,
shape, and composition of the commercial, industrial, and residential
areas; (e) the changing density, style, and size of buildings; and
(f) the increasing specialization of function, as well as the changes
which occurred after the coming of the railraod.
Town Plans
I collected town plats, when available, from county surveyors. The
plats were recorded in the 1850s, late 1860s, or after 1880. In de
scribing river town plans, only those plats from the 1850s and 1860s
213
have been used because they more clearly reflect the patterns of the
time. The plats registered in the 1860s are often plats redrawn to
replace those destroyed in fires. The redrawn plat usually included
newly platted areas as well as the original area.
The amount of land subdivided at first was small. St. John's, for
example, consisted of 8 whole and 4 fractional blocks along the river
(see Figure 51), while Booneville consisted of 9 blocks (see Figure 52).
The original survey of Portland was 8 blocks long and 2 blocks deep (see
Figure 53).1 At Oregon City, 2 rows of blocks between 1st and 8th
streets were surveyed in 1842 by Sidney Moss (see Figure 54).2 At Salem
blocks between the river and Church Street were surveyed in 1846 (see
Figure 55).3
In anticipation of growth, particularly during periods of specula
tion, additional land was subdivided. In 1844, an additional 76 blocks
were surveyed at Oregon City, bringing the total to 92. In 1849, blocks
93 to 179 were surveyed (see Figure 54).4 By 1845, Portland had expanded
to a total of 35 blocks with additional sections set aside for the prop
erty owners. The irregular numbering of blocks 27 through 35 suggests
that they may have been added 1 or 2 at a time (see Figure 53).
In 1850, Oregon experienced a period of town building fever as the
flow of gold into the area brought a period of prosperity. New towns
were platted and additional blocks were added to existing towns. For
example, in 1849, 24 blocks had been surveyed at Lafayette, but in 1850,
an additional 61 were platted (see Figure 56).5 Probably a similar
situation occurred at Milwaukie (see Figure 57). At Salem, the area
north of State Street and from Church to Capital Street was added.6
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Yamhill County,Ort.
X jAhio J. Wett, Jt Certify that I Was employed by Joel Perkins , on oriqinot propntiw
'of.Vnr T«un ^f Utoyelie in yamhill County, Slate ol Oregon, in the year ia<9,fo survey onj
plot said -foam and ihil J then surveyed said -fou/r> \ matte a plot ot the some as
described iuithin numbering from hlo.l.to Ajc. 24 inclusive, That aUttuJaroa Ibiuil,
sometime in Hie spring of A-0. 1650 under the employ, of, -fhe probate loji+ oV said
pfonty 'eding, "o> a Board1 at County tommissioners 1 surveyed i made a plat ot
Xhf.boianie pt'-the h,iun as noaj described in the luithin pial-end hvmbetcd boH, Blocks
•ond Us ..as mMin as new oi I eon noui recollect and 4nol as clerk of the said
fhvbak.:Court• ,.T at Hi: lime recorded the 'same an the records of said court.
In jhe year is. 1357 as I verily believe e was in-formed tie Said plat mitt, the oiher
records ot (tit county mire burnt and destroyed in 4he 4oujn arid T was employed by
iht tminly tornmbsioners in jinj far tb,s county in ihe year A.O. 135- to make from(he notes 1 -then hod ana ?rom my knowledge of ttia facts in the case : rms neui map
ot:»a\o +oujn: uihirJi I aid : too. Xvnrity Mieue 4M ii is corrod and \he same a-> -Vie OTiqinal moo o?
I- G- 534
font or inul i/tttn au* **•*
Figure 56. Plat of Lafayette - recorded 1865. Area surveyed in
1849 outlined. Remainder surveyed in 1850. Map from Yamhill County
Surveyor. ;»
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Townsites were to be recorded with the county clerk according to
Territorial Laws.7 Only one such townsite entry, Lounsdales map of
Portland, has been found to date (see Figure 58).
In many cases, these early plats were rectangular in shape, the long:
axis parallel to the river, as seen in the 1851 plat of Marysville (see '•
Figure 59), later renamed Corvallis. In addition, Marysville serves as I
an example of a town where additional land was platted on an adjoining
land claim, further lengthening the town. Dixon's addition to Marysville
(see Figure 60), platted in August 1851, increased the length of the
town by one-third (see Figure 61).
This platting on different claims usually resulted in an upper and
lower town, as can be seen on the map of Albany and New Albany made in
1852 by the General Land Office Surveyors (see Figure 40 in Chapter II).
Additions on adjoining land claims also occurred at Portland and
Independence. At Linn City, another town, Multnomah City, was platted
next to it. Only the name, Multnomah City, appears in the lower right
of the Linn City plat (see Figure 62). At Salem, the town of North
Salem, consisting of "29 blocks, whole and fractional," was platted in
1850 (see Figure 63).8
Streets were usually 60 to 80 feet wide, but Salem's were wider—100
feet. Usually the street nearest the river was named Front or Water
Street. In the case of Salem, both were used. Then they were numbered
consecutively from the river, as seen on the plats of Lafayette and
Marysville (Corvallis) (see Figures 56 and 59). The cross streets were
named for presidents, trees, rivers, early pioneers, or according to
function, i.e., Ferry or Market Street. Corvallis, Lafayette, and
222
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Oregon City are examples of the numbers/names of presidents combination,
however, at Oregon City the streets are numbered from the Falls, the
most important feature on that site. At Canemah, the streets may have
been numbered from an upper boat landing (see Figure 64). At Linn City,
the names of the presidents are used on streets running in both direc
tions (see Figure 62). The cross streets on the Eola, St. John's,
Albany,9 and Harrisburg (see Figures 51, 65, 66, and 67) plats were
named for trees, rivers, or early pioneers. Some towns have streets
leading from the river named for the function they serve, as at Dayton
or Lincoln (see Figure 68), where the road to the Ferry was named Ferry
Street. Other towns have unique naming patterns like Salem, Champoeg,
Jefferson, Peoria, Fairfield, and Buena Vista (see Figures 55, 69, 70,
71, 72, and 73).
The narrowest lots were 50 feet wide. Additions platted in dif
ferent years had lots of varying widths. For example, that part of
Salem platted during the 1850 era of speculation has lots narrower than
the original plat. Lots east of Church and north of State, the 1850
addition, were 66 feet wide, while those west of Church and north of
State were 82i feet wide, and those south of State to Bellevue were 74±
feet wide.10
Lots on most plats were oriented with the short side to the river to
permit maximum number of lots with river frontage. At Dayton, lots were
oriented in two directions, possibly to permit maximum number of lots
with frontage along a thoroughfare like Ferry Street (see Figure 68).
Some land was set aside for public use, courthouse squares, and
parks. On Lounsdale's 1848 map of Portland (see Figure 58), blocks 53
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Figure 67. Plat of Harrisburg as Resurveyed and Recorded in 1866.
Linn County Surveyor.
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'S" Andrew Smith
Figure 68.
Surveyor.
Plat of Dayton as Recorded in 1865, Yamhill County
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Figure 71. Plat of Peoria, Linn County Surveyor.
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and 54 are set aside, as well as a string of blocks west of 7th which
became Portland's park blocks. Two blocks were set aside for public
markets—#132 and 172. At Oregon City, blocks 96-102 were set aside for
public use.
