Winnebagos, Cherokees, Apaches,
and Dakotas: The Persistence of
Stereotyping of American Indians
in American Advertising Brands
Debra Merskin
School of Journalism & Communication,
Eugene, Oregon, USA, University of Oregon
Jeep Cherokee, Sue Bee Honey, and Crazy Horse Malt Liquor are all
established brand names and trademarks that use representations of
Native Americans to help sell their products. How stereotypes are
created, and how pictorial metaphors used in advertising perpetuate
these beliefs, is the focus of this study. McCracken?s Meaning Transfer
Model and Barthes?s semiotic analysis serve as the framework of this
study.
The findings, which are important to scholars and practitioners,
posit that these images build upon longstanding assumptions about
Native Americans by Whites and reinforce an ideology that has
resulted in a consumer ??blind spot?? when it comes to recognizing
this form of racism. This study contributes to the scarce literature on
representations of American Indians in modern media, providing a
framework for understanding why these images persist and why they
are problematic.
KEYWORDS Native Americans, American Indians, stereotypes,
ideology, racism, advertising, branding
From earlychildhoodon, wehave all learnedabout``Indianness??fromtextbooks,mo-vies, televisionprograms, cartoons, songs, commercials, fanciful paintings, and pro-1 Since the turn of the century, American Indian images, music, and
names have been incorporated into manyAmerican advertising campaigns and product
images.Whereas patent medicines of the past featured ``coppery, feather-topped visage of
the Indian?? (Larson,1937, p.338), butterboxes of the present show the doe-eyed, buckskin-
clad Indian ``princess.? These stereotypes are pervasive, but not necessarily consistent?
varying over time and place from the``artificially idealistic?? (noble savage) to present-day
images of ``mystical environmentalists or uneducated, alcoholic bingo-players confined
to reservations?? (Mihesuah,1996, p. 9).Yet today a trip down the grocery store aisle still
Address correspondence to Debra Merskin, School of Journalism & Commu-
nication, University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403, USA. E-mail: dmerskin@
darkwing.uoregon.edu
The HowardJournal of Communications,12:1597169, 2001
Copyright #2001Taylor & Francis
1064-6175/01 $12.00 + .00 159
reveals ice cream bars, beef jerky, corn meal, baking powder, malt liquor, butter, honey,
sour cream, and chewing tobacco packages emblazoned with images of American In-
dians. Companies that use these images of Indians do so to build an association with an
idealized and romanticized notion of the past through the process of branding (Aaker &
Biel,1993). Because these representations are so commonplace (Land O? Lakes maiden,
Jeep Cherokee,Washington Redskins logo), we often fail to notice them, yet theyreinforce
long-held stereotypical beliefs about Native Americans.
Trade characters such as Aunt Jemima (pancake mix), Uncle Rastus (Cream of
Wheat), and Uncle Ben (rice) are visual reminders of the subservient occupational posi-
tions to which Blacks often have been relegated (Kern-Foxworth,1994). Similarly, Crazy
Horse Malt Liquor, Red Chief Sugar, and Sue Bee Honey similarly remind us of an
oppressive past. How pictorial metaphors on product labels create and perpetuate stereo-
types of American Indians isthe focus of this study. McCracken?s (1993) MeaningTransfer
Model and Barthes?s (1972) semiotic analysis of brand images serve as the framework for
the analysis of four national brands. The following sections discuss how stereotypes are
constructed and how they are articulated in, and perpetuated through, advertising.
Background
Tounderstandhowlabels onproductsandbrand namesreinforce long-held stereotyp-
ical beliefs, we must consider beliefs already in place that facilitated this process. Goings
(1994), in his study of African American stereotypes, points out that,``Racism was not a
byproduct of the Civil War; it had clearly been around since the founding of the nation??
(p.7). Similarly, anti-Indian sentiments did notbegin with the subjugation and dislocation
efforts of the1800s. Racial and ethnic images, part of American advertising for more than
a century, were created in ``less enlightened times?? but have become a part of American
popular culture and thought (Graham,1993, p.35) and persist today.The system of repre-
sentation thereby becomes a``stable cultural convention that is taught and learned by
members of a society?? (Kates & Shaw-Garlock,1999, p.34).
