l 1 l ._ .. C61 Cliff A history of the Tiarm Spri~gs reservation, 18~5- 1900. 1942 . I 3393<)9 - A HISTORY OF TEE WARM SPRINGS RESERVATION 1855-1900 by THELMA. DRAKE CLIFF A THESIS Presented to the Department of History a.nd the Graduate Division of the University of Oregon in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Soienoe June 1942 APPROVED: - ----- ---- TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTIOH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chapter I. II. III. IV• E/.JU.Y TREATIES 'HTH IlIDilillS OF om:GON . . . . . . Table Rock Treaty Map of Cessions and Reservations in Oregon ESTABLISHMENT OF T.BE W.Am>'i SPRINGS RESERVATION • • Topography Map of Warm Springs Reservation (With roads, etc . ) Participants of the Treaty Shahaptian, Chinookans, Shoshoneans Exploration of the Reservation Removal of Indiana to the Reservation INDIAN HOSTil.ITIES, 1854-1879 Indian Against White Snake Depredations . . . . . ~arm Springs, Oregon about 1896 Participation in the Modoc '"Tar The Bannock Campaign Map of ~arm Springs Reservation . . . . . FIRST STEPS IN CIVILIZATION--AGRICULTORE. . . . . Contracts and Fraud Stock Raising Subsistence and Income Apprentices Table Showing Number of Apprentices 1879- 1893 ..tUlotments V. BOUND.ARY DISPUTE • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 1"1.ap Showing Northern Boundary of the Reservation Page 1 3 20 41 76 124 Chapter VI. TEE FISHERIES DISPUTE ••••••••••••••• Table Regarding .Amount of Salmon Cured 1866-1878 . . . VII. lMPROVEMENT.3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Indian Homes Agency Buildings Mills Shops Water System and Roads Table Showing Amount of Road Building by Indians 1890-1900 Copy of Certificate of Appointment of John Smith, Agent of ,arm Springs , 1865-1884 VIII. EDUCATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IX. The Agency School Simnasho Valley School Consolidated Boarding School RELIGION • • • • • • • • • The Religion of Smohalla Later Religious Activity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . X. HEALTH AND Jt'IEDIClJ. SERVICE. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • The Census XI. "LAW AND IT' S fil..1FOR~,:ENT Polygamy Gambling Indian Police Indian Court of Offenses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XII • CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XIII. BIBLIOGRAPHY. • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 134 152 179 216 234 247 2?1 273 LIST OF Tll.BLES lillD ILLUSTRATIONS Tables and Illustrations Page Map of Cessions and Reservations in Oregon. • • • • • • • 16 Map of '7am. Springs Reservations t With Roads, Cities, etc.) 23 Wann Springs, Oregon about 1896 • • • • • • • • • • • • • 55 Map of ~arm Springs Reservation • • • • • • • • • • • • • 75 Table Showing Number of Apprentices 18?9-1893 • • • • • • Map Showing Northern Boundary of the Reservation . Table Regarding Amount of Salmon Cured 1866-1878. • • • • . . • • Table Showing Amount of Road Building by Indians , 1890- 115 125 142 1900 . . • • • . . . • . • . . . . . . . . . . . • 174 Copy of Certificate of Appointment of John Smith, .;_gent of farm Springs , 1865-1884 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 178 Treaty Between the United States and the Confederated Tribes and Bands of Indians in Middle Oregon. • • • 286 Statement of Civilization • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • Statement of Agricultural Production (Grain) • . . . . . . Statement of Agricultural Production (Vegetables) •• • • • 297 299 301 Statement of Stock Owned by Indians. • • • • • • • • • • • 303 Statement of Land Under Cultivation • • • • • • • • • • • Statement of Indian Income . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Statement of Indian Eouses Built. Statement of Lumber Mill Production • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 305 307 309 311 School Statistics • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 313 Tables and Illustrations Page Religious Statistics . • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 315 Medical Statistics . . . . . . . • • • • • • • • • • • • • 317 Statement Relative to Population. • • • • • • • • • • • • 318 Criminal St atistics. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 320 List of Warm Springs ~tgents • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 322 a IEGEND OF THE MINERAL SPRINGS1 In the long ago times when the years of man's existence counted but few, when the tomahawk was at peace among the tribes, there were two brothers--twins, they were. As they grew to manhood, luck favored one, while the other knew only continual disappoin'bnent. As a consequence hatred grew in the breast of the red youth less favored by the Fates; out of a rancorous spirit he sought to quar- rel with his more fortunate brother. Failing in repeated attempts, the embittered one attacked the other while he stooped to drink from a for- est spring. The mw:dered brother fell into the spring and sank beneath the surface. Immediately great bubbles and gaseous spirits rose from the water's depths, and out of a cloud of vapor there appeared an old, old Indian with white hair. He proclaimed himself the creator of the hu- man race, saying, "A.coursed of mankind, thou has sharpened the tomahawk. In its sharpening thou has unseated sense and embittered man, strife shall fill the earth as the wage of thy sin. Go J Wherever thou drinketh from a spring, its water shall become polluted." Through succeeding years the murderer wandered from place to place over the earth, Wherever he stopped to drink at a forest pool, lFred H. Saylor, "Legend of the Mineral Springs,"· Oregon Native ~' II (May-March 1900-1901), 419. there lingered the bitterness of his own lips and the remembrance of his orime. That was in the long ago times, but it was he, the Indians say who gave the taste of bitterness to the many mineral springs in Oregon, suoh as are to be found in the Cascades between Mt. Hood and Mr. Jefferson. 2 a CH.APTER I EARLY TREATIES WITH INDIANS OF OREGON Within the vast region known as the "Oregon Country" before 1850 lived about sixty-five tribes and bands of Indians. Thirty tribes lived north of the Col\UD.bia River, and the remainder lived south of it. Joseph Lane, writing to the Secretary of Interior in 1849, gave their l number as approximately 22,133. Howe-ver, in 1851 Anson Dart visited most of the Oregon tribes, and he estimated the Indian population of the territory as close to 8,686. This figure is exclusive of the small coast tribea.2 This great difference may be accounted for, partly, in the fact that Lane included the Snake Indians, while Dart, in his report after his census-taking visits among the tribes reported that it would be impos- sible to estimate their3. number. Also the dread specter of disease was decimating their numbers so rapidly in some sections that remnants of 1Joseph Lane to Alexander H. H. Stuart, October 13, 1849. 31st Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 595) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, pt. 1, 157-165. 2 Anson Dart to Alexander H. H. Stuart, Rept. 68. 32d Cong., 1st Sess., (Ser. 613) s. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. III, pt. 3, 472-483. 3Snake Indians. .. small bands were uniting1 and living together for protection against hostile Indians and whites. 4 It is noticeable, in reading the accounts of early Oregon his- tory, that conflicts were bitter and almost continual between Indian and settler. MaoLeod writes, "The home-seeking emigrants to Oregon included many vicious elements; the gold-seekers of California many more; and the northward movement ot the gold-seeking population of California into Oregon added vicious new elements to the Oregon population."a Dr. Elijah White was appointed Indian sub-Agent for Oregon in 1842: in spite of the fact that Oregon was still under the joint occu- pation agreement with England. He remained in Oregon until the autumn of 1845, when he was relieved of his duties because of the actions of his political enemies. No other official was appointed by the United States Government until the organization of Oregon as a territory, and the appointment of Joseph Lane as territorial Governor and ex-officio Superintendent of Indian Affairs in August 1848.4 1Joseph Lane to Alexander H. H. Stuart, October 13, 1849. 31st Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 595) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, pt. I, 161. Note: In 1858 Commissioner Mix estimated thirty-five tribes in Oregon and Washington, numbering about 42,000. Charles E. Mix to Jaoob Thompson,No"9allber6,1858 1 35th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 997) R. Ex. Doc. 2, Vol. II• pt. 1, 365. 2william Christie. M.aoLeod, ~ American Indian Frontier, (New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1928), P• 484-485. 3Appoin'bnent dated January 27, 1842. 4oregon Territorial Aot was signed by President Polle on August 14, 1848. Stats. IX, 323. On August 18 Lane was appointed. . ' 5 Shortly after arriving in Oregon City, Lane was besieged with visits from "chiefs, headmen, warriors, and in many instances entire bands•-expecting presents." White settlers had promised them that when United States' laws were extended over Oregon, the Governor would bring them blankets, !hirts and other useful articles. Although disappointed, for Lane had not provided gifts, they expressed a general desire to sell their "possessory rights to any portion of their country that our Govern- ment should wish to purohase. 111 In April 1849 Lane went to the Dalles2 of the Columbia, "called together the tribes and bands in that vicinity, including the Deschutes River and Yacam.aw Indians; held a talk with them, and made them some presents to the amount of two hundred dollars."3 They, too, were friend- ly and seemed anxious to sell their lands. Upon his return to Oregon City, Lane was informed of the ap- pointment of J. Quinn Thornton, George c. Preston and Robert Newell of Oregon, as Indian sub-Agents. Preston was not in Oregon at the time, so Lane divided the territory into two Agency districts and assigned to J. Quinn Thornton the territory lying north of the Columbia River and 1Joseph Lane to Luke Lea, October 13, 1849. 31st Cong., 2d Seas., (Ser. 587) S. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, pt. 1, 156. 2The Dalles, written as "the Dalles" in early records. ~Joseph Lane to Luke Lea, October 13, 1849. 31st Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 587) S. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. I, pt. 1, 156. to Robert Newell, the territory south of the river. 1 Lane's administration really ended with the execution of the Cayuses responsible for the Whitman massacre. In 11ay 1850 the Whig, John P. Gaines, was appointed by President Taylor to the territorial governorship of Oregon. In the ~eantime the Oregon Democrats had elected Samuel R. 6 Thurston to be the first territorial delegate to Congress. 2 Thurston was interested in Indian affairs, and proposed a resolution, which was adopted by the House on February 1, 1850 "looking to the extinguishm.ent of the Indian title to all that part of Oregon Territory lying west of the summit of the Cascade Mountains; for the removal of the Indians now inhabiting that section of the Territory to some point east of those mountains, and for creating the officers requisite to attend properly to Indian matters in that oountry.n3 The resulting act of June 5, 1850 provided: l 2 (1) For the appointment of one or more commis- sioners to negotiate with the Indian tribes of Oregon Territory, with a view to the extinguish- ment of their claim to the land lying west of the Cascade Mountains; and their removal east of said. mountains. Ibid., 167. Hubert Howe Bancroft, History 0£ Oregon, II, (San Francisco: The History Company, 1888), 114, n. 22. - 3congressional G.11.obe, 31st Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. XIX, pt. 1, 272.. t • . . 7 (2) For the appointment of an independent Super- intendent of Indian Affairs for the Territory of Oregon at a salary of #2,500 per year. (3) That the duties of the Governor of Oregon Ter- ritory as ex-officio Superintendent of Indian Affairs should cease. (4) The President was authorized to appoint from one to three agents, at a salary of $1,500 per year each, for Oregon Territory. (5) The Indian Intercourse Act of 1834 was ex- tended over Oregon Territory. (6) $25,000 was appropriated to carry into effect the foregoing provisions .• l Anson Dart was appointed Superintendent of Indian Affairs for Oregon, July ao. 1850,2 and three Agents were ~ppointed, Anson G. Henry, The Reverend Henry Harmon Spalding and Elias Wampole. On October 25, 1860 three Commissioners were appointed "to negotiate treaties with the several Indian tribes in the Territory of Oregon for the extinguishm.ent of their ola.ims to land lying west of the Cascade .Mountains. 31 In his instructions to Anson Dart, Commissioner Lea emphasized the great need of reconciling all differences among the Indians. He believed that the best way to aocomplish this was to induce hostile bands to enter into written treaties of peace and amity among themselves 1Stats. IX, 4a7. 2Luke Lea to Anson Dart, July 20, 1850. 31st Cong., 2d Seas., (Ser. 596), H. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. I, pt. 1, 148-151. 3A. s. Loughery to J.P. Gaines, October 25, 1850. 31st Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 587) s. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. 1, pt. 1, 145-147. • • .. . . 8 and toward the whites. 1 He added, "It would not be amiss to encourage them by the promise of small prem.i\ml.s, to be awarded to those who raised the greatest quantity of produce, horses, ••••• oows, hogs ••••• The pre- sents which may be given to them from time to tiime might be applied to this objeot. 112 The commissioners discovered almost immediately the impossi- bility of carrying out their instructions. The Willamette Valley Indiana were not willing to move east of the Cascades. The eastern Indians ob- jeoted to their removal "as they dreaded with good reason, indeed, the introduction of people among them, with whom deseases had become heredi- tary ••••• Probably, should it be deemed best to place them in that region, it would be necessary to give them military protection from the Indians now inhabiting it. 0 3 Reporting their difficulty to Luke Lea, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, they explained that the habits of the western tribes differed from those east of the mounta.ins, and that to remove them from their fisheries end means of procuring employment from. the whites would insure 1tuk:e Lea to Anson Dart, July ao, 1850. 