Whether riverfront areas were in public or private hands varied
from town to town and was apparently a controversial issue. The Oregon
Spectator editor issued a warning to the immigrants of 1847 concerning
townsite owners who retained ownership of streets, alleys, wharfs, and
landings.11 While some plats show fractional lots platted along the
river front, in at least some towns the intent was to prohibit building
along the river bank. When Lovejoy laid out Portland, he stated they
"did not intend there be any building on the water's edge."12 The
Oregonian for June 24, 1854 announced the affirmation of the district
court decree granting a perpetual injunction against erecting buildings
on the river bank.13 Dixon's addition to Marysville shows a public
levee, and the plat of Champoeg shows an area set aside for wharves (see
Figure 69).
When, in steamboat advertisements, the destinations were named, the
ad usually included the words "and way points." How the number and
location of landings, other than those in the towns, changed over time
was not investigated. The names of the landings listed in Howard
McKinlay Coming's, Willamette Landings, are associated with river
features or early pioneers. Sometimes the river features are named for
early pioneers. Since information passed between river pilots by word
of mouth, it is not surprising that the rocks near Humphrey's Donation
Land Claim became known as Humphrey's Rocks. Where the locations of
240
landings and the time of their existence is uncertain, a comparison of
the list and the Donation Land Claim Index maps would be helpful. Maps
produced by the office of the U.S. Chief of Engineers could also be used
to date the landings. Between 1875 and 1895 the name of Humphrey's
Rocks changed to Judson's Rocks, possibly because the landowner changed.
Whether the number of landings increased or decreased after the intro
duction of the railroad is uncertain. All efforts to provide transpor
tation on the Willamette after the introduction of the railroads were
spearheaded by farmers. The U.S. Chief of Engineers Report for 1876
mentions the building of 300 new warehouses along the river after the
river was cleared.14
For the towns, steamboat landings were identified on available his
torical maps (see Table 7). As expected, they were close to the Ferry
landings, which represented the best landing sites (see Figures 74, 75,
76, and 77), although some towns, like Wheatland, had several favorable
landing sites (see Figure 78). They were probably located one street
away so the traffic of the two would not interfere. To what extent
townsite owners modified their sites to create favorable landing areas
was not investigated. The most common method of extending the landing
areas and protecting the merchandise was the use of wharfboats or
wharves. Wharfboats were used as early as 1851, at least at Portland^
and Oregon City, and appear to have been replaced by wharves by the mid-
sixties. A wharfboat is a boat moored to shore, used in areas where the
water level fluctuates considerably. In 1861, at Oregon City, Chris
Taylor was granted a five year lease of the lower landing by the city
241
Table 7. Steamboat Landings Within Towns
Towns
1. Portland
2.. Oregon City
3. Butteville
4. Champoeg
5. Lafayette
6. Dayton
7. Lincoln
8. Salem
9. Independence
10. Albany
11. Corvallis
12. Harrisburg
Steamboat Landings
Wharves at the foot of streets from Taylor to
Vine St.l
Foot of 2nd Street2
Foot of Butte StreetlO
Near foot of Napoleon St.H
Foot of Market Street5
Foot of Alder Street^
Foot of Ferry Street?
Foot of Trade Street3
Foot of Boat Landing Street!2
Wharves at the foot of Ferry, Broadalbin, and
Jefferson Streets4
Foot of Jackson - donated by Dixon Ferry at foot
of Van Buren&
Ferry landing south of Kesling Street^
1 1867 Directory Steamboat Ad
2 1845 Map
3 1878 Atlas of Marion and Linn Counties
4 Ibid.
5 Town Plat
5 Comparison of Town Plat and 1852 Surveyor's Map
7 Estimate based on location of grain warehouses and name of street
° Land donated by Dixon for public levee, Plat 1851 - Dixon's add to
Marysville
9 1878 Atlas of Marion and Linn Counties
10 Estimate from 1851 Surveyor's Map
11 Hussey, Champoeg: Place of Transition
i2 Ogilbe, Map of Polk Co. Oregon, 1882
r
Figure 74. Steamboat Boat Landing at Eugene as shown on W-249-3,
Upper Willamette River Survey, Harrisburg to Eugene City. R.G.77,
National Archives, Washington, D.C.
242
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Figure 78. Steamboat Landing at Wheatland as shown on town-plat.
Yamhill County Surveyor.
246
247
council to keep a wharfboat there for storing freight from above or
below.15 Wharfboats were lost in floods, and when no warehouse or
wharfboat was available, freight was left on the bank in the rain.17 No
pictures of wharfboats were found,, but I assume what looks like a flat-
boat with a cabin built on it in an 1858 lithographic view of Portland
is a wharfboat.
These steamboat landings formed the focus for the location of stores,
hotels, warehouses, and mills, which were those functions which had the
greatest need for outside connections. Many early histories of the river
towns record the locations of the first buildings near the landings. The
store of Hartless and Sinclair, in Corvallis, was located near the
landing,18 for example. This clustering of functions can be seen on the
1845 map of Oregon City made by British Lt. Warre while on a reconnais
sance tour through the Willamette Valley (see Figure 41 in Chapter III).
The grist and sawmills, located on the mil Traces blasted out of the rock,
and a store are identified near the landing. The hotel is on the river-
bank a few blocks away. McLoughlin held the area near the mills as a
mill reserve which may have prevented a tighter clustering. The Island
Mills belonged to the Methodists. The other buildings become more widely
spaced the farther from the boat landing they were. A portage road
leads from the ferry to Canemah, and Main Street connects to roads
leading to Champoeg and Portland. The smaller size of Linn City across
the river is apparent. As described by Warre, Oregon City at this time:
. . . contains about 300 inhabitants, two churches of
wood, two grist and three sawmills, and about 80 houses, with
one exception, built of wood.l9
248
A lithographic view (see Figure 79), made about the same time in
color, shows the buildings painted white with red roofs, except for a
cluster of smaller buildings near the river which may have been older. .
While they vary in size, most of the buildings are very similar in
style. McLoughlin's Mills are larger than the others. The hotel, along
the bank to the left in the picture, is of similar size and style to the
^ mills. These serve as examples of the type of multiple use buildings
being constructed at the time. With few changes, a building could be
made to serve a new function. Palmer states that in 1843 the site was
covered with a dense forest but, as the view shows, there are no trees
visible within the city limits.20
Cyrus Walker described Oregon City's main street in 1849. His
description, written down in 1909 from memory, is used here to give a
sense of the internal arrangement of the town.
At this time as near as can be remembered the mills, stores
and houses of families and their location was as follows be
ginning at the west end of the city. Along the riverfront-
first was the Island Mills, then Dr. McLoughlins Flouring
Mill. Immediately below it was the landing for the ferry be
tween Oregon and Linn Cities. . . . Next in 0. C. came the
Hoods, then Capt. Kilburns residence, and immediately east,
his store.
Across the street, intersecting Main Street, was the
Barlow House [the Hotel] next the Sounders home and near it
the mint building; where were coined the Beaver $5.00 gold
pieces, ... Dr. Lacey lived next east, then Mr. Robbs
place; that reached from riverfront to Main. Next was
Mr. Price . . . then the McGruders, then Holderidge, the
cooper ... Dr. Barclay was perhaps next, then came the
Catholic Church. Across the gulch—running down from the
bluff was the T'Vault home, on the river bank.