Partof the explanation forthe persistent use of these imagescanbe found inthe power
and persuasiveness of popular culture representations. Goings?s (1994) analysis of Black
collectibles and memorabilia from the 1880s to the 1950s is a useful analogy for under-
standing the construction of Native American stereotypes in popular culture. He suggests
that ``collectible?? items such as salt and pepper shakers, trade cards, and sheet music with
images of happy Sambos, plump mammies, or wide-eyed pickaninnies served as nonver-
bal articulations of racism made manifest ineverydaygoods. Byexaggeratingthe physical
features of African American men and women, and making them laughable and useable
in everyday items, these household objects reinforced beliefs about the place of Blacks in
American society. Aunt Jemima, the roly-poly mammy; and Uncle Rastus, the happy
slave chef (ironicallyboth remain with us today) helped makeWhites feel more comforta-
ble with, and less guilty about, maintenance of distinctions on the basis of race well after
Reconstruction.These items were meant for daily use, hence constantlyand subtlyreinfor-
cing stereotypical beliefs.
Similarly, Berkhofer (1979) suggests that ``the essence of the white image of the Indian
has been the definition of American Indians in fact and in fancy as a separate and single
other. Whether evaluated as noble or ignoble, whether seen as exotic or downgraded,
the Indian as image was always alien to white.? (p.xv) White images of Native Americans
160 D. Merskin
were similarly constructed through children?s games, toys, tales, art, and theater of the
1800s. Whereas ``Little Black Sambo?? tales reinforced the construction of racist beliefs
about Blacks, songs such as ``Ten Little Indians??or ``cowboy and Indian??games similarly
framed Indian otherness in the White mind. Goings (1994) makes an important point
about the source of the construction of objects that represent this way of thinking:
It is important to note that Black memorabilia are figures from white American history.
White Americans developed the stereotypes; white Americans produced the collectibles;
andwhiteAmerican manufacturers andadvertisers disseminatedboththe images andthe
objects to a white audience. (p. xix)
The maintenance of these kinds of beliefs satisfies the human need for psychological
equilibrium and order, finding support and reinforcement in ideology. Defined as``typical
properties of the`social mind?of a group?? (van Dijk,1996, p.56), ideologies provide a frame
of reference for understanding the world. Racist ideologies serve several social functions
operating to reproduce racism by legitimating social inequalities, thereby justifying ra-
cially or ethnically constructed differences. Racist ideology is used to (1) organize specific
social attitudes into an evaluative framework for perceiving otherness, (2) provide the ba-
sis for ``coordinated action and solidarity among whites,?and (3) define racial and ethnic
identity of the dominant group (van Dijk, 25727).These beliefs and practices are thereby
articulated in the production and distribution of racist discourse.
Theoretical Foundation
To every adthey see or hear, peoplebringa shared setof beliefs that serve as frames of
reference for understanding the world around them. Beyond its obvious selling function,
advertising images are about making meaning. Ads must ``take into account not only the
inherent qualities and attributes of the products they are trying to sell, but also the way in
which they can make those properties mean something to us?? (Williamson,1978, p.12).
Barthes (1972) describesthese articulations as myth, that is,`` type of speech??or mode
of significationthat isconveyed bydiscourse thatconsists of many possible modes of repre-
sentation including, but not limited to, writing, photography, publicity, and advertising.