31st Cong., 2d Sesa., (Ser. 596) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, pt. 1, 148-151. 2 ~·- 149. 3 Joel Palmer to George Vf. Manypenny • June 23, 1853. 33d Cong., 1st Sees., (Ser. 710) H. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. I, pt. 1, 450. .. '. t • I • their annihilation in a short time, either from want or by the hands of their more warlike neighbors. 1 9 The commission suooeeded in negotiating six treaties before their offioes were abrogated by act of Congress, 2 and during the summer and fall of 1851, Dart negotiated ten treaties3--none of which was rati- fied. By these treaties the United States would have secured 6,000,000 aores of land at an average cost of not over three cents an aore. 4 The treaties made with the coast bands during the fall cost the Government less than one cent and a half per acre, including salaries and all ex- penses.6 President Fillmore devoted a part of his annual message, Decem- ber 6, 1852, to the conditions in California and Oregon. The Senate not having thought proper to ratify the treaties which have been negotiated with the tribes of Indians in California and Oregon--our relations with them have been left in a very unsatisfactory condition. 1commissioners• Reports to Luke Lea, April 19 and May 14, 1851. 32d Cong., 1st Sess., (Ser. 613) s. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. III, pt. 3, 467-472. 2 stats. IX, seo. 3, 586. 3Anson Dart to Luke Lea, Ootober 3, 1851. 32d Cong •• 1st Seas., (Ser. 613) s. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. III, pt. 3, 483-484. Ibid., Anson Dart to Luke Lea, Rept. 68, 472-483. Ibid., Commissioiiers' Reports, 467-472. Bancroft gives the number of treaties as thirteen, but only ten are mentioned in these reports. 4 Hubert Howe Bancroft, History~ Oregon, II, (San Francisoo: The Hi.story Company, 1888), 217. 5Anaon Dart to Luke Lea, October 3, 1851. 32d Cong., lat Seas., {Ser. 613) s. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. III, pt. 3, 483~484. .. In other parts of our territory particular districts of country have been set apart for the exclusive occu- pation of the Indians, and their right to the lands within its limits has been acknowledged and respected •••• The treaties which have been rejected proposed to remedy this evil, by allotting to the different tribes districts or country suitable to their habits of life, and sufficient for their support. This provision more than any other, it is believed, led to their rejection; and as no substitute £or it has been adopted by Congress it has not been deemed advisable to enter into any treaties of a permanent character. 1 10 When Joel Palmer took charge of the Indian affairs of Oregon in 1863,2 he found the natives restless and hostilities threatening. By the fall of 1864 the situation seemed serious. Writing to Commis- sioner Manypenny, he gave his impression of the conditions: The crisis of the destiny of the Indian race in Oregon and Washington territories is now upon us; and the result of the oausee now operating unless speedily arrested will be disastrous to the whites, destructive to the Indians and a heavy reproach upon our national character • .Much of the present difficulty is traceable to the mistaken policy of permitting the settlement of this country prior to the extinguishment of the Indian title and the designation of proper reservations. This mistake might now be partially remedied by the immediate gather- ing of the Indian population on their several reservations; 1James D. Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, IV, (Washington: Bureau of National Literature and irt7"T9IO), 2707. Also Annual Report of Secretary of Interior, December 4, 1852. 32d Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 673) H. Ex. Doc. l, Vol. I, pt. 1, 32. 2 .Anson De.rt gave notice of his resignation December 14, 185a, to become effective on June 30, 1853. He was succeeded by Joel Palmer who was appointed March 18, 1853 and held offioe until August 14, 1856. t • to do which and make the proper provisions for their comfort would involve an expense less than that of six months of a two years• war which must inevitably follow, as I believe, their present Jituation and a failure to provide for their wants. 11 Settlements were increasing throughout the Territory. The natives watched with dismay the newr-ending procession of invaders as they poured into the country. Courts failed to punish offences by the Indians and the settlers; and the military department lacked sufficient strength to inspire the Indians with fear. As a natural result the Indians took every opportunity to show their opposition, and hostilities were rampant. 2 The Indian polioy which was adopted in Oregon in 1854 is a culmination of recoJID11endations made by Agents, the Superintendent of Indian Affairs in Oregon and the Commissioner of Indian Af:f'airs. Joel Palmer, however, may be considered as the one who formulated and adopted the reservation policy in Oregon. Commissioner Lea reported to the Secretary of Interior, Novem~ ber 30, 1852, "regarding the policy of the rejected treaties as finallf abandoned, and oonsidering the removal of the Indians from the State as lJoel Palmer to George W. Manypenny, October 9, 1855. 34th Cong., 1st and 2d Sess., (Ser. 868) H. Ex. Doo. 93, Vol. XI, 60. 2M&Jjor General John E. Wool to Lieutenant Colonel L. Thomas, October 16, 1865. 34th Cong., 1st and 2d Sess., (Ser. 841) H. Ex. Doc. l, Vol. I, pt. 2, 88. 12:. impossible, I suggest, as worthy of consideration, the pla.n of forming them into two grand colonies, to be suitably located; one in the northern and the other in the southern portion of the State."1 Joel Palmer made his first recommendations, June 23, 1853, when he outlined a polioy including: (1) selection of homes remote from the settlements (2) laws guarding them from 'pestiferous influenoe' of degraded whites (3) laws restraining them from violence and wrong among themselves, and (4) the aid of education, missionaries and agri- culture.2 Further reoonnnendations were made by Palmer, October 8, 1853,3 which became the basis of the reservation policy of the Pacific North- west. On September 11, 1854 he accompanied his recommendation for treaties of purchase with the Indians, with the proposal that Indians be placed on reservations where they should be governed, at first, by Agents of the Government; and later, by members of their own race, when they should prove themselves oapable. 4 Unknown to Palmer, Congress had 1 .Annual Report of Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Luke Lea, Noveznber 30, 1852. 32d Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 658) s. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, 300. 2Joel Palmer to George w. Me.nypenny, June 23, 1853. 33d Cong., 1st Sess., (Ser. 7101 H. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. I, pt. 1, 449. 3Joel Palmer to George w. Manypenny, October 8, 1853. Not included in the report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, because of its late arrival, but oopied and printed by c. F. Coan in The Quarterlz of the Oregon Historical Sooiety, XXIII,(1922), P• "2's,:29-30. 4Joel Palmer to George W. :Manypenny, September 11, 1854. 33d Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 746) S. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, 473. .. I• 13 already passed an aot authorizing the making of treaties and appropri- ating money for that purpose. 1 but leaving the details of policy to each Superintendent. Since Palmer was Superintendent at this time. it was but natural that his policy should be that adopted in Oregon. Instructions were given to Joel Palmer and to Isaac I. Stevens, Governor of Washington, in the month of August. 1854.2 to enter at once upon negotiations commencing with those tribes in the vicinity of the settlements of the whites. The principal aim was the extinguishment of Indian claims to the lands, and the concentration of all tribes and frag- ments of tribes on a few reservations. or limited extent. naturally suited to the requirements of the Indians. and located, as far as prao- tioable, so as not to interfere with the settlements of the Territories respectively. They were also advised of the importance of adopting but few stipulations to be fulfilled by each party which should be simple and well understood by the IndiansJ and of providing that the monies to be paid might at the discretion of the President be applied for the estab- lishment of farms, the purchase .of implements of agriculture. or any other objects of benefit to the Indians and whioh their peculiar condi- tions and circumstances might from time to time render proper and advan- tagious. Fram the appropriations made at the session of Congress of 1The Indian Appropriation Act. July 31, 1854. Stats. x. 330. 2Annual Report of the Secretary of Interior. November 26. 1855. 34th Cong., 1st Sess •• (Ser. 840) H. Ex. Doc. 1. Vol. I, pt. 1. 332. .. 14 1853 and 1854 to defray the expense of negotiating treaties with these tribes, remittances were made early after the close of the session and goods were procured and shipped immediately from New York for presents to the tribes·. Table Rock Treaty The first treaty Joel Palmer signed was with the Rogue River 1 Indians on October 10, 1853, known as the Table Rock Treaty. This be- came the pattern from which succeeding treaties were made. In brief, ita provisions were: Article 1. The Indians ceded their lands. Article 2. They reserved the right to occupy a reserve of about one hundred square milea. Article 3. The United States agreed to pay them $60,000 for the cession; the first payment of $5,000 was to be used to purchase agricultural imple- ments, blankets and clothing; $40,000 was to be paid in a series of annuities of $2,500 each in blankets, clothing, farming imple- ments and stock; the balance was deducted to settle war claims. Artiole 4. Houses were to be erected for the head chiefs. Article 5. Safe conduct passes were to be given to trave- lers, and punishment was not to be by revenge or retaliation. Artiole 6. Com.plaints were to be submitted to the Indian agent, and offenders were to be punished aooord- ing to laws of the United States. 1c. J. Kappler (ed), Indian .Affairs: Laws and Treaties ][I, 57th Cong., let Sees., (Ser. 4254) s. Ex. Doc. 452, vof: XXXV, 447-449. Article 7. Provision was made for the establishment of farms, and annuities could be used for this purpose. (This article was inserted by the Senate in place of the article providing for ratification.) Article 8. Provided for ratification. The treaty was ratified April 12, 1854, and proclaimed Febru- ary 6, 1855. 15 Following this, Palmer negotiated a series of treaties hoping to secure peace and establish good feeling between Indians and whites. On September 19, 1853, a treaty was signed with the Cow Creek band of the Umpquas,1 November 18, 1854, with the Sha.stas,2 November 29, 1854, with the Umpquaa,3 January 22, 1855, with the confederated bands of Calapooiaa;,4 and June 25, 1855, with the confederated tribes and bands or middle Oregon.5 l . Ibid., 449. Stats., X, 10a7. Ratified with amendments April 12, 1854. Proclaimed February 5, 1855. 489. 1865. 491. 1855. 498. 1865. 63.6. 1869. 2c. J. Kappler (ed), Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties II, Stats., X, 1122. Ratified March 3, 1855. ""1>ro'olaimed Aprii 10, Indian name is written "Chasta." 3c. J. Kappler (ed), Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties II, Stats., x, 1225. Ratifiea March 3, 1855. Proclif.med March 30, 4c. J. Kappler (ed), Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties II, Stats., x, 1143. Ratified March 3, l855. Prooli'Imed April 10, 5c. J. Kappler (ed), Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties II, Stata. XII, 963. Ratified March a, 1859. Proclaimed April 1a. Alao called the Wasoo treaty. Lo~r ___________ _J 1(, 65 o?!(>Y) TV"l cl1o 'n -r:. ,b~uth bank as far as the John Day River, 2 although they never occupied all of it. The Wascoa Qre a sedentary people and depended mainly for their subsistence upon fish and berries. The most important of their industries was work in "WOod, horn and twined basketry. Their customary clothing consisted of blanket robes, sleeveless shirts of racoon skin and moccasins of deerskin, with hats and gloves of coyote skin. 3 Two general types of houses were built by these Indians, e. partly underground winter house, and 1Frederick Webb Hodge, Handbook of .American Indians North of Mexioo, II, (Washington: Government Printing Office, l9I6I 918. - 2Joel v. Berreman "Tribal Distribution in Oregon", unpublished M.A. thesis, School of Sooiology, University of Oregon, 1933, p. 98. 3Frederick Webb Hodge, Handbook of .American Indians North of Mexico, II, (Washington: Government PrintingOffioe, 19:[o), 918. 33, a summer house made of a pole frame covered by tules or cedar bark. This latter often had several fireplaces and accommodated several families. Among these tribes certain ceremonies were rigidly observed. While babies were still very young, their ears were punctured with five holes, a sacred number; and pressure was put upon their foreheads to flatten their heads. 1 Puberty ceremonies were observed for both boys and girls. Girls were subjected to the usual taboos, after the fulfillment of which a menstrual dance2 was held. Boys "trainedt1 for the acquirement of strength and the possession of one or several guardian spirita.3 The most striking fact in the mythology of the tribe is the great role played by Coyote as a culture-hero and transformer. Shoshone ans An uprising occurred among the Paiute Indians on the Malheur Reservation during 1878 and several white people were killed.4 The military authorities took charge of the situation, breaking up the hos- tilities and making the Indians prisoners of war. lD. Lee and J. H. Frost, Ten Years in Oregon, (New Yorks J. Colford, Printer, 1844), p. 102. 2Their social dances included the menstrual danoe, the guardian spirit dance, in which each participant sang the song revealed to him by his proteotor, the scalp dance, the Siletz dance and the Cascade dance. Frederick Webb Hodge, Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, II (Washington: Government Printing Of.fioe, 19l0), 918 - 3Ibid. 4Letter from J. w. Elliott, Superintendent of Warm Springs Reservation, October 13, 1938. 34. On February 2, 1879, 543 Bannock and Paiute Indians were re- moved to the Yakima Agency, 1 and in the fall of that year, thirty-eight of the Paiutes, who had been held at Vancouver barracks as prisoners, were brought to Warm Springs.2 Six of them returned to the Yaina.x Sub- agenoy, and Oits, their head man, and his son went to the Simcoe Agemy, laaving twenty-seven at the Warm Springs Reservation. 