Along or near Main street north side was first a store
just—south of McLoughlins mill, conducted by some Frenchmen,
who came in '49. . . .
250
Next was McKinley'sstore about the middle of the block
north and south, then Gov. George Abernethys brick store,
facing Main Street; then H. Campbells; then the soldiers
barracks; and just east—a building erected for a store, but
for a time used as a bakery.
Across another street from the-river to Main Street was
the Robb front yard. Next was Prices blacksmith shop, at the
time occupied by the Webb's. . . . Then along Main Street-
were Mr. Berry . . . , the Bucks; (I think) Holderidges Cooper
shop, the residence of R. R. Thompson and his furniture shop.
... At the west end of the. bridge across the gulch was
Caufields store. East of the bridge was the Catholic Church
grounds. . . .
On the south side of Main Street beginning at west end
were buildings as follows.
First stood the McLoughlin home; next, that of Gen. M.
M. McCarver. ...
Back near the Bluff was the Methodist Church. ... On
the corner east of the church grounds was a saloon and bowl
ing alley; then the Moss Tavern. . . . East of the Tavern was
Holderness' store, then back near the bluff was Gen. Medorem
Crawfords. ... On the elevation beyond Crawfords were the
Bewleys. Fronting Main Street was the Rev. Walker mansion,
with its basement and two stories. . . .
Back towards the Bluff was the Briggs family.
Then along Main Street was Berry's tailoring establish
ment, a gun shop, and the Methodist parsonage; occupied by
Rev. David Leslie.
In this vicinity as near as remembered lived Judge S. S.
White; . . . Also Col. Taylor; . . . Also the Comforts; and
the Kester Brothers.
Across the gulch near the bluff was Stephen Meek, and
his slaughter yard. . . . Lastly around the point of the hill
lived Rev. G. H. Atkinson.2! ^/
This description gives a sense of the character of this early town.
A residence, such as Kilburn's, is near his store,22 the store shown on
the 1845 map. Other stores are located at this end of town, for example,
the French Store, behind McLoughlin's mill on the Mill Reserve,23 and
Abernethy's brick store. Warner explains that the transportation costs
within a city were so high that it was advantageous to locate as close
as possible to the boat landing.24 The Barlow House is the hotel shown
on the 1845 map. The 1851 view by George Gibbs (see Figure 80) shows
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this business portion of the town. Bridges connected the Island mills
to the main part of town. Buildings line the road up from the ferry.
The large building in the left foreground is McLoughlin's house.
At Champoeg, as seen in the view by George Gibbs made in 1851 and
the map by Hussey to show Champoeg in 1852, the warehouses and stores
were strung out along the river bank (see Figures 81 and 82). The
Dupuis stage connected with the steamboats when low water prevented
their ascent upriver. Hussey states another steamboat landing was at
the southern terminus of the ferry landing.25
At Butteville, as seen in the view made in 1852, the grain warehouse
was located close to the water (see Figure 83). The sacks of wheat were
slid down the ramp to the awaiting steamboat. Because of its size, the
larger building above the grain warehouse may have been a store or ware
house for general merchandise. Some storage facilities must have been
available at Butteville because freight was landed there when boats were
unable to reach upriver points. A correspondent writing in August 1851,
stated:
The merchandise destined for Salem is landed at Buteville,
and from thence conveyed by land, a distance of twenty-five
miles, over a level prairie country.26
The town of Burlington probably appeared similar to Butteville and
Champoeg. In 1853 it had two dwellings, two stores, one smithy and a
ferry.21
The prosperity engendered by the gold rush resulted in a flurry of
remodelling, painting, and general investments in improvements at Oregon
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City. New buildings were larger, and painted white. Carpenters adver
tised their willingness to build "in the latest eastern styles."28 The
Oregon Spectator editor commented:
In looking over the city, it is very easy to distinguish the
old era and the new, or what was accomplished before the dis
covery of the gold mines and what after it. Most of the
buildings erected before that period, are small, and but few
having been painted, look old and brown, while those of a
late date are mostly large and elegantly furnished.29
The price of everything increased, for example, town lots. Accord
ing to Henry Coke, passing through Oregon City in 1852:
Buildings are springing up in all directions, and lots of
land yet uncleared are being bought up at high prices. Small
wooden houses, with no more than two or three rooms, rent at
150 to 200 dollars a month. A lot of 160 ft. by 100 ft. can
not be bought near the town for less than 200 dollars. Plans
are actually being made for public promenades and other orna
mental improvements. . . .30
Additional stores and businesses were built near others. A hotel
called the Silver House was opened on Front Street in Oregon City in
1851.31 Preston and O'Neil opened a wholesale trade establishment near
George Abernethy's brick store.32 Ferdinand Behrn erected a business
house opposite Abernethy's brick store in 1853.33 Several buildings
were remodelled, sometimes including the addition of another story.
Both hotels in Oregon City, the Main Street House34 and the Oregon
House,35 were remodelled.
New buildings replaced old, or larger buildings were found in new
locations.35 New buildings were usually larger, with more stories.3?
257
Merchandise lines were expanded.38 Some became wholesale establish
ments.39 Some new buildings were brick.40 Sometimes buildings themselves
were moved,4! for example, the Methodist Church.
Some new businesses reflected the new mode of transportation. A new
foundry and machine shop built at Oregon City in 1854 was expected to
supply engines and castings for new steamboats as well as mills:
The establishment of a machine shop and foundry had been too
long neglected, and previous to the erection of this one now
in operation at Oregon City, our people engaged in the build
ing of steamboats, saw and grist mills, have been under the
economic necessity of getting their engines, castings etc.,
from the States. We were pleased to learn from the Proprietor
that he is in readiness to supply all in the Territory who
are building steamboats, mills, etc.42
Streets were graded. Streets in Oregon City were uneven and several
times the Spectator editor lauded the removing of hills and filling of
holes in the streets,43 and called for streets graded in line with the
buildings.44 Owners and able-bodied men were required to put in one
day's labor per year on the streets and alleys, according to an 1853
Oregon City ordinance.45 In 1853, portions of some streets were macad
amized, i.e., finished with a layer of small broken stone.4^
Besides the rebuilding, which resulted from the increased money
supply, damage by fire occurred often and contributed to the changing
character of the town's appearance. During the 1850s, cisterns supplied
the water to fight fires. How much damage was sustained often depended
on the wind direction and how close the burning building was to others.
Often replacements were brick, viewed as fireproof.4?
258
During the late 1850s, the economic slowdown meant that improvements
were done on a smaller scale—replacing fences and painting houses.