Myth is best described by the process of semiology (Barthes,1972). Semiology ``postulates
arelationbetweentwoterms, a signifieranda signified?? (Barthes,1972, p.112).Thecorrela-
tion of the terms signifier, signified, and sign is where associative meaning is made.What we
see in an advertisement or product label, at first glance, are basic elements composed of
linguistic signs (words) and iconic signs (visuals). Barthes (1972) uses a rose, for example,
asasymbolofpassion.Rosesarenotpassionperse,butrathertheroses(signifier)?concept
ofpassion(signified) ?roses(sign).Hestatesthat``the signifierisempty,thesign isfull, itis
ameaning?? (Barthes,1972, p.113). Another example that involvesrace isthe use ofAunt Je-
mimaformaple syrup.We see the representation ofabandana-clad Black womanwho sug-
gests the mammyof the Deep South (signified).When placed onthe bottle of syrup (sign),
meaning is transferred to the otherwise ambiguous product?care giving, home cooking,
and food sharing.Thesign is formedat the intersectionbetweenabrand name andamean-
ing system that is articulated in a particular image. Quite simply, a sign, whether ``object,
word, or picture,?has a``particular meaning to aperson or group of people. It is neither the
thing nor the meaningalone, butthe twotogether?? (Williamson,1978, p.17).
Stereotyping of American Indians 161
McCracken (1993, p.125), who defines a brand as a``bundle or container of meaning,?
expanded on the Barthesian analysis and developed a framework for understanding the
cultural relationship that brands have within society. His anthropological model
(Figure 1) illustrates the meanings of brands. McCracken shows how brands assume
meaning through advertising, combined with consumption behavior, and the nature of
common knowledge that consumers bring to this system. The present study expands on
this process by adding a reinforcement loop from consumer back to the culture where
stereotypes are experienced and recirculated through the system.
Abrand can have gendered meaning (maleness=femaleness), social standing (status),
nationality (country meaning), and ethnicity=race (multicultural meaning). Abrand can
also stand for notions of tradition, trustworthiness, purity, family, nature, and so on.
McCracken (1993) uses the Marlboro man as an example of these components with which
a simple red and white box came to signify freedom, satisfaction, competence, maleness,
and a quintessentiallyAmerican,Western character.The productbecomes part of the con-
stellation of meanings that surrounds it and thereby ``soaks up?? meanings. When the
rugged Marlboro man is situated on his horse, on the open plain, almost always alone,
the meanings of the constellation become clear?freedom, love of the outdoors, release
from the confines of industrialized society?he is a ``real man,?? self-sufficient and
individualistic. These meanings become part of a theme made up of prototypical content
while simultaneously being ``idealizations and not reality itself?? (Schmitt & Simonson,
1997, p.124).
Advertisements are created in such a way as to boost the commodity value of brand
namesby connecting them to images that resonate with the social and cultural values of a
society.These images are loaded with established ideological assumptions that, when at-
tached to a commodity, create the commodity sign.Tools of branding are thereby used to
create a particular image in the mind of the consumer. According to van Dijk (1996), this
pattern often serves to present an US versus THEM dichotomy, with US being White,
``positive, tolerant, modern,?and THEM being minorities who are ``problematic, deviant
and threatening?? (pp.26727). Hence, attitudes, beliefs, and behavior that are racist serve
to support a dominant ideology that focuses on difference and separatism.
Source: Revised from McCracken, 1993, p. 125.
Figure 1 Meaning model of brand.
162 D. Merskin
These ideas and values are articulated through the construction, maintenance, and
perpetuation of stereotypes. Stereotypes are overgeneralized beliefs that
get hold of the few simple, vivid, memorable, easily grasped, andwidely recognized char-
acteristics about a person, reduce everything about the person to those traits, exaggerate
and simplify them, and fix them without change or development to eternity. (Hall,1997,
p.258)
An example is the way the ``Indian problem??of the1800s has been shown in``cowboy
and Indian??films. In his analysis of the representationof Indians in film, Strickland (1998,
p.10) asks,``What would we think the American Indian was like if we had only the cellu-
loid Indian from which to reconstruct history??? (Strickland, 1998, p. 10). The cinematic
representation includes the Indian as a
bloodthirsty and lawless savage; the Indian as enemy of progress; the Indianas tragic, but
inevitable, victim; the Indian as a lazy, fat, shiftless drunk; the Indian as oil-rich illiterate;
the Indian as educated half-breed unable to live in either a white or Indian world; the In-
dianas nymphomaniac; the Indianas noblehero; theIndianas stoic andunemotional; the
Indian as the first conservationist. (Strickland,1998, p.10)
Champagne?s (1994) analysis of Indians in films and theater suggests that the longev-
ity of James Fenimore Cooper?s Last of the Mohicans, evidenced by its many film treat-
ments, demonstrates that ``Hollywood prefers to isolate its Indians safely within the
romantic past, rather than take a close look at Native American issues in the contempor-
ary world?? (p.719).