3 By July of 1884 all of these Indians except five had lef't the Reservation, removing to the Yakima Agency. Oits and his band of approximately aeventy Indians, how- ever left Yakima, with 1he consent of the Agent , and returned to the We.rm .Springs Reservation, "of their own free will and aocord11 • They were allowed to remain and established homes south of the Agency. 4 The Paiute Indians belong to the Shoshonean linguistic family group. This name is involved in some confusion, and it has been applied at same time to most of the Shoshonean tribes of western Utah, northern Arizona, southern Idaho, eastern Oregon, Nevada and eastern and southern California. 5 They have claimed some relationship with the Bannocks. It 1John Smith to E. A. Marble, August 16, 1880. Sess., Vol. I (Ser. 1959) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IX, 2Ibid. 46th Cong., 3d 269-270. 4Letter from J. w. Elli·ott, Superintendent of Warm Springs Reservation, O~tober 13, 1938. 6Fz.ederiok Webb Hodge, Ha.ndbook of AJnerican Indians North of Mexico, II, (Washington.a Government Printing Office, 1910), 186. - .. 35 is generally aooepted that the name originated from the word "pah", mean- 1 ing ",water", and "Ute", or from 11pai", meaning "true" and "Ute". As a people they are generally peaceable, moral and industrious and highly recommended for their good qualities. But the northern mem- bers of the .family were more warlike, and a considerable number of them took part in the Ba.nnook Var of 1878. There are willing and efficient workers, and were sought by white men as farm laborers. 'While not con- sidered as bright as the prairie tribes, yet they appeared to have more solidity of oharaoter, steadily resisting the vices of oivilization. 2 They supplemented the food purchased from their earnings, by fish and small game from the plains and mountains, and pinon nuts and other seeds which they ground into flour for bread. Their ordinary dwelling was the ~wikiup", a small rotm.ded hut of rushes over a framework of poles with the ground for a floor and a fire in the oenter. The top of the hut was almost entirely open.3 l1bid. 2Ibid. 3Jbid. Exploration of~ Reservation Early in March 1856, Agent Thompson set out with a pe.rty1 of twenty-one persons, seventeen of whom were Indians--the chiefs end principal men of the bands included in the Wasco treaty--for an explora- tion of the Wasco, or Warm Springs Reservation. Agent Nathan Olney of Walla Walla and an interpretor accompanied them. They explored all the country southwest of the Mutton Mountains to the base of the Cascade Range without discovering anything suitable for an Indian settlement. Finally they found a location about eight miles south of We.rm Springs River on the Shitike Creek, which they examined for some six or seven miles from its mouth. The stream was sufficiently large for milling purposes. In two small valleys, one on the north, about three miles from the Shitike and running parallel with it to the Deschutes, end the other connecting with the Shitike from the south, they found tillable land. The loca- tion of the land would make it possible to establish two le.rge and one small settlement, (the furthest would not exceed six miles) from the place chosen for work shops and mill. The Indians were well pleased, and with the exception of the Wascos, were willing to go on it at onoe. The Wascos expressed their 1R. R. Thompson to Joel ·palmer, March 13, 1856. 34th Cong., 3d Seas., (Ser. 875) s. Ex. Doo. 5, Vol. II, 758. 37 willingness to move when the promised improvements had been made, for they were satisfied that it was the best that could be found. They also suggested to the Agent that $3,QOO a year for the first five years be withheld from their annuities and expended in the purchase of stock, primarily young cattle.1 During the winter and spring a band of lawless white men had been operating in central Oregon, from The Dalles south, stealing stock and running it off to California or Salt Lake. In March a large number of horses and cattle had disappeared suddenly, and with th~ certain individuals who had been around The Dalles for some time, and, as Agent Thompson said, "they did not go down the river."2 It seemed unwise therefore, to remove the Indians to the new Reservation without providing for their protection, not only from marauding Indians, but also from white outlaws. Colonel George Wright gave the Agent to understand that he deemed it expedient to have troops stationed at each of the Reservations, but a.t the time, he could not divert any portion of his force from the expedition to the "upper country". So, although a few Indians had gone on the iteservation of their own aooord, nothing was officially done to remove the tribes until 1858. l Ibid., P• 759. 2Ibid. t Removal of Indians to the Reservation In 1856 after Agent Thompson and his party had explored the Reservation, locating sites for future settlements, a few Indians moved on the land with their families. Thompson had estimated that there were three thousand aores1 of tillable land on the Reservation, but this was necessarily soattered in small sections, mostly along the margins of the streams, although some of the tablelands proved to be suitable for raising grain. Early in 1858, the Wascos were transferred from their homes, adjoining Fort Dalles, to the Reservation. The tract of land on whioh they were located was thickly covered with brush and small timber, but they worked industriously to olear it. In the same year the Dog River Wascos, Descutes, Tygh and John Day River Indians were removed. Most of these bands selected land in the northern pa.rt of the Reservation. There remained only a portion of the Deschutes tribe, approximately 100 persons, and about 130 Dog River or Cascade Indians who were still abroad. 2 Some of the John Days had 1R. R. Thompson to Joel Palmer, March 13, 1856. 34th Cong., 3d Sess., (Ser. 875) s. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. II, 758. 2A. P. Dennison to J •. W. Nesmith, August 1, 1858. 35th Cong •• 2d Sess., {Ser. 997) H. Ex. Doo. 2, Vol. II, pt. 1, 615-616. .. ' . 39 scattered in the years just preceding this, many of them crossing to the north side of the Columbia River. The Deschutes and Tygh Indians learned to perform some kinds of agricultural labor readily, but they were not as proficient as the Wasoos. They all labored under severe handicaps during the first season. It had been necessary to clear the land before it could be ploughed and planted, and although some of them worked willingly, the tools were few, and many of them had had no previous experience. Mr. A. p. Dennison, the newly appointed Agent, and his employees worked steadily, going from family to family, plowing and helping them plant their seeds. Some of the Indians who were extremely poor found their pro- visions exhausted while they were still preparing their land for planting, and were compelled to subsist upon the carc~sses of horses that had died of disease. 1 The Agent furnished them all the food he could, but most of the money appropriated for his use had been expended in opening farms and erecting buildings. 2 The first season was unfawrable for the production of a good crop, for the weather was cold, and the vegetables were almost entirely destroyed by frost. The salmon run in the Columbia and its tributaries was unusually sm.a.11, and the Indians became disheartened and discouraged, 1Ibid., P• 614. 2A. P. Dennison to Edward R. Geary, July 14, 1859. 36th Cong., 1st Seas., (Ser. 1023) s. Ex. Doc. 2, Vol. I, 802. $13,500 had been appropriated by Congress. looking ahead to hunger and possible starvation without Government aid. Most of the families left the Reservation to dig roots and gather berries in the mountains, but even with these to supplement their f ood supply, they needed assistanoe, and the Agent furnished flour to them for sev- eral weeks during the following winter. The treaty was ratified on Maroh 8, 1859,1 almost four years after the Indiana had gathered at The Dalles with the white Agent to make a treaty signing away their title to the land on which they and their ancestors had lived. The announcement of the ratification had a salutary effect in quieting the apprehensions of the Indians, not only among the tribes immediately interested, but among others with whom treaties had not been made. Superintendent Edward R. Geary2 requested that appropriations be made without delay for fulfilling the treaty stipulations. He was con- fident that the remaining tribes would be eager to dispose of their country in order to secure the protection and other advantages arising from the policy of colonizing or reservations. 1c, J: ;:appl er, (Ed), Indian Affairss Laws and Treaties, II, 57th Cong., 1st Seas., (Ser. 4254) s. Doo. 452, vor:-xx:xv, 447-449. 2 Edward R. Geary to A. B. Greenwood, September 1, 1859. 36th Cong., lat Seas., (Ser. 1023) X. Ex. Doo. 2, Vol. I, 751. CHAPrER III INDIAN HQSTll.lTIFS, 1854-1879 Indian igainst \Vhite Du.ring the years just preceding the signing of the Wasco treaty in 18.55, there was Jm1ch unrest among the Indians. Portions of the country, particularly around The 03.lles, had been occupied by set- tlers, sane of whan had selected claims which included the improve- ments and possessory rights of the Indians. Ma.DY of the resulting col- lisions between native and white settler, however, yielded to the decision of the Indian Agent. 1 Conflicts were not confined to The Dalles region but occur- red in many places. The Secretary 0£ Interior, J.. H. Stuart, wrote of the situation in 18.51: It cannot be denied that most of the depredations cazmnitted by the Indians ai. our frontiers are the off- springs of dire nece3sity. The advance of our population impells them to relinquish their fertile lands and seek refuge in sterile regions, which furnish neither corn nor game for their subsistence. Impelled by hunger they seize the horses, mules and cattle of the pioneer to relieve t heir wants and satisfy the cravings of nature. They are immediately pursued and when overtaken severely punished. This creates a feeling of revenge on their part which seeks its gratification in outrages on the persons and:i;roperty of peaceable settlements. ¾l. R. Thompson to Joel Palmer, Rept. 93. 33d Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. m) H. Ex. Doe. 1, Vol., I, pt. 1, 491-492. This, it is believed. is a true history of the origin of most of our Indian hostilities.1 In 1854 Major Gabriel J. Rains reported the murder of five Indians in the vicinity of Fort Dalles, saying that the natives were aroused, and he believed prompt action would be required to prevent an Indian war.2 Later in the same year a message reached Washington, Concerning the massacre and mutilation of a party of nineteen emigrants? Each act of outrage provoked retaliation. until in the fall of 1855 the whole territory was involved in a bloody war.4 Earlier collisions had been with detached or isolated bands without any at- tempt on their part to confederate their forces for the purpose of camnon hostilities, but by 1855 they began to gather together in organized attack.5 1A. H. H. Stuart annual rePort, November 29, 1851. 32d Cong., 1st Sess. (Ser. 612) s. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. II, pt. 2,502. 2:t.iajor G. J. Rains to E. D. Townsend, January 29. 1854, 33d Cong •• 2d Seas. (Ser. 751) S. Ex. Doc. 16, Vol. VI, 16-17. Also John Smith to Edward P. Smith, September 1, 1873. 43d Cong., 1st Seas., Vol. I (Ser. 1601) H. E:x:. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 688. Note: These Indians had nothing to eat or wear and were embittered againa t the whi tea • %. R. Thompson to Joel Palmer, September 3, 1854• 33d Cong. 2d Sess. (Ser. 746) s. Ex. Doc. l, Vol. I, 486. 4J. VI. Nesmith to Charles E. Mix, August 20, 1858. 35th Cong., 2d Seas. (Ser. 997) H. Ex. Doc. 2, Vol. II, pt. 1, 566 •. 5 '.The great war of 1855 comprised three fields of operation: one was southern Oregon, another Puget Sound, a third Yakima and Walla Walla valleys. In all there were ·probably 4,000 Indians under arms, and many have believed that nothing but lack of intelligent cooperation among them prevented the annihilation of all the smaller settlements. An Illustrated History of Central Oregon •••• (Spokane, Washington: Western Historical Publishing Company, 1905) P• 62. t' ' . This outbreak bad been long predicted by friendly Indians, and the white settlers had been admonished frequently of their danger. They felt sufficiently secure. however, with military forces present. But, when the troops were withdrawn for service on the frontiers ot Texas and Mexico, 1 the Indians saw freedom fran the restraining force; and the added grievance of non-ratification of thetreaties mde with the United States Government, precipitated the insurrection.2 In October, Major General John E. Wool advised the army headquarters in New York, thatinformation had been received concern- ing an extensive canbination of hostile tribes in Washington Terri tory.3 Governor George L. Curry of Washington imnediately issued a proclama- tion requesting a volunteer force ot eight companies to aid in sup- pressing Indian attacks.4 One company under Mr. o. Huxnason v,as to be orgaliized at The Dalles. By this time matters ha.d progressed so far that it seemed im- possible to check the outbreak. Palmer asked that certain sums be spent l Adj. Gen. R. Jones to C. M. Conrad. September 1, 1851. 32d Cong., 1st Sess •• (Ser. 611) s. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, pt. 1, 147• 2J ames i1. Denver annual report, November 30, 1857. 35th Cong •• 1st Sess.(Ser. 942) H. Ex. Doe. 2, Vol. II, pt. l, 299. Also A. P. Dennison to J. W. Nesmith, August 1, 1858. 35th Cong., 2d Seas. (Ser. 997) H. Ex. Doc. 2, Vol. II, ~t. 1, 617. Dennison estimated the expenses of the agency would be $50,000 for the following year providing the treaties were not rati'ried. If ratified, the expenses would be $25,000 outsics of payments included in treaties • .'.3Maj. Gen. John E. \7ool to Lt. Col. L. Thanas, October 16, 1855. 34th Cong., 1st Seas. (Ser. 841) H. Ex. Doc. l, Vol. I,pt.2, 88. 