Less building was done.48
Lithographic views of Oregon City, Corvallis, Portland, Eugene, and
Salem dated 1858 exist. Those of Portland, Oregon City, and Corvallis
are used here. In comparing the 1858 and 1845 views of Oregon City (see
Figure 84), that portion of the settlement to the right of the jail
appears more densely settled. Most of the buildings are two story. The
cluster at the Falls shows larger buildings had replaced the ones
formerly adjacent to McLoughlin's mills. The remodelling of the Oregon
House at 3rd and Water Street,49 above and to the right of the ferry,
is apparent. In this view it has a double porch. The Methodist Church,
above the steamboat and to the left, had been moved into the residential
section. The Catholic Church no longer appears on the bank, but appears
in the views of individual buildings which make up the border on the
original lithograph, so it was probably moved. The jail on the river
bank, which was near the end of town in the 1845 view, appears in the
middle in this view, giving a sense of how the city had doubled in size
in the intervening years.
The business section of town is to the right of the jail running
from 1st to about 5th Street. A few building locations have been
determined. Two general merchandise stores were near the location later
occupied by the woolen mills. Between 3rd and 4th on Main were two
general merchandise stores, a tin and copperware shop, a livery and feed
stable, and a saloon. Two saloons and a livery stable were some of the
buildings located between 4th and 5th.50 The three story building above
260
the steamboat and to the left was used as the territorial capital
building, the Oriental Hotel, the county courthouse, and the first free
reading room at different times.51
The residential section, is for the most part, in the left half of
the view. McLoughlin's House was originally at 3rd and Main and other
houses may have still been in the older part of the city. Most lots are
surrounded by fences and trees have been planted. The following adver
tisement is inserted here as an example of the type of residential
property available then:
The subscriber offers for sale his residence in Oregon
City.
There are two full lots, well fenced, with bearing
fruit trees, and shrubbery of the most desirable kinds,
together with a stable and a well.
The house is one and a half stories, well plastered,
with seven rooms, pantry, closets, drain and celler.
The location is one of the most desirable in the
city, easy of access, and commanding a beautiful view of
the river. . . .52
Sept. 26, 1857 Thomas Pope
The frequent mention of two lots per dwelling suggests that this may
have been the rule.53
<• -
By the time this:'1858 view was taken, Oregon City had suffered from
the high water of 1849 and 1853. The cluster of small buildings for
merly located between the mills and hotel are missing. Perhaps this was
one location consistently flooded so these lots were no longer built
upon. Perhaps it is the angle difference between the two views, but
buildings in the 1858 view do not appear to be hugging the bank as they
do in the 1845 view.
261
Also seen in the 1858 Oregon City Lithograph are a portion of Linn
City and in the distance beyond the Falls, Canemah. At Linn City, the
building near the Falls could be the freight transfer warehouse built
by the Willamette Falls Milling and Trading Company in 1853-54. Few
buildings appear on the Linn City side of the river. Buildings lost in
the high water of 1853 may not have been replaced, given the proximity
to Oregon City.
The 1858 view of Corvallis shows an open townsite with buildings
strung out along the site (see Figure 85). The grain warehouse is on
that portion of the riverbank which slopes down to the water. In 1857,
there were 2 doctors, 8 general stores, 2 groceries, 2 drug stores, 2
harness shops, a photographer, jeweler, hotel, a livery stable, a
restaurant, a log schoolhouse, a sawmill, a grist mill, 2 blacksmith
shops, and 4 saloons. Mills in Corvallis were steam powered.54 jhe
flat topped building in the center is probably a brick building. Both
J. S Mclnteeny and J. C. Avery had brick buiIdings;55 J. C. Avery's was
at the corner of 2nd and Adams.56 stock and Kaufman's general city
hotel merchandise store was one door north of J. C. Avery's.57 a saloon
was across the street from the city hotel58 and there was a restaurant
nearby.59 in addition to the city proper on the claims of Avery and
Dixon, nearby land claim holders cut up land for house lots in 20 acre
parcels:
A Good Chance on Better Terms
Persons desirous of securing a small piece of land adjoining
Corvallis, for family residences, now have an opportunity.
Mr. S. M. Stout, as will be seen by reference to our adver
tising columns, offers to sell his entire claim, 200 of which,
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he proposes to cut up in lots of 20 acres each. Mr. Stout's
land is of the best quality for farming purposes, and lays
so near town as to be within convenient distance of our school.
He offers great inducements to such as desire a location con
venient to a good school. The terms are certainly liberal.
If a few more of the large claim holders near town were to
follow suit, and secure a family to every 80 acres, at least,
it would add much to the business and interest of our county
and city. We hope that Mr. Stout will find a ready sale for
his valuable lands, and that it may induce other large land
holders to a similar course. Now is the time to get good
healthy locations with a small tract of land convenient to
town.60
263
Across the river from Corvallis was the town of Orleans. The ware
house is seen on the riverbank in the lithograph of Corvallis. By 1856,
it also had a store, a sawmill, and several homes. Within the next five
years it acquired a larger store, blacksmith shop, a brewery, and more
homes.61 Most of the buildings were ruined in the flood of 1861.
The lithograph for Portland in 1858 (see Figure 86), shows the city
that had surpassed Oregon City in population by the 1860 census. The
city is more compact, with several streets of adjoining buildings in
what was probably the commercial section. They fill the entire lot and
are a mixture of wooden box-shaped buildings with gable end to the
street, false-front wooden and brick buildings. As was apparent in the
1845 view of Oregon City, the wooden box-shaped buiIding with the gable
end facing the street was the oldest form.62 in contrast to the smaller
towns, there were many more wooden false-front buildings which gave the
buildings the appearance of a place of business.63 Here, too, are brick
buildings which fill two lots and are three stories in height.
Along the waterfront, steamboats are tied up at wharfboats, the
greatest number at the base of what appears to be Washington Street.

265
Wharfboats were the earliest answer to the changing water levels experi
enced at towns along the Willamette. Later, as seen in the 1865 view of
Portland, two story wharves were built. The largest building along the
shore with the steamboat tied to it could be the forerunner of the
Oregon Steam Navigation Company wharf and warehouse, located between
Pine and Ash.
The residential section on the left is similar to those in the other
views, houses surrounded by fences on large lots. There are fewer trees
in the city proper in this and the Corvallis views.
As did other Willamette Valley towns, the Portland economy suffered
from 1859-1861 when the California wheat market was lost. Besides
losing the income from wheat handling, Portland merchants suffered
losses when other Willamette Valley merchants they supplied could not
pay their debts. The flood of 1861 caused further losses.64 However,
with the discovery of gold in Idaho in 1862, and foreign trade, new
business and residential buildings were under construction by 1863.65
Rushes continued to occur to 1865.
In the 1865 view (see Figure 87), wharves, instead of wharfboats,
occur at several locations along the river. A smaller section of the
city is shown, only to Taylor or Yamhill on the left. More of the
business establishments are full two story buildings, replacing the
false-front wooden one story buildings seen in the 1858 view. Also,
more evident, are a greater number of brick business structures. That
portion of the residential section shown reveals more substantial
buildings and a filling in of spaces.

267
To further describe the city in this period, I made a map of the
Front and 1st Street district using the 1867 Portland Directory (see
Figure 88). This map is only a partial reconstruction since only those
businesses for which a numbered address was available were mapped. Both
No. 51 and 53 Front Street were described as located on the corner of
Oak and Front Street, so they were placed on either side of Oak on this
map and numbers for other businesses located with reference to those
two. Even numbers were assigned to the eastern side of Front based on
the location in North Portland of the Allen and Lewis Co., listed in the
1867 tax assessor's list for Multnomah County available at the State
Archives, as owning lots 1 and 2 in that block and listed in the direc
tory as at 18, 20, and 22 North Front. Lot locations were assigned
according to the numbering systems given by the town proprietors when
subdividing their land claims. Blocks originally had 8 lots to a block.