Natty Bumpo, inJames Fenimore Cooper?s Deerslayer, is a literary example of the male
who goes from a state of ``uncultured animality?? to a state of ``civilization and culture??
(Green,1993, p.327). Larson (1937) describes how this stereotype wastranslated into a tool
for marketing patent medicines:
No sooner hadJames Fenimore Cooper romanticized the Indian in the American imagi-
nation in his novels than patent-medicine manufacturers, quick to sense and take advan-
tage of this new enthusiasm, used the red man as symbol and token for a great variety of
ware. How theheartof the purchaser?filled, like as not, withthe heroic exploits of Coop-
er?s Indians?must have warmed as he gazed at the effigy, symbolic of ``Nature?s Own
Remedy.? (p.338)
The female savage becomes an Indian princess who``renounces her own family, mar-
ries someone from the dominate culture and assimilates into it?? (Green,1993, p. 327), for
example, Pocahontas. Fromthis perspective, Indians are thought of as childlike and inno-
cent, requiring the paternalistic care of Whites; that is, they are tamable. In her study of
Indian imagery in Dr. Quinn, MedicineWoman, Bird (1996, p.258) suggeststhat what viewers
see is aWhite fantasy filled withWhite concerns around``guilt and retrospective outrage.?
Green?s (1993) analysis of the use of male Indian images inads posits that Natives continue
to be portrayed according to stereotypical images: (1) noble savage (the stoic, innocent,
child of nature), (2) civilizable savage (redeemable, teachable), and (3) bloodthirsty
savage (fierce, predatory, cultureless, animalistic). Taken together, these studies suggest
that historicallyconstructed imagesandbeliefs about American Indians are at theessence
of stereotypical thinking that are easily translated into product images.
Stereotyping of American Indians 163
Method
To study the articulation of racist ideology in brand images, four currently available
national products (Land O?Lakesbutter, Sue Bee Honey, Big Chief [Monitor] Sugar, and
Crazy Horse Malt Liquor) were analyzed according to Barthes?s (1972) semiotic analysis.
First, the material object was identified (signifier); second, the associative elements were
identified (signified); and, third, these were brought together in what we as consumers re-
cognize as the sign. Company websites, press releases, and product packages were used for
visualandtextual information.Severalattemptsto communicate directly withthecompa-
nies yielded no response.Through this method of analysis we can see how these meanings
are transferred to the different products onthe basis of both race and gender.
Results
The following section presents a descriptive analysis of Land O? Lakes, Sue Bee
Honey, Big Chief (Monitor) Sugar, and Crazy Horse Malt Liquor brand images.
Land O? Lakes
Although not the first national manufacturer to draw on the mystique of Indianness
(that honor goes to Red ManTobacco in1904), Land O?Lakes is certainly one of the more
prominent. In 1921, the Minnesota Cooperative Creameries Association opened for busi-
ness in Arden Hills, Minnesota.This company served as the central shipping agent for a
small group of small, farmer-owned dairy cooperatives (Morgan,1986, p.63). In 1924, the
group wanted a different name and solicited ideas from farmers. Mrs. E. B. Foss
and Mr. George L. Swift came up with the winning name?Land O?Lakes,``a tribute to
Minnesota?sthousandsofsparklinglakes??(p.63).Thecorporatewebsiteopenswithaphoto-
graphofaquiet lakeamidpinetreesandblue sky.The copy under the photograph reads:
Welcome to Land O?Lakes. A land unlike anywhere else on earth. A special place filled
with clear, spring-fed lakes. Rivers and streams that dance to their own rhythms through
rich, fertile fields. It?s the land we call home. And from it has flowedthe bounty and good-
ness we bring to you, our neighbors and friends. (Land O?Lakes, 2000)
In addition,``The now famous Indian maiden was also created during the search for a
brand name and trademark. Because the regions of Minnesota andWisconsin were the le-
gendarylandsofHiawathaandMinnehaha,theideaofanIndianmaidentookform??(Land
O?Lakes,2000).ApaintingwassenttothecompanyofanIndianmaiden facingtheviewer,
holdingabuttercartonwithabackgroundfilledwithlakes,pines,flowers,andgrazingcows.