4Proclamation by Governor George L. Curry, 32d Cong., lat Sess. (Ser. 841) H. Ex. D:>e. 1, Vol. I, pt. 2, 85-86. , . . . on the Reservations, provided by the recent treaties, which might ensure the peace of middle Oregon, 1 but Congress took no action. He believed that if same advance could be made, for the treaties were still unapproved, and improvements on the Reservations com:nenced, the Indians might be reconciled. In the fall, following the signing of the Wasco treaty, Palmer visited all the bands along the Columbia. River, from the Cascade Falls to the Deschutes River, to obtain their pledge of fi- delity and adherence to the treaty, and sent :imssengers to the more distant bands. By this time the fear of a general uprising in 7lash- ington had alarmed the people, and an attempt was made to concentrate all the friendly Indians residing on the north of the Columbia, in encampments on the south side. The officers were also instructed to secure all canoes by which the enemy might cross the river.2 The Superintendent had advised the Indians of the excited state of feeling among the ci tizensof the community, and warned them that it would be doubtful if the Agent could protect them were they collect within the settlements. He designated three encampments, two for those of the Wasco treaty, and one for the friendly bands who resided north of the Columbia and had crossed the river in accordance with instructions.3 1J'oel Palmer to George w. Manypenny, October 9, 1855• 34th Cong., 1st Sess . (Ser. 8.58) H. Ex. Doc. 93, Vol. XI, 60. He suggested spending $20,000 on Table Rock, $25,000 on Umatilla and $20,000 on Wasco reserves. p. 81. 2Ibid., p . 57. 3Ib ·d -..!....• Joel Palmer to George w. Ma.ny:penny, October 25, 1855, 45- .About the middle of October, Agent R. R. Thompson, at The Dalles, received word that Stockwhitley, 1 one of the signers of the treaty of the preceding June, had avowed a determination to join the Cayuses and Walla Wallas in hostile movements against the whites. Thompson immediately set out in pursuit, with a company of fifty volunteers, to locate the whereabouts of Stockwhitley and his Des- chutes band, but they were unsuccessful and returned to The Dalles. He then despatched an Indian messenger with directions to inform the chief, if he found him, that his refusal to return with his people be regarded as evidence of hostility. The messenger found the chief's camp and delivered the mes- sage, but Stockwhitley refused to return, ordering the Indian, although one of his own people, not to approach his camp again. There were about twenty men in his band, and he had sent runners to the Tygh Indians inviting them to join him. Fearing that disaffection might bee~ general a.m:>ng the tribes and bands in the vicinity of The Dalles, Palmer again visited those in the immediate neighborhood, and sent word to more distant villages. They all seemed determined to observe the treaty and pro- nounced their willingness to conform to any r egulations deemed neces- sary to maintain peace. 1Ib1.·d. \tt ·tt ,,ri en in the treaty as Stock-etley. 46 Within a short time the Wasco and Deschutes bands of Walla l Wallas were generally collected in encampments near The Dalles, and by the middle of November, Thompson reported that they were getting along with the Indians as well as could be expected, but it was neces- sary for them to be on the alert to protect the natives fran. the •reck- lessness n of the whites. 2 The chief of the Wascos declined an invitation to join the Yakamas and Klickitats, •but individual members of the several bands• joined the war party.3 Stockwhitley made repeated overtures to other tribes to join him. The messages caused considerable anxiety among some of the friendly Indians who fled to the mountains4 with their families. Many of the Tygh.s who were frightened in consequence of the sickness and deaths that had occurred since the signing of the treaty, attributed the cause to disease which had been placed in the goods-5 presented them at that time, and they also fled to the mountains. In a letter to Major General Wool, Palmer expressed his con- fidence that the tribes, whose members were coopera ting with the ene.Dzy', 1Joel Palmer to :Maj. Gen. John E. Wool, November 21, 1855. 34.th Cong., 1st Sess. (Ser. 858) H. Ex. Doc. 93, Vol. XI, 115. 2Ibid. R. R. Thompson to J'oel Palmer, November 19,1855,125. 3Ibid. Joel Palmer to Captain Cain, October 3, 1855, 55. 4Ibid. R. R. Thompson to Joel Palmer, October 8, 1855, 74. 5Ibid. R. R. Thompson to Joel Palmer, September 28, 1855, 62. would repudiate their acts, and would give their Da.IOOs and aid the authorities in their arrest.1 When Stockwhitley reached the Cayuse country, he tried to 47 induce the Cayuses to join him in ma.king an attack upon The Ialles, because of the few whites left there during the absence of the troops, and the large amount of plunder they could secure. The Cayuses could not be convinced of the feasibility of his plan and refused.2 Stock- whitley and his followers joined the Walla Wallas, Umatillas, Cayuses and Pelouses in the battle on the Walla Walla3 between Ka.miakin and his brother Shaw-vra.-wai. Stock:whitley's band divided, some went with Kamiakin, while the remainder, with their leader, wintered at the Cayuse camp. 4 Hcr;vever, Stockwhi tley, disgusted with the manner in which the CSl'USes fought, later left them and joined Ka.miakin in the Yakima country.5 Many of their horses had been weakened f'ram excessive service during the war and died during the winter. The Indians' supply of food l 12!g. Joel Palmer to Maj. Gen. John Wool, November 21, 1855, 115. 2 Ibid. R. T. Thompson to Joel Palmer, November 19, 1855,l24- %athan Olney to Joel Palmer, November 30, 1855. 34,th Cong. 1st Seas. (Ser. 858) Ii. Ex. Doc. 93. V ol. XI, 122. 4n. R. Thompson to Joel Palmer, March 2, 1856. 34,th Cong., 3d Sess. (Ser. 893) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol, I, pt. 1, 757. 5 AB Illustrated. History of Central Oregon •••• , (Spokane, Washington: Western Historical Publishing Company, 1905), quoting letter f'rcm Lt. Col. James K. Kelly to Adj. W. H. Farrar, p. 68. • had bee.n depleted and late in February, 18561 a small party approached The Dalles to seek food cached the preceding fall• The alarm was given by scme s quaws who had seen them in the hills opposite the Wiam village. Agent Thompson described the pursuit in a letter to Joel Palmer on March 2, 1856: Whereupon six of the men armed themselves and started in pursuit; crossing the river they soon discovered the trail leading µp the Columbia, which they pursued until late in the night, when they encamped without fire. In the morning, upon examination, they felt satis- fied they must be in advance of the pztrty of wham they were in pursuit, and concluded to return. In a short time they discovered the hostile party approaching; both parties placed themselves on the defensive and approached very cautiously, and with gunsl]['esented, until they caim within convenient speaking distance; with their arms still presented, they held a talk which lasted about half a day.2 The Indians terminated the talk, telling them that the •great body of the Indians are desirous of peace; and that Kamiakin is only waiting for the Cayuses to cone lude terms with the wbi tea, and he will follow their example.3 In April, President Pierce asked for an appropriation to be used in restoring peace with the Oregon Indians. Congress passed an act, April,5, 1856,4 placing funds at the disposal of the Imian Dept. 1n. R. Thompson to Joel Palmer, March 2, 1856 . 34th Coog., 3d Sess. (Ser. 893) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, pt. 1, 756. 2 ~ •• 757. 3Ibid. 4oeorge W. Manypenny to R. McClelland, November 22, 1856. 34th Cong., .3d Seas., (Ser. 87.5) s. Ex. Doe. 5, Vol. II, 569. Temporary provisions had been made in December from approp- riations which were at the command of the O,partment, and some work was done in colleoting the peaceful Indians in locations withdrawn from contact with hostile bands, and partially subsisting them. This polioy had been adopted in both Oregon and Washington Territories. An attempt was also made to encourage hostile Indians to surrender their arms and join the friendly tribes, in which the officers were fairly successful. The war went on, nevertheless, until the first of June, 1856. By this time it seemed to reach a conclusion and comparative quiet settled over the region. But on October 10, the Superintendent of Oregon Territory reported a renewal of warfare east of the Cascade Moun• tains, in which half of the very powerful, and hitherto friendly tribes of the Nez Peroes had joined. Palmer realized that unless the distur- bances ceased, it would be necessary to remove the friendly Ca~ee, Walla Walla.a and Umatillas who had claimed the protection of the Agent, to the Warm Springs Reservation, which was out of the troubled area and comparatively isolated. But the removal of these tribes to the reserve would without doubt necessitate the stationing of a military force near its boundaries, at least during hostilities,1 so this action was delayed indefinitely. 1Joel Palmer to George w. Ma.nypenny, February 11, 1856. 34th Cong., 3d Sass. (Ser. 893) H. Ex. Doo.l, Vol. I, pt.l, 748. 60 In the meantime gold was discovered in central Oregon!-and reputedly even within the limits of the Wasco reserve, in consider- able quantities. If the reports were true the region would becane important to the whites, 2 so Palmer suggested tl:epossiblity of re- moving the central Oregon Indians to the coast reserve.3 The Indians were adverse to rem:::>val, however, arguing with perfect justness, that in a strange place they would have difficulty in protecting themselves fran attacking bands. The matter was dropped for the time, but in a few years the subject of removal was again revived. Snake Depredations During 1858 and 1859 the Indians in this reg ion were all friendly and well-disposed with the exception of the Snake tribes living on the western slope of the Blue Mountains, directly opposite the Reservation on the east side of the Deschutes River. These Indiana had been notorious from the early settlement of Oregon for their depredations on the cattle and horses and others, including 1Ibid. Also J. \T. Nesmith to James W. Denver, September 1, 1857. 35th Coog. 1st Sess. (Ser. 942) H. Ex. Doc. 2, Vol. II, pt. 1,607. 2:Neither Indians nor any other persons have in general any right to open mine:s or quarry stone upon reservations except perhaps in a few cases where the object may be to secure stone for building pur- poses, coal for fuel and petroleum for light. Paper Accompanying the Report of the Comnissioner 2!. Indian Affairs, 1878. 45th Cong., 3d Seas. Vol. I (Ser. 1850) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IX, 487. 3Joel Palmer to George w. Manypenny, February 11, 1856. 34th Cong., 3d Sess. (Ser. 893) H. E:x. Doc. 1, Vol. I, pt. 1, 748. 61 the lives and property of the emigrants. Probably a hundred citizens, many of them women and children, had fallen by their hands during the preceding ten years. With the exception of the execution of the reputed murderers of the Ward family by Major Granville O. Haller's military com• mission, 1 they bad constantly escaped with impunity. These were the Indians, ancient enemies of the Warm Springs and Wascos, who during the next few years frequently attacked the Reservation. Their attacks were generally made at night, while their victims were asleep that they might steal stook~ but occasionally they would swoop down on the scattered huts, while the men were not there to guard their families and would talce women and children captive. Sometimes herders would be fired upon while watching their animals on the range, and would be killed--their horses and cattle driven off. The Snakes made several attempts to steal horses and cattle be- longing to the Department, and threatened to burn the Agency buildings and fences, until in one instance during 1859, Dr. Thomas L. Fitch, the acting Agent, and several of the white employees were compelled to flee 1R. R. Thomnson to Joel Palmer, September 3, 1854. 33d Cong., 2d Sees., (Ser. 746) s. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, 486. Congressional Globe, Vol. llV (Appendix), 1846, 1189. Note: The massacre of the Alexander Ward party occurred on August 20, 1854, in whioh nineteen men, women and children were tortured and killed. Some of the emigrants had been horribly mutilated before death, and Mrs. Vfuite had evidently been forced to watch the burning of her three children before she was murdered. 5~ for their lives.1 Several Indians and one white man were killed. The huts of the Indians were plundered and the marauders kept possession of the Agency buildings for several days. 2 The loss to the Government a.nd to the Indians fell little short of ils.0003 by the end of the year. in stolen stock and injured property and crops. Superintendent Geary of Oregon recommended in the fall of 1860 that both the Indians and employees should be indemnified for their losses. In 1859 Dennison applied to General W. s. Harney. commanding the Military Department of Oregon. for a force sufficient to protect the public _property and the lives and property 0£ the Indians--or for guns and ammunition Tdth which the Indians might protect themselves.4 Harney sent forty rifles with fixed ammunition. and the agent organized a company of fifty-three Indians, placing them under charge of Dr. Thomas L. Fitch, and gave them such provisions as were ava~lable lEdward R. Geary to A. B. Greenwood, September 1, 1859. 36th Cong •• lat Sess. (Ser. 1023) s. Ex. Doc. 2. Vol. I, 757. Edward R. Geary to A. B. Greenwood, October 1, 1860. 36th Cong., 2d Sess. (Ser. 1078) s. Ex. Doo. 1. Vol. I, 246. A. B. Greenwood to J. Thompson. November 30, 1860. ~ •• 246. 2J. W. Perit Huntington to D. N. Cooley. October 15, 1866. 39th Cong., 1st Sess. (Ser. 1284) H. Ex. Doc. l, Vol. II, 79. 3 Edward R. Geary to A. B. Greenwood, September 1, 1869. 36th Cong., 1st Sees. (Ser. 1023) s. Ex. Doc. 2, Vol. r. 757. 4 ~. A. P. Dennison to Edward R. Geary, July 14, 1859, 801. .. . . .1 6$ at the Agency. They were directed to proceed into the Snake country to recover the stolen property and punish the thieves. Up to this time 150 head of horses and cattle had been taken, beside those that had been killed. They traveled about 120 miles up the valley of the John Day River. until they came unexpectedly upon two lodges of Snake Indians. They killed all the men, took the women and children prisoners, and recovered a few stolen horses. Across the river they saw several lodges, but the stream was swollen, and their provisions were exhausted after t hey had spent two days trying to cross. so they gave up the attempt and returned to the Agency on May 3. This expedition prevented a renewal of attacks for several days. In the meantime General Harney had ordered out a company of dragoons to reconnoitre along the base of the Blue Mountains• recover stolen property if possible, and punish the ma.rauders. 