To assign addresses to places between 51 Front and Allen and Lewis, I
numbered backward to Vine where the division between North Front and
Front seemed to occur, then numbered from #1 North Front to #18, 20, 22
where Allen and Lewis were located. The numbering worked most satis
factorily when each block was divided into 16 lots, and spaces left for
Vine and Ash. Further research may show that the lots were not all the
same size or in some other way prove this map incorrect, in particular
in the Vine - A Street area. Further lot subdivision is seen in the
area between Yamhill and Morrison on Front, where a gunsmith, a
merchant, a tobacco shop, and an unknown function each have half lots.
These were listed in the directory by a i following the number. This
area was probably the first where further subdivision took place because

269
most small retail shopkeepers would have needed less space and been less
able to afford it.
According to Snyder in Stumptown Triumphant,66 sailing vessels
moored at the foot of Taylor Street, and Portland's first wharf was
located at the foot of Washington Street.
Several wharves were listed in the 1867 Portland Directory.67
Whether the list there is complete was not investigated. The size shown
on the map I constructed is my own estimate based on the description
given. For example, Abernethy's Wharf, listed as "at the foot of
Yamhill Street," is shown attached to his warehouse at 134 Front Street,
as well as at the foot of Yamhill. Pioneer Wharf was described as "at
the foot of Washington Street." The Oregon Steamer Navigation Company's
Wharf was described as "between Pine and Ash Streets." Steamships
stopped at the foot of "B" Street, where the Portland Wharf run by Couch
and Flanders was located. As stated earlier, the People's Transportation
Company picked up passengers at the foot of Washington Street in 1865.
According to an 1864 ad,68 the boat left Couch's Wharf, and stopped at
Vaughn's Wharf to pick up passengers. The independent steamboat Echo,
accepted freight at Couch's Wharf.69 By February of 1867, the People's
Transportation Company had their own dock at the foot of "A" Street.70
Most commission and wholesale merchants were located north of Stark
Street, or very close to the wharves. Many commission agents were
located near "B" Street. These agents imported and sold a variety of
merchandise. For example, McCracken, Merrill and Co. at # 14 and 16
Front were shipping, commission, and forwarding merchants for flour,
270
grain, bacon, lard, fruit, lime, cement, plaster, salt, sugar, coffee,
rice, and pulu.7!
Some merchants who handled both retail and wholesale had offices in
different parts of the city. For example, Everding and Beebe, wholesale
and retail dealers in flour, bacon, corn meal, hominy, oat meal, pearl
barley, and farina,72 were located at No. 10 North Front and No. 125 and
No. 150 Front. Most merchants imported direct so merchandise most dif
ficult to transport was handled and stored near the wharves. Merchan
dise was transported through town by draymen, and their offices were
usually associated with the commission merchants.
Banks, as potential financiers and insurance agents, were located
between Oak and Washington on Front. Wells Fargo was also a gold dust
dealer and was across the street from the Bank of British Columbia at
57 Front. Ladd and Tilton were at 69 Front and the 1st National Bank
on the 2nd floor at 73 Front.
Hotels like the New York Hotel or the Globe Hotel may have served
as temporary quarters for the boat crews or the traveling public. How
ever, the other hotels were located about a block apart between Stark
and Taylor, closer to the passenger wharves, so perhaps most travelers
stayed there. The Arrigoni was at 1st and Stark; the Lincoln at
Washington and Front; the Washington at 2nd and Alder; the Western at
1st and Morrison; and the Mansion on Front between Yamhill and Taylor.
Two more were located between Salmon and Main.73
Retail liquor establishments, a label which apparently covered
saloons as well as liquor stores, were located on North Front or were
271
associated with hotels, as were barber and tobacco stores. Some restau
rants may have been located in hotels. No mention appears in the adver
tisements. All others are located on 1st, between Oak and Washington.
Most of the retail establishments are located south of Stark, closer
to the residential area. Bakeries, groceries, fruit dealers, and meat
markets were most likely to be closer to the residential areas, being
south of Yamhill or on 1st Avenue. Boot and clothing stores, tailors,
bookstores, and other establishments which shoppers might frequent less
often, were concentrated between Yamhill and Stark.
I made another map of second floor offices (see Figure 89) to use
as an indicator of the core of the city. That use was concentrated be
tween Morrison and Oak, as seen on Figure 83. These offices were occu
pied by attorneys, accountants, milliners, and architects. Where two
functions listed the same address with no indication of which story was
occupied by either function, that function which required less space,
had no heavy equipment nor several pieces of merchandise, might gen
erate less profit and therefore be less able to afford high rent was
placed on the second floor.
I made a map of the use of east-west streets to compare with pas
senger landing areas (see Figure 90). Concentration of use of streets
leading from the river is between Morrison and Stark, in particular on
Morrison and Washington. Location was based on the information that
Peter Burk, drayman who resided at 47 Yamhill, owned Lot 5 in Block 21,
according to the 1867 Assessor's List for Multnomah County, available at
the State Archives, and that the Labbe Bros., at 30 and 32 Washington,
owned a fraction of Lot 8, Block 16. Use of this numbering system is


274
also found on the 1879 Sanborn Atlas Maps covering this section of
Portland. Some of the functions shown may have attracted the traveler,
for example, the retail liquor establishments. Others, like milliners
and the Chinese laundries, may have located there because of the low rent,
I made another map of the residences using the 1867 directory (see
Figure 91). Only ten percent of the residences could be mapped because
of the low number of numbered addresses available. Other residences were
described, for example, as located "on 4th between Oak and Stark."
Since it was uncertain which side of 4th was meant, only numbered resi
dences, or those specifying a corner, were mapped. Homes of merchants
were clustered between Washington and Morrison, west of 3rd. Boat cap
tains, including Captain Ainsworth, were found on 2nd, between Ash and
Oak, while steamboat engineers were found on 3rd, between Morrison and
Yamhill. Several people lived in hotels and boarding houses. Most of
the boarding houses were between Stark and "B" Street, or between Main
and Columbia. The foundry, broom factory, and iron works owner lived
along 2nd and 3rd, south of Salmon. Lawyers, market owners, and den
tists were more likely to live in the southern section of the city,
while tailors, laborers, carpenters, and clerks lived in the northern
section. Some lived next to their business establishments. Henry
Weinhard lived next to his brewery near the edge of town.
As long as water transportation remained important, value of land
along the river remained high and functions devoted to commerce lined
the waterfront. When in 1872, Frances Fuller Victor took a trip upriver
to Portland, she described the ugly backends of buildings and warehouses

f276
lining the river in her description of Portland which follows, and is
shown in the 1873 view (see Figure 92).
As we approach Portland we observe ... the evidence of for
ests sacrificed to the growth of a town; and the increasing good
taste and costliness of the buildings going up or recently built
in the newest portions of the City. . . . Passing by . . . the
first few blocks of stores and warehouses, with their ugly
rears toward the river, we haul up alongside a handsome, com
modious wharf. ...