At the Land O? Lakes corporate website, the director of communications includes a
statement about the maiden image, where he agrees that the logo, the ``Indian Maiden,?
has powerful connotations (Land O?Lakes). Hardly changed since its introduction in the
1920s, he saysthat Land O?Lakes hasbuiltonthe``symbolism of the purityof theproducts??
(Burnham,1992).The company ``thought the Indian maiden would be a good image. She
represents Hiawatha andthe Land of Gitchygoomee and the names of Midwesttowns and
streets that have their roots inthe American Indian population?? (Burnham,1992).
164 D. Merskin
The signifier is thereby the product, be it butter, sour cream, or other Land O?Lakes
products.The Indian woman on the package is associated with youth, innocence, nature,
andpurity.Theresultisthegeneric``Indian maiden.?Subsequently, the qualities stereotyp-
ically associated with this beaded, buckskinned, doe-eyed young woman are transferred
to the company?s products. Green?s``noble savage?? image is extended to include the female
stereotype.
Sue Bee Honey
TheSiouxHoneyAssociation,basedinSiouxCity,Iowa,isacooperativeofhoneypro-
ducers,yielding40millionpoundsofhoneyannually(SiouxHoneyAssociation,2000).Cor-
poratecommunicationsdescribeachangeoftheproductnamein1964fromSiouxBeetoSue
Bee,``toreflectthecorrectpronunciationofthename??(SiouxHoneyAssociation,2000).The
brandnameandimagearereinforcedontrucks(bothrealandtoys),onthebottlesandjarsin
whichthehoneyissold, andthroughcollectiblessuchascoffeemugsandrecipebooks.
Sue Bee Honey also draws upon the child-of-nature imagery in an attempt to imbue
qualities of purity into their products. If we were to view Sue Bee in her full form (as she is
shown on many specialty items such as mugs, glasses, and jars) we would see that she is an
Indian maiden ontop, withbraided hairand headband, and abeebelow thewaist.Chang-
ingthe spellingof her name from``Sioux Bee??to``Sue Bee??could be interpreted inavariety
of ways?possibly simply as a matter of pronunciation, as the company asserts, or as an
effort to draw attention away from the savage imagery stereotypically attributed to mem-
bers of this tribe and more toward the little girlishness of the image. In this case, the pro-
duct is honey, traditionally associated with trees and forests and natural places. This
association works well with the girl child Indian stereotype. By placing the girl bee on
the package of honey, consumers can associate the innocence, purity, and naturalness
attributed to Native American females with the quality of the product.
In the tradition of Pocahontas, both the Land O? Lakes and the Sue Bee maidens
symbolize innocence, purity, and virginity?children of nature. The maiden image sig-
nifies a female ``Indianness.? She is childlike, as she happily offers up perhaps honey or
butter (or herself) that ``is as pure and healthy as she is?? (Dotz & Morton, 1996, p. 11).
The maiden?s image is used to represent attemptsto getbackto nature, and theassociation
is that this can be accomplished through the healthy, wholesome products of Land O?
Lakes. Both images are encoded with socially constructed meanings about female Indian
sexuality, purity, and nature.