1 But they met with still less success. The Snakes had by this time extended their excursions to the valley of the Bitter Root. where in July they drove off over onehundred horses. Superintendent Geary urged the Commissioner of Indian Affairs that a military post be established in the vicinity to inspire the Indians 1Ibid. Edward R. Geary to A. B. Greenwood, September 1, 1859. P• 758. with confidence, so that they would return to the Reservation and be protected thereon. 1 This request had been made previously, and was to be made again, repeatedly, until the menace of the hostile Snakes was removed and they were plaoed on a Reservation.2 Geary also sug- gested at this time that an Agent b~ appointed for the Snakes to teach them to respect authority. It seemed only right that protection should be given to the warm Springs bands, for they had newr engaged in hostilitiea against the white settlers, and when needed during the Yakima and Cayuse war, they had furnished volunteers to aid the oitizene. In compliance with treaty provisions, they had been moved out of their own country into the immediate vicinity of their old enemies--the Snake Indians, whom they feared and dreaded. There were, at this time, approximately 1,395 Indians on the Reservation, with the rest of the 6,000 Indiana of the Agency running at large over the country. Many left the Reservation after the begin- ning of the depredations and refused to return, without being assured of protection. 1Ibid. 2Edward P. Smith to z. Chandler, November l, 1875. 44th Cong., lat Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1608) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 578. 54 , ....0 er 00 - ½ 0 _D 1) ~ 0 ~l 0 55 During the winter of 1859 while Dennison was on the Atlantic coast, Superintendent Geary directed Sub-agent Abbott to establish his headquarters at the Reservation. 1 Hitherto, the .Agent had resided at 58 The Dalles, but Geary realized that this action might inspire the confi- dence of some of the natives who could be induced thereby to return to the Reservation to oultivate their fields. It was also necessary to protect the buildings and fenoing from destruction and to maintain pos- session. Some Indians did return and with the assistance of the empl9y• ees built small oabins in the immediate vicinity of the Agency buildings. The Snakes did not cease their incursions. It was necessary to herd the stock during the day and corral it at night, observing the strictest vigilance at all times. To leave a band of horses or a single animal without guard for a few hours was to ensure its loss. Sub-agent Abbott reported the precarious condition of the Reservation to the military authorities of Oregon and applied for a temporary force. A detachment of twenty-five or thirty men under Lieu- tenant Robert Johnson was sent to the Reservation to investigate the matter, and "ascertain the truth of falsity of the report."2 They en- 1Edward R. Geary to A. B. Greenwood, Ootober 1, 1860. 36th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 1078) S. Ex. Doo. l, Vol. I, 397. 2Ibid., G. H. Abbott to Edward R. Geary, July 30, 1860• 443. cemped at the Agency one night and started on their return to Fort Dalles the next day, for the "stealthy enemy" was not visible. 51 Impelled by a desire to discover the rendezvous of the Snakes, and it possible to establish amicable relations with them, and induce them to. cease their continual warfare upon the tribes who were in amity with the United States, Superintendent Geary and Sub-agent Abbott joined a military foroe1 which was traversing their country. They were accompanied by nine men, .five of whom were Indians. The party left The Dalles on the first of June and traveled for nineteen days across 250 miles of wilderness. Frequently they built .fires on the hills, the usual signal for a conference, butthey received no responae. Their first intimation of the presence of the Snakes was after they had overtaken the command of Major Enoch Steen on Buck Creek, a small tributary of Crooked River, about forty miles northwest of Ramey Lake. The Indians had attacked the camp of the military guide near this place two nights before. From that point on they had daily indications of the nearness of a small group of Indians. On June 14 they found two shod American horses, and on the following evening as they were pitching their tents, two men road into oamp. They belonged to a company of fifty-four men from the Willamette 1Ibid. Edward R. Geary to A. B. Greenwood. October 1, 1860, 443. 58 valley, who, while enroute to the Owyhee River to prospect for gold, had been attacked by the Snakes at a lake thirty miles northeast of Harney Lake and robbed of seventy horses. Being on foot, with only animals enough to pack their provisions, they commenced a retreat. The next day they were intercepted by the enemy, a battle resulted, in which a white man was severely wounded and six or seven Indians killed. The miners continued their retreat without further molestation, and suffering from hunger end fatigue, they succeeded in reaching their homes.l After hearing of this attack, Major Steen sent a messenger to advise Captain A. J. Smith, who had left the reconnoitering party two days previously, and was now enroute to the City Rocks on the Salt Lake road. Major Steen and his command left the next day for Stampede Lake, a little north of Lake Harney, to be nearer the scene of the last attack, but al- though Geary and his party examined the vicinity with some thoroughness, they discovered no indications of Indians. On the twentieth they re- turned to the Reservation, 2 leaving the military in the field engaged in opening an emigrant road through the mountains to the Willamette Valley. 246. Two day after the Superintendent and the Sub-agent3 left them 1Ibid. 2 Ibid., A. B. Greenwood to R.R. Thompson, November 30, 1860, 3Ibid., Edward R. Geary to A. B. Greenwood, October l, 1860, 295. ,. .. . . 59 the troops were attaoked by a large body of Snakes. 1 who escaped with little punishment. o~ing to the rugged character of the country. The saveges followed olose upon their retreat. and me.de a sudden assault on the We.rm Springs Reservation. where they drove off all the stock. In attempting to recover the stolen property, the Warm Springs Indians oame into collision with them and a number on each side were slain i .n the en- counter. "The e£fect on the Snakes was to superadd the spirit of revenge to the desire of booty."2 This led to another plea for the establishment of a permanent military post at or near the .Agenoy--or the abandonment of the Reservation. In response to this plea a detachment of troops was sent there. tempor- arily, for it remained just during the winter and was withdrawn the fol- lowing spring. 3 Willi~m H. Rector, Mr. Geary's successor as Superintendent for Oregon, criticized the method by which Geary had entered the Snake country, under military protection. "Every military expedition. here- tofore, entering their country has gone for the express purpose of chastisement. and even in this, according to Mr. Geary's own report l A. B. Greenwood Ibid., to R. R. Thompson. November 30, 1860. 246. 2 ~., 397. Edward R. Geary to A. B. Greenwood, October 1, 1860, 3william Logan to William H. Rector. July 28. 1862. 3,'lth ' Cong . 3d Ress . (~er. 1157) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 2 , Vol. II, 432 . 60 •••• one of the principle objects of the expedition was to 'impress 1 a salutary fear on these marauders'." The presence of an armed force was evidence that their intentions were undoubtedly hostile. Consequently the Indians evaded them, watching every movement, and seeking every op- portunity to harass the troops. In closing his communication, he said, "I only refer to it to show that inasmuch as he failed in his efforts, some other course must be adopted •••• "2 Early in 1862, a small party of miners was massacred by the Snakes on the John Day River. 3 The military authorities feared a repe- tition of this outrage upon other miners on the Powder, Burnt and Mal- heur Rivers and attempted to induce the Indians who he.cl participated to gather for a parley. They hoped to arrange an amicable settlement with the Snakes, whereby United States' citizens could explore and mine in the Indian country without further interruptions. Superintendent Rector appointed a Special Agent, J.M. Kirk- patrick, to investigate the circumstances l and Agent Logan was asked to assist in securing some friendly Warm Springs, who could be relied upon for their fidelity, to carry a message to the hostile Snakes. There were 1William H. Rector to William P. Dole, September 25, 1861. 37th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 1117) s. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, 766. 2Ibid. 3william H. Rector to J.M. Kirkpatrick, March 14, 1862, 32d Cong., 1st Sess., (Ser. 613) s. Ex. Doc. 1. Vol. III, pt. 3, 408-409. 61 no Indians on the Reservation at this time. 1 however, who were familiar with the Snake language; so Kirkpatrick was compelled to secure runners among the · tribes along the Columbia River. Life on the Reservation settled into a rather peaceful routine during the yea.rs between 1860 and 1863. There were little flurries of excitement over reports of hostile Indians in the vicinity from time to time. but in October the Snakes made a raid, in which they succeeded in running off about 125 horses. The Reservation Indians immediately pur- sued them and recovered some fifty head. 2 In November the Warm Springs Indians organized a scouting party and traveled into the oountryeast of the Deschutes River. · They captured a child which had been stolen, and twenty horses. 3 Early in the spring of 1864. Captain John M. Drake, commanding officer of the military district. requested that a small party of the Reservation Indians accompany him upon a trip into the Snake country to act as scouts for his COIIllll8lld. After but a few days• march they dis- covered the enemy on Crooked River and regained some fifty horses. During the encounter, Stockwhitley, one of the most influential chiefs, who had become very frd.endly to the whites, was severely wounded and Cong., 2d 1J. M. Kirkpatrick to William H. Rector, July 22, 1862. 409. 'william Logan to J. W. Perit Huntington, July 28, 1864, 38th Sees., (Ser. 1220) H. Ex. Doc. 1. Vol. V, 241. 3Ibid. subsequently died. In the same fi ght, First Lieutenant Stephen Watson, James Haskison and another white man were killed. 1 As soon as the intelligence of this battle reached the Reser- vation , a war party of seventy warriors was mustered and proceeded to join Captain Dre.ke. They were provided with food and ammunition which could be spared from the Reservation, and which the Agent felt authorized to furnish. Captain Drake, however, feared that it would be impossible to feed so large a party in a country barren of provisions, and he de- e lined the company of more than ten or twelve to act in the capacity of scouts. The rest of the party returned to the Reservation but enroute they fell upon a party of Snakes and captured ele~n women and children and nine horses without loss to themselves. The Snakes attempted another raid during the same year, after Lieutenant James Halloran and his small force were stationed at the Agency and the troops pursued the Indians, recovering part of the stolen property. 2 In 1866 the War Department ordered all troops stationed at the Warm Springs blockhouse to be withdrawn for service elsewhere. 1 ~., The other man's name was Kennedy. Also Number l E, History of Depredations Committed by Snake Indians from 1862 to 1865; Compiled from the Newspapers of Oregon, May 28, 1864. 39th Cong., 1st Sess., (Ser. 1248) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. II, 667. Note: In the prelimin- ary encounter, Watson was killed, and his men retreated. Stookwhitley was attached to Lt. Watson and would not allow the Paiutes to scalp him. He and his men again charged and rescued Watson's body, but was so badly wounded himself that he died a few day later at the Warm Springs Reser- vation. Illustrated History 2!_ Central Oregon •••• ,(Spokane, Wash- ington: Western Historical Publishing Company, 1905), 702. 2J. W. Perit Huntington to D. N. Cooley, October 15, 1866. 39th Cong., 1st Sess., (Ser. 1284) H. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. II, 79 • • .. 63, Immediately the Snakes swooped down upon the unprotected Reser• ve.tion. A band under Chief We-wa-we-wa. made the attack, and in the melee whioh followed several friendly Indians were wounded.end Poust- a-mi-ne, one of the more intelligent natives, was killed. 1 Captain George Crook and a party of men later captured We-wa-we-wa and forced his band to submit to authority. The marauding Indians did not confine their raids to the Reservations, but they preyed upon the white settlement s, until in 1866 the people of Canyon City, exasperated at outbreaks of the Snakes, raised a fund and offered a bounty of $50 for each scalp taken.2 In April 1866, Major Louis Henry Marshall, then in command of troops in Idaho and eastern Oregon, applied to Superintendent J. W. Perit Huntington for a body of Indian soouts from the Warm Springs Reservation to assist him in operations against the hostile Snakea.5 Compensation was to be made in the form of horses, mules and other property captured from the Snakes. Major General Frederick Steele, in oommand of the western Oregon district, and Superintendent Huntington 1John Smith to J. w. Perit Huntington, July 20, 1868. 40th Cong •• 3d Sess., (Ser. 1366) H. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. II, 579. 2The Mountaineer. (Daily), Tiie Dalles, Oregon. April 10, 1866. Cong., 3d 3John Smith to J. w. Perit Huntington, July 20, 1868. 40th Sess., (Ser. 1366) H. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. II, 579. ,. . .. I • 64 countered this proposal with the suggestion that the Indians be paid as scouts by the Government. Offering plunder as e.n incentive for service would have a degrading effect upon the friendly Indians, and since the property to be captured was mostly some that had recently been stolen from the white settlers, it was subject to reclamation and its pos- session would bring the ;1ndians into trouble with the white o'Wllers. Nearly a hundred Indians were enlisted in the military servioe at this time1 under pay as privates of cavalry, but in addition they were promised all the property they could capture and urged to make the war one of extermination. Major General Steele appointed Dr. William c. McKay and John Darragh to oommand the scouts,2 to be recruited from the Indians on the Warm Springs Reservation. Dr. McKay had been the resident physician on the Reservation since 1861. He was an Indian prince of the Chinook tribe and son of Captain Thom.as McKay. He had been reared in the home of his grandmother, Mrs. John McLaughlin at Vancouver and sent by Jason Lee to the states to be educated in medicine. Mr. John Darragh, a citizen of The Dalles, had served as sheriff and was later Superintendent of !chools in Wasco County. On November 7, Lieutenants McKay and Darragh, with about seventy mounted warriors arrived at Fort Dalles where they were to 1The Mountaineer, (Daily), The Dalles, Oregon, April 10, 1866. 