Portland is . . . a . . . town of about 9000 inhabitants;
well paved, with handsome public buildings and comfortable home
like dwellings . . . ,74
. . .It is at present supplied with plank sewers. ... A
water company supplies the city with water; and a gas company
furnishes gas for lighting the streets, public buildings and
stores and such private dwellings, as are not too remote from
the mains. The surveyed limits of the city include about three
square miles; the higher ground at the back being very desir
able for residences from its superior healthfulness and the
fine views to be obtained.75
On August 2, 1873,76 after this view was made, a fire destroyed the
area from Clay to Morrison between the river and 1st Street, and from
Columbia to Yamhill on Second (see Figure 88). Given the area, mostly
retail establishments and homes would have been destroyed. By the date
of the fire the railroad had been built, beginning at the north end of
town. As seen on page 3 of the 1879 Sanborn Atlas reproduced here, the
railroad is located near an ocean shipping point, the Oregon Steamship
Company warehouse. Until connected to the national network, the rail
road would serve as a regional feeder so this connection was important
for a time. As long as water transportation remained important, sub
sequent land use decisions would reinforce the pattern begun during the
steamboat transportation era. As seen on pages 3, 4, 10, and 11 of the
l"-^B_u V'
277
278
1879 Sanborn Atlas sheets reproduced here (see Figures 93, 94, 95, and
96), Front Street is given over totally to warehouses, factories, and
wholesale functions. Several establishments owned by the Chinese are
located on Front, between Salmon and Yamhill in the district that had
been burned, an indication of the, lesser importance of this area.
In anticipation of the national railroad connection, and as a result
of the fire of 1873, there is a migration of functions northward, with a
filling in of the area north of A Street and a greater use of First
Street on the 1879 map in comparison to the 1867 map. For example, the
Bank of British Columbia has moved to the triangular block at Vine and
Front. The Public Market is located at 1st and Ash.
When describing Portland in 1887, L. Samuel said that Front Street
was almost exclusively commission and wholesale houses,77 a continuation
of the earlier pattern. He states that the chief retail thoroughfare
was on First Street from Yamhill to E. All the banks were on this
street. Property commanded a high price, was owned by the older citizens
and rarely changed hands.78 Second Street north of Yamhill had begun to
be built up also, by this time.79 Washington Street had become a major
thoroughfare, lined with businesses.80 Morrison, east of Second had
become a retail street,8! as had Third Street. The location of the
retail district along Yamhill represents a major shift from the pattern
shown on the 1867 map. The concentration of uses on Morrison and
Washington was begun during the earlier steamboat transportation era.
As can be seen by referring to the ads for the 1880s, ALder, Taylor,
Morrison, and Salmon continued to be used as passenger landing areas.
"^




e283
The location of streetcar lines in Portland also reinforced patterns of
use of Morrison, Washington, and other streets.
In other towns as well, the waterfront area remained important as
long as river transport was available. See, for example, the map of
Oregon City in 1889 (see Figure 97). When available, transportation by
water was cheaper. At Albany, as seen on the 1878 map (see Figure 98),
spurs were built to riverfront mills and warehouses to pick up manufac
tured goods and deliver merchandise during seasonal periods when steam
boat navigation ceased. The same pattern appears at Corvallis as late
as 1905, although by this time a wheat warehouse is shown near the
railroad line at Band 7th Street (see Figure 99).
The gradual shift of wheat warehouses, and I assume, other functions
as well, began in the 1880s, when direct connection to the national
railroad network occurred. The 1882 map of Independence shows three
warehouses on Fractional Block 3 of Hill's Addition to Independence (see
Figure 100). By 1887, 3 of 4 warehouses in Independence were described
as on the railroad by West Shore magazine. The 4th, a large one, was on
the river.82
Without railroad connections, the sort of change which would occur
in a town like Lincoln, here mapped in 1882 (see Figure 101), would be
the gradual loss of functions to nearby towns with rail connections.
While the individual histories of the towns vary, the recurring pat
terns in the descriptions can be used to describe the typical elements
of a river town. Here mapped as "River City" (see Figure 102), the plat
is longer than it is wide, and blocks are subdivided into lots with
OREGON CITY and ;Vicinity.
SchIo of Feet ; \
Figure 97. Wharfs Along the Waterfront at Oregon City. From Map
of Multnomah County by R. A. Habersharm, 1889.
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290
maximum frontage on the river. As a reflection of the importance of
water transportation, waterfront areas served as the focus for the
location of stores and mills needing outside connection. The main
thoroughfare was the primary settlement strip with a concentration of
activity near the landing. Millraces were dug or blasted through rock
for driving water powered mills; some steam mills were also built. The
primary commodities for shipment were housed in warehouses located close
to the water's edge for ease of transfer, particularly if the mud banks
were slippery. Later the roads leading from the landings, or perhaps
the landing areas were macadamized. Nearby were the stores, at first
only for the sale of general merchandise. Later, if the town grew,
wholesale suppliers buiIt warehouses and stores. There was often a
hotel, livery stable, saloon, church, and a blacksmith shop. Early
residences were built near the mills and stores. As population grew and
land values increased, sorting of functions occurred; those lots with
best access to shipping were vacated by businesses that had little need
to be near the landing areas. Periods of prosperity permitted the
selling of land near the landing at a profit and areas originally set
aside as open space soon disappeared. While fires caused losses for
individuals or groups of store or mill owners, they stimulated the
replacement of old buildings for new. Brick, not only the symbol of
permanence, but believed fireproof, was a primary building material of
the second buildings on the site. Loss from flood educated the inhabi
tants as to which lots were more flood prone, and these perhaps were not
used again.
291
With continued growth, one landing area became insufficient so the
natural landing area was expanded by the construction of wharves in
several locations. Front Streets became devoted exclusively to functions
involved in the receipt, storage, and shipment of freight. Retail func
tions located with better access to customers, on streets leading from
ferry or passenger landing areas and residential districts, as shown on
the later version of River City showing general land use areas (see
Figure 103).
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Notes
1 John W. Reps, Cities of the American West: A History of Frontier
Urban Planning (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1979),
p. 346.
2 Sidney Moss, "Picture of Pioneer Times at Oregon City." Used
with permission of the Bancroft Library, University of California,
Berkeley.
3 J. Henry Brown, compiler, Salem Directory for 1871, (Salem,
Oregon: Snyder & Cook, 1871), p. 21 and 29.
4 Plat of Oregon City, Clackamas County Surveyor, Oregon City.
5 Plat of Lafayette, Yamhill County Surveyor.
6 Brown, Salem Directory for 1871, p. 21 and 29.
7 Oregon Territory.
8 Brown, Salem Directory for 1871, p. 29.
9 Doris Doherty and Alice Orr, Ah Yes I Remember It Well, (Albany
OR: Doherty) 1976, p. 9, 10, 11.
10 "Diagram of City of Salem, 1874," Salem Directory (Salem, Oregon:
E. M. Waite, 1874).
11 "To the Immigrants of 1847," Oregon Spectator, 30 September
1874, p. 4:1, 2.