Figure 2
Stereotyping of American Indians 165
Monitor Sugar Company
Founded in 1901, the Monitor Sugar Company processes approximately 4% of U.S.
beet production into sugar (granulated, powdered, brown, and icing; Monitor Sugar
Company, 2000). For 60 years the company has been producing sugar from beets, relying
onthe image of an American Indian in full headdressto sellthe sugar goods.The products
are available on grocery store shelves and in bulk for institutions, delivered by trucks with
the Big Chief logo emblazoned on the sides.
So, whoisthis Chief saidto represent? Is he abona fidetribal leaderor acompositeIn-
diandesignedto communicatenaturalisticcharacteristicsassociatedwith Indianswiththe
sugar? Green?s (1993) savage typology suggests that this individual is a combination of the
noblesavage (natural)andthebloodthirstysavage (ferocious). Heisproud, noble, andnat-
uralandyetheiswearingaceremonialheaddressthatcommunicatesstrengthandstoicism.
Crazy Horse Malt Liquor
A 40-ouncebeveragethatis sold in approximately 40 states (Metz & Thee,1994),Cra-
zy Horse Malt LiquorisbrewedbytheHeilman BrewingCompanyofBrooklyn, NewYork.
Crazy Horse Malt Liquoremploysthe image ofTasunkeWitko (Crazy Horse) onthelabel
ofitsmaltliquor.OnthefrontofthebottleisanAmericanIndianmalewearingaheaddress
that appears to be an eagle feather bonnet, and there is a symbol representing a medicine
wheel?both sacred images in Lakota andother Native cultures (1994).
Image analysis shows that the sign is that of an actual Indian chief. Signified, how-
ever, are beliefs about Indians as warriors, westward expansion, how mighty the consu-
mer might be by drinking this brand, and wildness of the AmericanWestern frontier.
Thisbrand, perhaps morethan anyother, has come under public scrutinybecause it is
the image of a particular person. A revered forefather of the Oglala Sioux tribe of South
Dakota, Crazy Horse died in1877 (Blalock,1992).The labels feature the prominent image
of Chief Crazy Horse, who has long been the subject of stories, literature, and movies.
Larger than life, he has played a role in American mythology.
Signifying Green?s (1993) bloodthirsty savage image, Crazy Horse Malt Liquor
makes use of American myths through image and association. Ironically, Crazy Horse
objected to alcohol andwarned his nation about the destructive effects of liquor (Specktor,
1995). Asa sign, Crazy Horse representsa real symbolofearlyAmerican life andwestward
expansionism. He was, according to the vice president of the Oglala SiouxTribe, a ``war-
rior, a spiritual leader, atraditional leader, a hero who has alwaysbeen and is still revered
by our people?? (Hill,1992; Metz & Thee, 1994, p. 50). This particular image brings to-
gether some interesting aspects of branding. Not only is the noble and bloodthirsty savage
stereotype brought together in aproud, but ultimately defeated, Indian chief, but also this
is an image of a real human being. The association of alcohol with that image, as well as
targeting the Indian population, draws on assumptions of alcohol abuse.2
Discussion and Conclusions
Although there are dozens of possible examples of Native images on product labels,
ranging from cigarette packages to sports utility vehicles, the examples discussed above
illustrate the principlesbehind semiotics.The four presented here are significant examples
166 D. Merskin
of national brands employing stereotypical representations.When people are made aware
of these products, they see how these images are consistently found in many products that
employ Indian stereotypes either in product names or in their logos.
Many of these signs and symbols have been with us so long we no longer question
them. Product images on packages, in advertisements, on television, and in films are
nearly the only images non-Indians ever see of Native Americans.The covers of romance
novelsroutinely feature Indian men sweepingbeautiful non-Indianwomen off their feetas
their bodices are torn away.These stereotypical representations of American Indians de-
nies that they are human beings, and presents them as existing only in the past and as
single, monolithic Indians (Merskin,1998).