2 J. w. Perit Huntington to Charles E. Mix, August 20, 1867, 40th Cong., 2d Seas, Vol. Ill, (Ser. 1326) H. Ex. Doc. 1, 69. 65 be provided with the necessary arms and equipage for a winter campaign against the Snak:es. 1 Before leaving on their expedition, the Indians at Fort Dalles gave a war dance for llajor General Steele and his staff. An account of the exercises was printed in the Mountaineer, as follows: 9, 1866. At 2 P. M. the Indians made their appearance painted and dressed in their best, and mounted on horses furnished by the Government. Horsemanship was displayed. At the conclusion of the riding, the Indians were lined up and General Steele addressed them, then presented two guidons and explained to them through Dr. McKay, the significance of the flag, et cetera. The Indians signified their assent to the remarks ma.de by General Steele by an exclamation of ".Ay" along the whole line. The presentation being over the Indians prepared for a dance on the parade ground. After dancing about half an hour, they formed in front of the General and several chiefs addres- sed him through an interpretor. They •••• made promises that they would do all they could to make their expedition a success. 2 1The Mountaineer, (Weekly), The Dalles, Oregon, November 2The Mountaineer, (Weekly), The Dalles, Oregon, November 30, 1866. Lulu D. Crandall bound files of The Mountaineer, Fort Dalles His- torical Society, The Dalles, Oregon. 66 At the time of enlistment the scouts were enjoined by Lt. William Borrows in a speech to take no prisoners, regardless of age or sex. Under these orders they left, 'With their commanders to sur- prise a camp of Snakes in a narrow oanyon on a small fork of the Crooked River. The offioers directed them to carry out their orders, although the Indians remonstrated. Finally, reluctantly, after killing the seven men, they killed and scalped the fourteen unresisting women and children whom they had wished to ta.lee prisoners.l Huntington wrltesi "I shudder when I recall the fa.ct that this is the first instance on record i .n Wlioh soldiers in the service and wearing the uniform of the United States and by express orders, butchered in cold blood, unresisting women and children. There have been several other inste.nces more recently in wb.ioh women and children have been killed, but I am not advised as to the particulars •••• "2 The Mountaineer printed a letter from Dr. McKay describing other engagements during this same expedition. The following letter is dated February 8, 1867s On the sixth of January rumors came to our oamp of hearing shots fired in a direction that none of the party had been. We sent out scouts who returned about 4 o•clook and reported signs of footprints in the snow and signs of deer being killed. That night at dark we left camp on the war path and reached their camp and attacked it at daylight. We killed three and took two ohildren prisoners and captured two mules, one horse and ammunition. 1 J. W. Perit Huntington to Charles E. Mix, August 20, 1867, 40th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 1326) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. III, 69. 2Ibid. Another letter written by Dr. MoKay was printed in ~he Idaho statesman, August 24, 1867: Immediately on the return of General Crook, we are to start on a month's expedition. It will be a large foroe consisting of 3 Companies of 1st Cavalry, as follows: Companies F, Hand M; and 1 Company of mounted Infantry of the 23(d Regulars. Also 24 Snakes and 72 Indian scouts from Warm Springs ~eserve. The Indian scouts have since the opejing of this campaign, June 15, killed and captured 75. 67 During the spring of 1868 the Reservation was terrorized for the last time by visits of the raiders. Thirty or forty head of horses were driven off, one of which belonged to the Department. Ten of the horses belonged to one Indian, and he followed the raiding party twenty miles but could not overtake them. 2 The days of fear and terror were passed, peace was descending upon the central Oregon Indians--a peace which would encourage them to improve their farms, learn trades and educate their children. Settlers were pushing into the Deschutes Valley on the east side of the river, and their farms and small villages acted as an additional bulwark against the ravages and cruelty of the marauders. The Canyon City Road, from The Dalles to Canyon City, which passed within twenty miles of the .Agenoy, was the scene of constant attcks 1The Idaho Statesman, Boise Idaho, August 24, 1867. Lulu D. Crandall Historical Collection., Scrapbook ,Fort Dalles Historical Society, The Dalles, Oregon. 2John Smith to J. W. Perit Huntington, July 20, 1868. 40th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 1366) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. II, 579. 68 from the Snakes during the early years. During 1865 and 1866, soarcely a week passed that there were not some depredations oommitted: paok- trains, with their cargoes stolen, wagons and teams, with their freight seized, stook driven off, teamsters, packers or travellers killed, in fact to passover the road was to imperil one•s life. The Snakes had raided the Reservation every year since it had been established, sometimes stealing 750 to 800 animals at a time, 1 and killing and oapturing the women and children, until the Warm Springs Indians feared to leave their houses and families unprotected. It must be remembered that during these years the only statutes in which Indians were mentioned or controlled were those enaoted in 1834, known as the Trade and Intercourse Acts, whose main purpose was to regu- late traffic in furs and prevent the sale of ammunitions and intoxicat- ing liquors and intrusion upon an Indian Reservation. There was no legal means by which the ro~ng bands of Indians could be controlled. No officer of the Government had authority by law to punish an Indian for orim.e or to restrain him in any degree, and the only way to enforce law and order was found in the "use of the bayonet by the military, or suoh arbitrary fore& as the agent might ha11e at his command."2 1John Smith to J. W. Perit Huntington, July 20, 1868. 40th Cong •• 3d Sess., (Ser. 1366) H. Ex. Doe. 1, Vol. II, 579. 2E:dward P. Smith to c. Delano# lfo'V8mber 1, 1874. 43d Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. I, (Ser. 1639) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 5, Vol. VI, 325. .. . . 69 The nature of their oountry and their nomadio habits and fieroe ohe.raoter gave the Snakes suoh an advantage that it was said that 11 10 good soldiers were required to wage suooessful war against l Indian. 111 Every Indian killed or captured by the military cost the Government at least $60,000. 2 This seemed to indioate that it would be muoh cheaper to "feed th em than to fight them. 113 After many years the Government suooeeded in locating many of the roving bands on a new Reservation, the Malheur, which was set aside for the Indians in southeastern Oregon. Between 1874 and 1876 some 670 Paiutes aIJd 173 Bannocks and Snakes, vagrants of southeastern Oregon, were gathered there by the Government.4 Participation 1;: ~ Jlodoo ~ The subjugation of the Snakes did not end the activity of the Warm Springs scouts, for during the Modoc T.ar, 1872-1873, the scouts were again called into service. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs direc- ted Superintendent Odeneal to put the Modoc Indians upon the Klamath Reser- vation, peaoefully if possible, but forcibly if necessary. Odeneal was unable to persuade them to return. to the Klamath Agency, and the matter Cong., 1J. ·w. P. Huntington to D. N. Cooley, September 17, 1865. 39th lat Sess. (Ser. 1248) H. Ex. Doc. l, Vol. II, 651. 2Ibid. -3Ibid. 4 T. B. Odeneal to F. A. Walker, June 17, 1872. 42d Cong., 3d Sess. (Ser. 1578) H. Ex. Doc. 98, Vol. III, 260. Also, Edward P. Smith to i• Chandler, November 1, 1875. 44th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. I (Ser. 1680 • Ex. ~oo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 678. 70 ot remo"Vitg them was referred to the mi li ta.ry. 1 A body of regulars and volunteers under the cOllllland of General Edward R. s. Oanby were soon 1n combat with the Modooe and their leader, CJotain Jack, in the Lava Beds. The white soldiers fbught against great odds, for thil region was a natural. f'brtress for the Indians who knew every foot of ground. Canby telegraphed Agent Smith fbr aid, and in six hours a company of scouts, commanded by Donald MoKay, half-brother of Dr. Thomas ?.foKay, was enlisted and ready to move. 2 On April 16, General Cornelius Gilliam, who had awaited the ar- rival of the Warm Springs Indians, ordered the troops to be supplied with three-days• rations, and to be ready to move at 2 P. N. on the enemy. Colonel E. c. Mason, on the opposite side of the Lava Beds,was to move at the same hour. 3 Wright' a Cave and surroundings were bombarded with heavy shelll on April 16, 17 and 18 by simultaneous attacks from both sides. 4 General Canby had determined to make no attack on the Modoos until the e.rrival of the Warm Springs scouts , fbr he wished to save the white sol• l ~ Telegraph, Ashland, Oregon, Deoember 7, 1872. Lulu D. Crandall Collection, Sorapbook, Fort Dalles Hietorioal Society, The Dalles, Oregon. 2 John Smith to E. P. S1Jdth, September 1, 1873. 43d Cong., lat Seas., Vol. I (Ser. 1601) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 6, Vol. IV, pt. l, 688. 3The Union, Yreka, California, April 16, 1873. Lulu D. rrnndall Collection, Sorapbook, Fort Dalles Historical Society, The Dallea,Oregon. 4contr1butiona to North American Ethnology, 51st Cong., lat Sess., H. Ex. Doo. 272, pt. 1, vof. XLIV, !S9l, lxxiii. 7]1 1 diers, and he knew the scouts were experienced warriors. By this time about ninety scouts had joined the army. two-thirds of whom ,vere Warm Springs. end one-third 1Vasco Indians. all under the command of Donald lloKay. 2 The Modoce vacated ttie Cave on April 19, and the Warm Springe scouts scattered out in small parties to hunt the enem:y. 3 They scouted the country east of the battle ground and worked around to the strong• hold of the Modocs. On April 26 the Modoos were engaged by a detachment of regulars and thirty scouts at Sand Hill, four miles from the Cave. This was more disastrous to the troops than to the Modoos. One Modoc was killed and the Warm Springs scouts captured his body and gave it to the soldiers who scalped his head and skinned his body, dividing scalp and skin among the victors. 4 Agent Smith commented on the work of the scouts as followsz Their service during the war cannot be exaggerated as they ,mdoubtedly saved the soldiers of Captain Has- brouck from a total ma.ssaore at Sorass Lake, May 10. They were the captors of the Lava Beds and in fact did all the successful fighting that was done, and never 1T. A. Bland. Life of Alfred B. Meacham. "The Tragedy of the Lava Beds", A Lecture Delivered by Alfred B. Meacham, May 24, 1874, (Washi~tona T. A. am M. c. Bland. 1883), P• 36. 2 contributions ~ North .Ag\erioan Ethnoix!l, 51st Cong •• 1st Sesa., H. Ex. Doc. 212, pt. 1, Vol. XLIV, 1891, iii. 3 The Union, Yreka. California, April 22, 1873. Lulu D. Cran- dall Collection, Sorapbook Fort Dalles Historical Society, The Dalles. Oregon. ' 4Bland , 2,E.• ~., P• 35. .. forgoj their duty as Christians during the whole time. The Modoos were forced to retreat. This was the beginning of the dissolution of their forces, and their provisions commenced to give out. One portion of the warriors beoa.me dissatisfied with the leader- ship of Kintpuash, and internal strife assisted the white soldiersJ tor during the month of May the fighting was brought to a close e.nd in the following October, Captain Jack, their leader, and three of his com- panions were hanged. An interesting note appeared in The Dalle~ Mountaineer on June 28, 1873, regarding the paying of scouts for their services during the war. When the Indians reached The Dalles they were met by their families, and by night had spent prac- tically all of the $7,000 in currency paid them by the United States Army disbursing offioers.2 ~ Bannock Campaign Within a few years the Warm Springs scouts were again called to aotionJ this time to participate in the Bannock campaign during 1878. Major General William T. Sherman authorized him to enlist scouts from the Warm Springs or Nez Perce tribes. 3 He received his authorization to Sess., 1 John Smith to E. P. Smith, September 1, 1873. 43d Cong., 1st Vol. I, (Ser. 1601) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 688. 2 The Mountaineer (Weekly), June 28, 1873, P• 2. 3Major General McDowell to General w. T. Sherman, June 6, 1878. 45th Cong., 3d Sese., (Ser. 1843) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 2, Vol. I, 1S8. .. enlist Indians as soldiers, for the number of s oouts could not be in• creased at this timei 1 and through General O. o. Howard a request was sent to .Agent Smith for not less than ten Indians. 2 73 Many of the Indians were absent .from the Reserva.t ion, hunting or fishing, and Smith had to send .fbr them. After a few days' delay a co\lllcil was held, which vas attended by nearly all the principal head men, including the head chief. They were informed of the request of General Howard, and the Agent and the missionary, Reverend Fee, urged thElll to assist, but few oft hem wished to go. Ev.ldently the wrong impression was given to many people re• garding their decision., end SIilitti endeavored to explain their action 1x> the Commissioner. He wrote , 1878. The principal reason given was that they were now living in peace with all mankinµ; that I had taught them that it was wrong to fight and they had abandoned it: and besides e. missionary had 'come to teach them about God' e law, and now to go to this war, they would have to go back and es sume the old time charaoter--have their war dance and be again saw.ge--a character they were trying to throw off. Besides it was near harvest time, and if they lef't they would have to hire someone to harvest their crops for them. They also called up their experience in the Modoc War where they rendered faithful service for which they received but little pay; and the relatives of those braves who were killed had never received pensions, thou gh such promises were made to them when they enlisted. 