*2 Ai L. Lovejby, The Founding of Portland, Microfilm PA-44-54,
used with permission of the Bancroft Library, University of California,
Berkeley, p. 33.
13 Oregonian, 24 June 1854, p. 2:2.
14 U.S. Chief of Engineers, Annual Report of Major N. Michler,
Corps of Engineers for the First Six Months of the Fiscal Year Ending
June 30, 1876, Appendix FFl of the Report to the Secretary of War, vol.
II, pt. II, House of Representatives, Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 2, 44th Cong., 2nd
Sess., Congressional Serial Set, Vol. 1744, Washington Govt. Printing
Office, 1876, p. 636.
294
15 Weekly Oregonian, 3 March 1855, p. 3:1, ad for U.S. Mail Line;
Oregon Argus, 26 October 1861, p. 2:2.
16 Oregon Argus, 4 May 1861, p. 2:6.
17 Oregon Argus, 26 October 1861, p. 2:2.
18 Bruce Martin, "History of Corvallis 1846-1900," (M.A. Thesis,
Dept. of History, University of Oregon, 1939), p. 9.
19 "Documents Relative to Warre and Vavasour's Military Reconnais
sance in Oregon 1845-1846," Joseph Shafer ed., Oregon Historical
Quarterly vol. 10, (Portland: Oregon Historical Society, 1909), p. 92.
20 Reuben Thwaites, "Palmer's Journal," Early Western Travels vol 30,
p. 159-160.
21 Cyrus Walker, Glimpses of Old Oregon,. A description of Oregon
City in 1849 written at Albany, Oregon 26 October 1909. Copy available
at the Oregon Historical Society. Used with permission of Beinike
Library Yale University, New Haven, Conn.
22 Ibid.'
23 John McLoughlin, "1857 Probate File," State Archives Territorial
Document #61A-97.
24 Howard Chudacoff, Evolution of American Urban Society,
(Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall Inc., 1975), p. 65.
25 John A. Hussey, Champoeg: A Place of Transition, (Portland,
Oregon: Oregon Historical Society, 1967), p. 205.
26 Oregon Spectator, 2 September 1851, p. 2:5.
27 Floyd Mullen, Land of Linn: An Historical Account of Linn County,
Oregon (Lebanon, Oregon: Dalton's Print, 1971), p. 49.
28 Oregonian, 4 December 1850, p. 4:4.
29 Oregon Spectator, 22 July 1851, p. 2:4.
30 Henry J. Coke, A Ride Over the Rocky Mountains to Oregon and
California, (London: Richard Bentley, 1852), p. 329.
31 Oregon Spectator, 7 October 1851, p. 3:3.
32 Statesman, 30 April 1853, p. 2:7.
295
33 Oregon Spectator, 19 August 1853, p. 2:2.
34 Oregon Spectator, 10 July 1851, p. 2.
35 Oregon Spectator, 13 March 1851, p. 3; June 1851, p. 2.
36 Oregon Spectator, 5 November 1853, p. 3:2; 11 February 1854,
p. 2:2.
37 Oregon Spectator, 19 November 1853, p. 2:5; 19 August 1853,
p. 2:2.
38 Oregon Spectator, 7 January 1854, p. 2:2.
39 Oregon Spectator, 19 August 1853, p. 2:2.
40 Oregon Spectator, 7 October 1854, p. 2:3.
4* Sidney Moss, Picture of Pioneer Times at Oregon City, p. 22.
42 Oregon Spectator, 7 January 1854, p. 2:3.
43 Oregon Spectator, 11 November 1851, p. 2:3.
44 Oregon Spectator, 11 July, 1850, p. 2.
45 Oregon City Road Duty Ordinance, July 1853, H.R.S. File VII B in
WPA Oregon City Proper Volume, Oregon City Public Library.
46 Oregon Spectator, 26 August 1853, p. 3:1.
47 Oregon Argus, 1860, p. 2:3, WPA Oregon City Miscellaneous File;
Oregon Argus, 26 July 1856, p. 2:3, WPA Miscellaneous vol.; Oregon
Argus, 12 July 1856, p. 2:2; Oregon Statesman, 3 January 1854, p. 2:7;
Corvallis Oregon Weekly Union, 14 January I860, p. 2:2; Oregon Argus,
29 September 1860, p. 2:2; Oregon Spectator, 5 November 1853, p. 3:2;
Oregon Argus, 20 September 1856, p. 3:3.
48 Oregon Argus, 17 May 1856, p. 2:1.
49 Oregon Argus, 22 August 1857, p. 3:1.
50 2nd Annual Territorial Days Souvenir Edition, Oregon City
Enterprise, 20 August 1936, p. 24-25.
51 Ibid.
52 Oregon Argus, 26 September i857, p. 3:1.
^3 Oregon Argus, 17 December 1859, p. 3:1; Oregon Argus, 7 August
1858, p. 3:1.
296
54 "Our City," Oregon Weekly Union, 14 May 1859, p. 2:3.
55 "Advertisements," Occidental Messenger. 26 September 1857, p. 3..
56 Ibid.
57 Ibid.
58 Ibid.
59 Ibid.
60 Oregon Weekly Union, 24 December 1859, p. 3:3.
61 "The Centennial Story: Corvallis Started as Three Villages,"
Section I, p. 2, Corvallis Gazette Times.
62 Clark G. Hilden, "An Historical Geography of Small Town Main
Streets in the Willamette Valley, Oregon," p. 176.
63 Willard B. Robinson, "Northwest Architecture 1843-1893," (M.A.
thesis, Rice Institute, April 1960), p. 24.
64 Paul Merriam, "History of Portland 1840-1890," (Ph.D. disser
tation, Department of History, University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon),
p. 219.
65 Ibid., p. 220.
66 Eugene Snyder, Early Portland: Stumptown Triumphant (Portland,
Oregon: Binsford and Mart, Publishers), 1970, p. 67.
67 S. J. McCormick, Portland Directory for 1867 (Portland, Oregon:
A. G. Walling, 1867), p.~89~: "
68 Daily Oregonian, 2 February 1864, p. 2:5; 26 September, 1864,
p. 2:4.
69 Ibid., 14 December 1865, p. 2:4.
70 Ibid., 26 February 1867, p. 2:3.
71 S. J. McCormick, Portland Directory for 1867 (Portland, Oregon:
A. G. Walling, 1867), p. 1.
72 Ibid., p. 54.
73 Ibid., p. 97, 99.
297
74 Mrs. Frances Fuller Barrett Victor, All Over Oregon and Washington
(San Francisco: J. H. Carmany and Co., 1872), p. 147.
75 Ibid., p. 153.
76 U.S. Dept. of Interior, National Register of Historic Places.
Nomination Form - Statement of Significance, Yamhill Historic District
File, Oregon Historical Society, Portland, Oregon.
77 Portland and Vicinity. (Portland. Oregon: L. Samuel, 1887), p. 15.
78 Ibid., p. 11.
79 Ibid., p. 7.
80 Ibid., p. 3.
81 Ibid., p. 4.
82 "A Gem of the Willamette," West Shore, August 1887, Portland,
Oregon, p. 636.
298
CHAPTER V
CONCLUSION
Considered here were questions about accessibility, the importance
of proximity to other places, the role of town promoters, and the loca
tion of towns on flood prone sites as they related to the success or
failure of the river towns. Also considered was the reflection of the
importance of water transportation in the internal arrangement of the
river towns.