American Indians are certainly not the only racial or ethnic group to be discrimi-
nated against, overtly or covertly. Aunt Jemima and Rastus certainly have their origins
in dehumanizing, one-dimensional images based on a tragic past.Yet, like Betty Crocker,
these images have been updated. AuntJemima has lost weight and the bandana, and the
Frito Bandito has disappeared (Burnham,1992). But the Indian image persists in corpo-
rate marketing and product labeling.
These are highly visible and perhaps more openly discussed than images that appear
ontheproductsweseeingrocerystoreaisles.AnAbsolutVodkaadshowsanEskimopulling
asledof vodkaandaGreyOwlWildRicepackagefeaturesanIndianwithbraids,wearinga
single feather, surroundedbyacirclethat represents (according to GreyOwl?s distribution
manager) the``onenessof nature?? (Burnham,1992). Apartial listof others includesApache
helicopter, Jeep Cherokee, Apache rib doormats, Red ManTobacco, Kleek-O the Eskimo
(Cliquot Club ginger ale), Dodge Dakota, Pontiac, the Cleveland Indians, Mutual of
Omaha, Calumet Baking Powder, Mohawk Carpet Mills, American Spirit cigarettes, Es-
kimo pies, Tomahawk mulcher, Winnebago Motor Homes, Indian Motorcycles, Toma-
hawk missiles, many high school sports teams, and the music behind the Hamm?s beer
commercials that begins``From the land of sky blue waters.?And the list goes on.
Change is coming, but it is slow. For one thing, American Indians do not represent a
significant target audience to advertisers. Representing less than 1% of the population,
and the most economically destitute of all ethnic minority populations, AmericanIndians
are not particularly usefulto marketers. Nearly 30% live below the official poverty line, in
contrast with13% of the general U.S. population (Cortese,1999, p.117).Without the popu-
lation numbers or legal resources, it is nearly impossible for the voices of Natives to be
heard, unlike other groups who have made some representational inroads. According to
Westerman (1989), when minoritygroups speak, businesses arebeginningto listen:``That?s
why Li?l Black Sambo and the Frito Bandito are dead.They were killed by the very ethnic
groups they portrayed?? (p.28).
Not only does stereotyping communicate inaccurate beliefs about Natives toWhites,
but also to Indians. Children, all children, are perhaps the most important recipients of
this information for it is during childhood that difference is first learned. If, during the
transition of adolescence, Native children internalize these representations that suggest
that Indians are lazy, alcoholicby nature, andviolent, this misinformation can have alife-
long impact on perceptions of self and others. As Lippmann (1922/1961) wrote,
The subtlest and most pervasive of all influences are those which create and maintain the
repertory of stereotypes. We are told about the world before we see it. We imagine most
things before we experience them. (p.89)
Stereotyping of American Indians 167
By playing a game of substitution, by inserting other ethnic groups or races into the
same situation, itbecomes clear that there is aproblem. Stereotypical images donot reside
only in the past, because the social control mechanismsthat helped to create them remain
with us today.
Future research should continue to examine how the advertisingand marketingprac-
tice of branding contributes to the persistent use of racist images on product labels. This
study adds to the sparse literature on media representations of Native Americans in
general and adds to Green?s (1993) typology by including female counterparts to the male
savage stereotypes. Future research could explore more images of Native Americans in ads
and onproducts. Qualitative researchwith members of different tribeswouldadd depth to
this area of study.
Notes
1Many people have preferences about terms used to describe America?s indigenous peoples.``American
Indian?? is commonly used, as is ``Native American, Native, and Indian.? These terms are used interchangeably
in recognition of individualpreferences, without disregarding the weight each word carries.
2Lawsuits are currently underway to limit Heilman Breweries use of the name Crazy Horse Malt Liquor
(Specktor,1995). Several states have outlawed the sale of this beverage (Specktor,1995). Also under review are
important legal issues such as a tribe?s sovereign power to exercise civil jurisdiction and theWitko family?s right
to protect the image of their ancestor.
References
Aaker, D., & A. L. Biel. (1993). Advertising? role in building strong brands. Matwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Barthes, R. (1972). Mythologies NewYork:The Noonday Press.