1Ibid., General w. T. Sherman to General Irvin McDowell., June 7. Gene'rar'°McDowell to G8 neral Howard, June 7, 1878. 2 John Smith to E. A. Hayt., August 17. 1878. 45th Cong., 3d Sess~ Vol. I (Ser. 1850) H. Ex.Doc. 1, pt. 5. Vol. IX, 620-621. The question here was asked., "If we go to this war and sane of us get killed., who will provide for our wives and children?" It was also, they said, a long di stance off to the seat of the war. and they were unwilling to go so far from home.1 74 The principal trouble aeemed to be that Genera l Howard had not sent definite terms as to thei r pay, fbr he merely stated that he wanted themas scouts and they were to furnish their own horses. One Indian stated that he had reoei ved one hundred dollars a month a. s a scout in the Modoc War, so others demanded this price. They did not want to go unless a canpe.ny of forty were enlisted at the above salary, and 1:x:> this proposition., headquarters replied that no terms could be made, "except to give them pay and supplies of soldiers". The matter rested here, and nothing further was done, al though Agent &i.ith informed the Commissioner that a company of men could have been raised who would furnish their 01'11 horses and equipage for forty dollars a month. Their refusal occasioned many false and unjust rumors., 2 and Captain &ni th was anxious that the truth of the situation be ex- pl ained. 1 Ibid. Also G. H. Atkinson to A. c. Barstow, January 28, 1878. 10th Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs., 1878,(washington: ~rnment Pnntingot'fioe, 1879), p. 667 Ibid., Myron Eells to E. A. Hayt., July 16., 1878, P• 64. - 2 Ibid . , John Smith to E. A. Hayt, August 17., 1878., p. 621. Also, G. H. Atkµison to A. c. Barstow, January 28, 1878., p. 65. R,, E. .1-·-·-· Cl'.>, v-_l I I j £..,, . I _,,; /-1- - -- i I l I I R.l 1 E. R, 11 E . R,12 E. ·-·-· ..... · . 1·:,·:;. :\: .<~~ii,/ . .,;,--.,1-,,,~.,.....,.~ ... t ••••• ,. , •• "7S R.13 E. R. 14 i. WARM SPRINGS INDIAN HESERVATION OREGON CHAPTER IV FIRST STEPS IN CIVILIZATION--AGRICULTURE With the establishment of large settlements on the Pacifio Coast in the newly acquired regions of California and Oregon, the pres- sure of the white population upon the natives increased to suoh a degree, that by 1850 a new policy was necessarily initiated for dealing with the Indians. The general plan of removal had to be abandoned, and a sub- stitute found that would, in the end, make the natives capable to meet the new situation. It was neoessary to transform them from hunters and food gather6rs. to agricultural producers. A.H. H. Stuart, Secretary of Interior, wrote of this situa- tion in 1851 as follows: The great obstacle to success which must be met and overcome in the outset is their nomadic mode of life--to tame a savage, one must tie him down to the soil. One must make him understand the value of property and the benefit of its separate ownership; one must encourage the appropriation of lands by individualsJ attach them to their homes by the ties of interest1 teach them the uses of agriculture and the arts of peace; make them learn to substitute beef and pork and mutton as their food, for the deer and the buffalo. 1 Some of the Indians had learned to till the soil in a limited way, and in 1851. when .Anson Dart vi.sited the upper Columbia region, he lAnnual Report of the Secretary of Interior, November 29, 1851. 32d Cong •• 1st Seas. (Ser. 612) s. Ex. Doc. 1., Vol. II, pt. 2, 503. 77 reported that several of the tribes "manifested great desire to be furnished with useful farming implements--suoh as ploughs, axes, sickles, et cetera. 111 He found the Wasoos in the vicinity of The Dalles cul- tivating small patches of land, many of the squaws using nothing but a stick to scratch the soil, but nevertheless, this was a progression from the hunting stage. The instructions given to Joel Palmer in 1854, 2 authorizing him to negotiate treaties with the Oregon Indians, also admonished him of the importance of providing that the monies to be paid might at the discretion of the President be applied for the establishment of farms, the purchase of implements of agriculture, or any other objects of benefit to the Indians. This was duly provided in the treaty, and a stipulation was included for the allotment of land to be made, also at the discretion of the President, when the Indians were sufficiently advanced. During the early years of the Reservation, as has been seen, the Indians were terrorized by repeated assaults of the Snakes from the Blue Mountains. Their crops were ruined and their stook was driven off. 1 .Anson Dart to Luke Lea, September 23, 1852. 32d Cong., 2d Seas., (Ser. 673) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, pt. 1, 448. 2 Annual Report of the Secretary of Interior, November 26, 1855. 34th Cong., 1st Sess. (Ser. 840) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, pt. l, 332. 78 Early in the spring of 1859, the attacks oommenoed, and although they had plowed over four hundred acres of land, probably sixty aores re- mained unplanted. 1 The Indians saw the futility of working without a protecting military force, when the Snakes could in one visit completely destroy all their efforts. They had had difficulty in producing sufficient food to carry them through the first winter, so by spring it was necess&ry to go into the hills to dig roots. However, after the first attack of their enemy, they were so frightened that they refused to go out of sight of the Agency buildings to find food. Many of them left the Reservation w.i.th their families and stook, going into the neighborhood of the settlements along the Columbia River where they might find protection and food and work. So, through fear and need, they failed to put in crops and the plowed land remained unple.nted. The Indians progressed slowly but steadily. In 1860 Dennison reported that if they were protected from the depredations of the hostile Indians and given the ample provisions provided by the treaty, they c.ould learn to live comfortably. 2 They had large herds of horses, for 1A. P. Dennison to Edward R. Geary, July 14, 1859. 36th Cong. 1st Sess. (Ser. 1023) s. Ex. Doc. 2, Vol. I, 802. Dennison divided the cultivated lands among the several families, requiring each family to cultivate its own fields. 2G. H. Abbott to Edward R. Geary, July 30, 1860. 36th Cong., 2d Sess. (Ser. 1078) s. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, 443. 79 wealth with them was measured by the size of a man's herd, 1 and some of them, therefore, might even be considered wealthy. Although occasionally in the first few years, crops were ample, yet there were natural handicaps that affected the fortunes of these people. Because of the altitude, the region was subject to frosts which damaged crops; also the rain- and snowfall was light, and the porous soil made some form of irrigation necessary. Consequently, all the farms were crowded onto narrow creek bottoms in rock-bound canyons. High water washed away some of the best land, forcing the farmers into the uplands. Not until this occurred did the Indians discover that some of the tablelands were excellent for raising grain. The farmers soon found a remedy which tended to minimize the loss by drought and the frequent scourge of grasshoppers. Grain planted in the fall matured three to four weeks earlier than spring wheat and could be harvested before crops were damaged. 2 The winter of 1861 was unusually severe. By the twentieth of December snow had fallen to a depth of between twenty and thirty inches over the entire country, and it remained until the twentieth of Maroh. 3 lHerds varied in size from one to three hundred horses. See table p.303for the number of Indian horses from 1864-1900. 2John Smith to J. w. Perit Huntington, June 26, 1867. 40th Cong., 2d Sees., (Ser. 1326) H. Ex. Doc. l, Vol. III, 89. ~«illiam Logan to William H. Reotor, July 28, 1862. 37th Cong., 3d Sess. (Ser. 1157) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 2, Vol. II, 434. 80 Two-thirds of the Government ca~tle and some horses and mules were killed by the unprecedented severity of the winter. The Indians, who turned their hardy ponies and cattle out on the range to forage, had no protection for them, and lost al.most all their stook. 1 By spring the oxen were so weak from lack of food, that plowing could not be com- menced until the grass had grown sufficiently to enable them to regain their strength. Some of the oxen were old and almost useless at best, having come across the plains with Governor Stevens of Washington in 1852, so the Superintendent of farming reoonunended that new animals be purchased and the old ones be allowed to become "fit for beef" so they would be of some use, otherwise they would dio. 2 In addition to the backwardness of the season, there was a shortage of seed grain, for Agent Logan had been forced to issue mueh of his supply for food during the winter while the roads were impas- sable and no other food oould be obtained. However, the Indians worked well, enclosing and breaking 250 acres of new land.3 The Wascos and 1 ~·, James Hamil to William Logan, June 30, 1862, 197. 2James V'ihi tney to William Logan, August 1, 1863. ;s8th Cong., 1st Seas., (Ser. 1182) H. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. III, 197. 3The military of the district rendered material ain in keeping the Indians on the Reservation during diffioult years. About two-thirds of the Indians would have left their homes to prowl the country. William H. Rector to William P. Dole, September 2, 1862. 37th Cong., 3d Sess., (Ser. 1157) H. Ex. Doe. 1, pt. 2, Vol. II, 397. 81 Deschutes oultivated about 198 acres altogether in corn and vegetables, using the Agency teams for plowing. Some of the Indians had learned to work without assistance, while others had to have the work done for them. Chief Que-pe-mah of the Tyghs refused to engage in farming and influenoed his followers; so that, although their seventy acres of lend were enclosed and broken for them, the ground remained untilled. Que- pe-~ was more desirous of obtaining arms and .ammunition on his infre- quent visits to the Agency, than of securing agricultural implements and seed for his tribe. Every year, the Department put in a small farm which varied in size according to the amount of seed that was available, and the time the farmer and employees had, after assisting the Indians. If it was late, there was usually very little yield, and the Agent would have to depend upon buying supplies from the Indians to issue to the needy and to feed the Department stock. This gave the Indians an income, helping them to provide their needs. In addition to the natural he.ndicaps, there were other hind- rances to agricultural success on the ~eservation. One was the fear of the Snakes, which has already been mentioned, and the other was the attraction to these salmon-eaters of the fisheries during the st:anmer. Here, along the Columbia River, they spent their time, catching 82 and eating salmon, and many times in innocent amusement s in The Dalles.I The distance of the fisheries from the Reservation necessi- t ated the removal of the entire family to the fishing stations along the river, where the Indians remained during t he entire summer, neglect- ing their crops which they left to the mercy of the wild weeds, unless some kindly neighbor cultivated their fields. In these early years farms were inadequately fenced with poles, until a sa'Wlllill was built2 to provide the Agenoy with lumber, and during the absence of the Indians, oattle often broke into the green fields, trampling or eating the entire crop. If the individual farmers could have possessed their own har- ness and tools, they could have vorked more efficiently, plowing when the ground was in the best oondition, and cultivating when their fields needed care, without having to wait their turn for the Department implements. The Government would als o have been saved the expense of feeding and caring for oxen, for the Indians could easily have used their own ponies for plowing and oul ti vs.ting. The Agent asked for additional harness to be furnished to the Indians, but it was not 1 ~·, James Hamil to William Logan, June 30, 1862, p. 435. P• 401. 2 ~·, William Rector to William P. Dole, September 2, 1862, 83 supplied to them at this time. Money and supplies arrived slowly. The Government was in the midst of war, and matters, not of immediate importance were easily sidetracked. The Agent and his employees had to use their own resources to a great extent. Lacking an adequate supply of tools, many Indians harvested wheat with common butcher knives. The implements furnished were very inferior and the plows could not be used in the rooky soil, for they were not of "chilled iron" as requested by the Agent. Twenty-four year s later the Agent, Alonzo Gesner, complained in his annual report of the scarcity of tools. 1 There was only one mower on the Iteservation at that time, and it was the private property of an Indian. The acreage under cultivation had increased from about 425 to 2,000; yet the Indians out their grain with ordinary mowing scythes or old-fashioned grain cradles, some using a reaping hook. Some of the farmers used harrows with wooden teeth, while others, more for- tunate, used iron-tooth harrows. There was no machinery of any kind to clean grain for sowing, and Gesner added, that the tools were such ae would not sell among farmers in the vicinity. 2 He continued: It is necessary to furnish better implements as farming as now carried on is a drudgery, and it is only the Indian's wants and desires that keep him. on the farm. 3 1Alonzo Gesner to H. Price, August 15, 1884. 48th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2287) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 1, Vol. XII, 196. 2Ibid. 3Ibid. 84 Contracts and Fraud Repeated complaints were made by Oregon Agents and Super- intendents to the Indian Department at Washington, D. C. regarding supplies furnished to the western Agencies. The treaties made with the Indians in Washington and Oregon provided that a l arge part of the first payment for the ceded lands should be applicable to "providing for their removal to the reservation", "br eaking up and fencing farms", "building houses" and "supplying provisions and a suitable outfit", et cetera. The aggregate amount to be expended for these objects and ap- propriated by Congress during 1860 was $231,000, of which $111,000 we.s expended in eastern markets. 