The steamboat transportation network along the Willamette River was
investigated to determine the influence it had on the founding and
growth of the river towns. What was important was the ease of connec
tion to other places. Towns were able to grow faster if they had the
advantage of good connections. Portland emerged as the connection
beween ocean and river shipping.
Portland and Oregon City at the Falls were always linked, as were
points between Oregon City and Salem on the Willamette, and Oregon City
and Dayton on the Yamhill. Settlers eagerly awaited the rise in the
river to go farther upriver. Steamboats went as far upriver as possible,
turning back when low water on a bar made it impossible to ascend
further. This meant that freight for upriver points was landed at the
furthest accessible point when boats could not reach the town designated
on the freight. Passengers continued their journeys by stage.
299
The advantage of good connections is best seen when comparing the
growth rates of towns north of Corvallis, with good connections, to
towns south of Corvallis, or on the upper reaches of the Yamhill and
Santiam, with poor connections. Eugene, for example, was at a definite
disadvantage because service was poor.
When comparing the growth rates of towns which had good connections
to each other, other factors affecting town growth: site; connection to
a hinterland and its size; proximity of other places; and efforts of
town promoters, enter into consideration as well.
Although Salem was the year round head of navigation, it may have
only drawn large numbers of potential shoppers during the part of the
year the legislature was in session. Proximity to Portland contributed
to the decline of several cities, in particular, Oregon City which also
suffered repeated flood loss and land title problems.
Some of these towns attempted to enhance their accessibility by
acquiring railroad connections. Those towns on rail lines grew as the
railroad increased their accessibility by decreasing distances between
places because it was faster and permitted the establishment of new
connections. With both river and rail connections, Albany had the
advantage of lower freight rates. The ability to ship in response to
demand by railroad was most beneficial for Eugene, where steamboat ser
vice had been the least reliable. Towns left off the railroad declined,
as was the case at Peoria, as business moved to Halsey and Shedd, places
with railroad connections and service to upriver points by steamboat
decreased.
300
A landscape reflecting the importance of water transportation emerged
with a concentration of early functions—mills, stores, hotels—needing
outside connections near the landing areas. With the continued impor
tance of waterborne commerce, the street closest to the river was given
over to warehouses and offices of commission merchants, while retail
functions concentrated on streets leading from the passesnger landing
areas and the second street from the river, with residential areas
beyond them.
301
APPENDIX A
FIRST
DATE TOWN LAID OUT BY TOWNSITE OWNER
Town Year
Linnton 1845
St. Johns 1850
Portland 1844
Milwaukie 1848
Oregon City 1842
Canemah 1849 -
Linn City 1842
Multnomah City 1843
Clackamas City 1846 [?]
Dayton 1850
Lafayette 1846
McMinnville 1856
Source
"A List of Early Townsites,"
Eugene E. Snyder, Early
Portland: Stumptown Triumphant
(Portland: Binsford and Mort,
Publishers, 1970), p.v
Town Plat
Snyder, Stumptown Triumphant
Snyder, Stumptown Triumphant
Snyder, Stumptown Triumphant
p. 60, Willamette Landings
Snyder, Stumptown Triumphant
Snyder, Stumptown Triumphant
p. 55, Willamette Landings
Ruth Stoller, Old Yamhill,
p. 15, p. 22.
Ruth Stoller, Old Yamhill.
Lafayette: Yamhill County
Historical Society 1976 p. 35.
Ruth Stoller, Old Yamhill,
p. 49.
Town Year
Butteville 1844
Champoeg 1844
Salem 1846
Eola 1855
Cincinnati 1850
Albany 1848
Peoria 1857
Jefferson 1858
Syracuse 1846
Santiam City 1851
Harrisburg 1853
Wheatland 1847 (as Atchison)
Marysville 1851
Booneville 1853
Independence 1850
302
Source
Ben. Maxwell, Capital Journal,
Oct. 26, 1954, sec. 3, p. 1,
"Butteville Quiet Now But Has
Quite a History"
Hussey, Champoeg: Place of
Transition
Brown Directory of Salem,
1871, p. 21.
Town Plat
p. 132, Willamette Landings
p. 36, Hist, of Linn Co.
p. 110 Willamette Landings
Ben Maxwell, Capital Journal,
"Tiny Peoria Host of Grain
Ports," Salem, Feb. 21, 1957.
Jesse Douglas, pp. 195-212,
"Beginnings of Jefferson,"
OHQ, Vol. 32, p. 319.
Ibid., p. 204
Ibid., p. 205
Oregon Spectator, December 17,
1853.
p. 94, Willamette Landings
Town plat
p. 153,. Willamette Landings
Capital Journal Centennial
Edition, p. 18, sec. 2,
June 9, 1959, "Old Indepen
dence Former Hop Center."
Town Year
Lincoln 1860
Buena Vista 1856
Eugene 1852
303
Source
p. 100, Willamette Landings
p. 140, Willamette Landings
Personal Communication
Librarian, Lane County
Historical Museum, Eugene.
304
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Record Group 77, Civil Works Maps File. National Archives,
Cartographic and Architectural Branch, Washington, D.C
W~19^ IamhJ"River' 0req°n- MaP to Accompany Annual Report for 1875by N. Michler Appendix GG6. Record Group 77, Civil Works Maps '
File, National Archives, Cartographic and Architectural Branch,
Washington, D.C.
W"249_1 Salem to Independence Bar. Upper Willamette River. Maps to
Accompany Annual Report for June, 1876. Appendix FF, surveyed under
ii7RCtl_n^f Mad°- N-.M1chler» by Robt. A. Habersham July aL Sept1875 Author: Major John M. Wilson. Record Group 77, Civil Works
Washington, d!c Archives' Cartographic and Architectural Branch,
W-249-2 Independence Bar to Alh.nv: Upper Willamette River. Maps to
Accompany Annua Report for June, 1876. Appendix FF, surveyed under
i™Ctl_\£f MaJMr N* Mich1er' b* Robt- A- Habersham July and Sept1875 Author: Major John M. Wilson. Record Group 77, Civil Works
Ashing o'n 00°^ ^^^ Cart°9raPhic and Archite tur 1Bran ,
323
W-249-3 Harrrisburg to Eugene City. Upper Willamette River. Maps to
Accompany Annual Report for June 1876. Appendix FF, surveyed under
direction of Major N. Michler, by Robt. A. Habersham, July and Sept.
1875. Author: Major John M. Wilson. Record Group 77, Civil Works
Maps File, National Archives, Cartographic and Architectural Branch,
Washington, D.C.
W-350-4 Diagram of Water Curves at Albany, Salem, Portland, Umatilla,
and Saint Helens to Accompany Annual Report for 1880, by Major G. L.
Gillespie. Record Group 77. Civil Works Maps File, National
Archives, Cartographic and Architectural Branch, Washington, D.C.
W-365. Water curves at Albany, Salem, Portland, and mouth to Accompany
Annual Report for 1881, by Major G. L. Gillespie. Record Group 77,
Civil Works Maps File, National Archives, Cartographic and Architec
tural Branch, Washington, D.C.
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