Berkhofer, R., Jr. (1979).The white man? Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the present.
NewYork:Vintage Books.
Bird, S. E. (1996). Not my fantasy:The persistence of Indian imagery in Dr Quinn, MedicineWoman. In S. E.
Bird (Ed., Dressing in feathers:The construction of the Indian in American popular culture (pp. 2457262). Boulder, CO:
Westview Press.
Blalock, C. (1992). Crazy Horse controversy riles Congress: Controversies over Crazy Horse Malt Liquor
and Black Death vodka. Beverage Industry, 83(9),173.
Burnham, P. (1992,27 May). Indians can?t shake label as guides to goodbuys.TheWashingtonTimes, p. E1.
Champagne, D. (1994). NativeAmerica: Portrait of the peoples. Detroit:Visible Ink.
Cortese, A. J. (1999). Provocateur: Imagesof women and minorities in advertising. NewYork: Rowman & Littlefield
Publishers, Inc.
Dotz,W., & Morton, J. (1996).What a character! 20th centuryAmerican advertisingicons. San Francisco: Chronicle
Books.
Goings, K. W. (1994). Mammy and Uncle Mose: Black collectibles and American stereotyping. Bloomington, IN:
Indiana University Press.
Graham, R. (1993, 6 January). Symbol or stereotype: One consumer?s tradition is another? racial slur.The
Boston Globe, p.35.
Green, M. K. (1993). Images of American Indians in advertising: Some moral issues. Journal of Business
Ethics, 12,3237330.
Hall, S. (1997). Representation: Cultural representations and signifying practices. London: Sage.
Hill, R. (1992).The non-vanishing American Indian: Are the modern images any closer to the truth? Quill
(May),35737.
Kates, S. M., & Shaw-Garlock, G. (1999).The ever-entangling web: A study of ideologies and discourses in
advertising to women. Journal of Advertising 28(2),33749.
Kern-Foxworth, M. (1994). AuntJemima, Uncle Ben, and Rastus: Blacks in advertising yesterday, today, and tomorrow.
Westport, CT: Praeger.
Land O?Lakes.(2000). [On-line]. Available: http: ==www.landolakes.com
Larson, C. (1937). Patent-medicine advertising and the early American press. Journalism Quarterly, 14(4),
3337339.
168 D. Merskin
Lippmann,W. (1922=1961). Public opinion. NewYork: McMillan & Company.
McCracken, G. (1993).The value of the brand: An anthropological perspective. In D. Aaker & A. L. Biel
(Eds., Brand Equity in advertising: Advertising? role in building strong brands. Matwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Merskin, D. (1998). Sending up signals: A survey of American Indian media use and representation in the
mass media.The HowardJournal of Communications, 9,3337345.
Metz, S., & Thee, M. (1994). Brewers intoxicated with racist imagery. Business and Society Review, 89,50751.
Mihesuah, D. A. (1996). American Indians: Stereotypes and realities. Atlanta, GA: Clarity Press.
Monitor Sugar Company. (2000). [On-line]. Available: http: ==members.aol.com=asga=mon.htm.
Morgan, H. (1986). Symbols of America. NewYork: Penguin Books.
Schmitt, B., & Simonson, A. (1997). Marketing aesthetics:The strategic management of brands, identity, and image.
NewYork:The Free Press.
Sioux HoneyAssociation.(2000). [On-line]. Available: http: ==www.suebeehoney.com
Specktor, M. (1995, January 6). Crazy Horse exploitedto peddle liquor. National Catholic Reporter, 31(10),3.
Strickland, R. (1998).The celluloid Indian. Oregon Quarterly (Summer),9710.
van Dijk,T. A. (1996). Discourse, racism, and ideology. La Laguna: RCEI Ediciones.
Westerman, M. (1989, March). Death of the Frito bandito: Marketing to ethnic groups. American Demo-
graphics, 11,28732.
Williamson, J. (1978). Decoding advertisements: Ideology and meaning in advertising. NewYork: Marion
Boyars.
Stereotyping of American Indians 169