1 Mr. Geary crit icized this plan in his annual report of 1860. This expenditure does not appear to be in a~oord- ance with the spirit and intent of these treaties; nor does it meet the just expectations of the Indians. These purchases, by which large sums have been diverted from the original intention have greatly em- barrassed the Agent, and occasion a loss to the several tribes that can only be made up by a remunerative ap- propriation. Some of the dry goods are not adapted to the condition and habits of the Indians on this side of the Rocky Mountains, and one-half the amount would have sufficed for the present wants2 1Edwa.rd R. Geary t o A. B. Greenwood, October 1, 1860. ~6th Cong., 2d Seas.~ (Ser. 1076) s. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, 409- 410. 85 The practice of purchasing supplies by contract in the east had been adopted during the days of the California "gold rush" when prices were at their peak on the Pacific Coast. It was generally supposed that even with additional frei ght charges, purchases could be made at a saving. 1 This necessity soon passed, and difficulty was frequently experienced in the receipt of i mpractical goods and materials of sub-standard quality purchased on contract. One Indian Commissioner, being i mpatient to make purchases, did not avrait receipt of the Oregon Superintendent's requi sitions and sent goods which were neither needed nor fitting. 2 When Huntington received his annual supplies he found fancy mirrors in place of small steel plows, frying pans in place of harness for ponies, iron spoons in place of axes and grain cradles.3 In 1865 a special committee was appointed to investigate the condition of the Indian tribes, and its report showed graft and fraud in the purchases of supplies. 1Vnlliam. P. Dole to Secretary of Interior, May 2, 1863. 39th Cong., 2d Sess. (Ser. 1279) H. Ex. Doc. 3, Vol. V, 15. 2Ibid. Sub-report of J. w. Nesmith to J. R. Doolittle, 15. 3Ibid. The time and manner in which the goods have been shipped have been most unfortunately chosen. The goods of 1863 were not only shippea by the costly Isthmus route, but they were subject to exorbitant charge for packing, arayage, et cetera, and the bulky nature of some of the articles was such as to make the freight a great deal more than the value of the goods themselves. Handled axes, hatchets, pitchforks, garden hoes, •••• were cased in heavy pine boxes to be trans- ported over the route from Baltimore and New York to Warm Springs and Umatilla. The transportation of the bulky wooden handles was five times the value of the articles, handles and all after delivery, while the Indians would have thought it no hardship to make the handles themselves out of the timber whioh grows upon their reservations. The purchases of 1864 were all shipped via Cape Horn and San Francisco to Salem1 Salem was the desti-nation of no part of the goods. The transportation cost from San Francisco to Salem was $74 per ton, and the goods had to be re-shipped down the Willamette River to Portland and thence east to the Reservation. Goods destined for the coast reserves had to be packed across the mountains from Salem on horses. The committee included a report of its investigation into the quality of the goods reoeivect in Oregon. 1Ibid., PP• 13-14. 86 The article shipped as cotton duck was a light and inferior article of cormn.on drilling. A consider- . able part of the thread sent out was rotten and utterly worthless •••• Fancy mirrors, costing $5 per dozen were sent; they proved to be little looking-glasses about two inches in diameter and worth absolutely nothing to the Indians •••• Scissors and sheers in inordinate quantity and utterly worthless in quality were sent. Tinware packed in roomy oases until the freight was far in excess of the value •••• in short the entire pur- chases show either ignorance of the Indian's wants or design to defraud them. 1 87 Included in their report were suggestions made by the com• mittee regarding future purchases for western Reservations, as follows: 1. The purchase of goods should invariably be made by a person acquainted with the Indians and their wants and with the character of the climate and country where they are to be consumed. 2. That purchases should b& made at the whole- sale mart nearest to the Agency where they are required. 3. That purchases in Baltimore and New York neces- sarily involve an enormous transportation charge or else the ~thholding of the goods from the Indians for the year. When contracts were let for supplies, some of the materials and implements furnished were neither suitable nor adaptable to the conditions of the Indians west of the Rocky Mountains. Suitable goods 1~, P• 14. 2Ibid. 88 of the best quality could be purchased in local markets at prices ranging but little above those paid for similararticles shipped from New York, and one-half the quantity would have sufficed for immediate needs. The freight might have been saved, and the risk and exposure avoided by which many articles were damaged in transportation.1 During the spring of 1864 the first plague of grasshoppers infested the Reservation. In some instances whole fields were devas- tated, particularly north of the Warm Springs River--the stalks being denuded of leaf and grain. The crops were small, but altogether the Indians were in better circumstances than many of the settlers north of the Agency, whose crops were entirely destroyed. 2 From this year on, there were periodic visitations of these pests, until at times the Indians were completely discouraged. In 1866, John Smith took charge of the Agency, succeeding William Logan. 3 He found the Indians nearly destitute. Their crops had fai led the preceding sum.mer, and the severe winter which followed compelled them to use for food all the wheat, corn and potatoes which 1Edward R. Geary to A. B. Greenwood, October 1, 1860. 36th Cong., 2d Sess. (Ser. 1078) S. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, 409-410. 2william Logan to J. W. Perit Huntington, July 28, 1864. 38th Cong., 2d Sess. (Ser. 1220) H. Ex. Doc. 1. Vol. V, 243. 3John Smith to J. W. Perit Huntington, August 25, 1866. 39th Cong. 2d Sess. (Ser. 1284) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. II, 82. Smith was appointed June 11, 1866. 89 they had reserved for seed. As soon as the snow disappeared from the hills• they dug roots, subsisting on them until the fishing season opened. Smith used the annuity fund to purchase seed wheat, corn and potatoes. The animals were in poor condition, and the Indians were necessarily late in their planting. In the middle of May the grass- hoppers appeared in greater numbers, and two months earlier, than in 1865. They entirely consumed one field after another at different points on the Reservation; so that, although there was an abundant har- vest for some, other Indians left the Reservation, compelled by the necessity to find food and did not return to their land for many years .l It was estimated that if the grain had not been destroyed the yield would have amounted to 5,000 bushels of wheat and 400 bushels of oats. As it was, they only realized 2,300 bushels of wheat, for 'Which the Indians received $6,900, and seventy-five bushels of oats which they sold for $131. During the harvest, Smith visited the farm of every Indian on the Reservation, examining the crops and compiling the fol lowing statistics: 2 1John Smith to J. W. Perit Huntington, July 20, 1868. 40th Cong., 3d Sess. (Ser. 1366) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. II, 576. 2John Smith to J. w. Perit Huntington, August 25, 1866. 39th Cong., 2d Sess. (Ser. 1284) H. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. II, 83. Agricultural .Production of Indians--1866 Tribe )'/heat Q.2m ~ Deschutes (16l 1,335b 71 Wasco Tygh (38) 1.i52 161 (33) 55 .!Q2 Totals 3,342 .341 aNumber of Indians engaged farming. byield given in bushels. 31 - 31 Acres Planted.During Year, 1866 Wheat Corn Oats Potatoes Garden vegetables Total 260 acres 20 10 60 -2l 375 acres 90 Potatoes 256 4JO 194 930 The Deschutes tribe was settled on meadowland uhich required little labor to clear and prepare for cultivation, explaining the large wheat crop harvested by so few men. One man belonging to that tribe• I.awlas, raised over 300 bushels. and two other men harvested over 200 bushels each. The Wascos had more desire and were more willing to engage in farming operations. but their location on timbered land with heavy underbrush required a great amount of labor for caj.tivation. 91 Few of the Tyghs were interested in farming. Nearly all of t hem l ived t ogether at the mouth of the Warm Springs River about twelve miles north of the Agency, where there was very little tillable land. Probably their land would not produce more than 200 bushels of wheat, in all. Poust-am- i-ne•s band of Tyghs planted twenty-one acres of wheat, and one acre in corn and potatoes. There was no easy means of communi- cation between their t'ield and the Agency, so they constructed a very good wagon road auring the winter. They had to labor very hard, for it lay over a mount ainous and rocky country for a distance of sixteen :miles. 1 Part of the Tygh tribe, which had been absent for two years, returned in August 1866 with their Chief Que-pe-mah, and put in twenty acres of grain. 2 This, their i'irst crop, was destroyed on June 15, when cattle broke through their fences and tatally destroyed their wheat.3 lJohn Smith to J. w. Perit Huntington, June G6, 1867. 40th Cong., id Sess., (Ser. 1~26) H. Ex. Doc. l, Vol . III, 85-90. 2Eight John Days also accompanied Que-pe-mah when he returned. John Smith to J. w. Perit Huntington, August 25, 1866. 39th Cong., 2d Sess . , (Ser. 1284) H. Ex. Doc. l, Vol . II, 83. 3John Smith to J. W. Perit Huntington, June G6, 1867. 40th Cong., ld Sess., (Ser. 1326) H. Ex. Doc. 1. Vol. III, 88-89. There were only two John Day Indians on the Reservation at this ti.me, and they were oultivating two acres of wheat. In general, the interest of the Indians in agriculture was inoreasing. The .Agent was anxious that they be instructed in more efficient methods, and he detailed the employees to spend as much time 92. as possible among them, teaching the men to plow, drive teems and harvest. He also encouraged the men to do the labor on the farms, replacing women whose occupation it had always been.l The Indian men had considered it beneath the dignity of a 11 brave 11 to provide e:ny food but fish or game.2 The summer of 1867 produced an abundant harvest, and the In- dians were able to devote much of the following winter to improving their f arms, repairing fences and enlarging their holdings. An extremely cold winter followed, however, and much of the seed wheat was again fed to the animals to keep them alive. The Super- intendent supplied them with seed which enabled them all to plant, and t he harvest yield ~as nearly three times that of 1867.3 1The Indians regarded their women as valuable only as to the amount of labor they were capable of enduring. AB soon as a woman became aged of infirm, she was deserted and left to gain her own sub- s istence or aie of starvation. Jolm Smith to A. B. Meacham. July 1. 1869. 41st Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 1414) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 3, Vol. III, 602. 2T. w. Davenport, '*Recollections of an I ndian Agent." ~ Quarterly~~ Oregon Historical Society, VIII, No. l, March 1907, 122. 3John Smith to J. W. Perit Huntington, July 20, 1868. 40th Cong . , 3d Sess., (Ser. 1366) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. II, 575-576. 93 In 1866, Smith estimated that there were some two hundred Indians engaged in farming, and the number promised to increase an- nually.1 The laok of an adequate supply of farming implements and equipment prevented more satisfactory results. There were only twenty- four pl ows and twenty sets of old harness, where at least fifty plows and seventy- five sets of harness were needed. The five Depar'bnent wagons had been in service for twenty years and were insufficient in quantity. The prosperity of the past two years had encouraged them, and they were a l l anxious to become farmers. About this time a party of United States• surveyors called attention to another spot called 11Sinnemarsh11 about fifteen miles from the Agency which was supposed to be fit for cultivation, and probably large enough to make fifty small farms. It was s i tuated 1,000 to 1,500 feet higher than the land already cultivated and would be subject to late and early frosts . 2 This spot soon became the northern center of population on the ~eservation. John Smith resumed charge of the Agency in the fall of 1870, after a shor t absence, and the oonditions were much as they had been when he arrived in 1866.3 There were only 120 bushels of wheat on hand lrbi d., 576. -2Ibid . , 533 . Also written Sinnema.sho and Simnasho, meaning "thorn bush,r;-- 3John Smith to A, B. Meacham. September 1, 1871, 42d Cong, , 2d Sess., Vol . I, (Ser . 1505) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. III, pt. 1, 725. 94 for the subsistence of the infirm Indians during the winter, and he was forced to buy seed wheat and feed for the Department stock. The following spring and summer were unusually dry, not more than one in three of the Indian farmers raised anything. The principal yiel d was on the Shitike Creek, for all the other streams were dry. Not one pound of grain was produced on the Department farm, although the usual amount of land was cultivated. Fearing failure of orops, Smith gave the Indians permission to go to Tum.water, near The Dalles, after salmon and furnished them several tons of salt. They secured an ample supply of fish and roots, and only a few old persons needed Government aid during the winter. The harvest of 1872 was the first large one for three years, and the Indians had a large surplus for which there was a ready market in the nearby settlements. 1 In anticipation of a crop failure, Smith had given them permission to go to the fisheries and into the mountains to dig for roots, so they had a good supply of provision aside from their crops and could dispose of their cereal grains for cash. With success in farming and the satisfaction of an ample har- vest, there was less disposition on the part of the Indians to leave the Reservation to search for food. They became more satis fied to remain 1John Smith to T. B. Odeneal, September 1, 1872. 42nd Cong., 3d Sess. Vol. I, (Ser. 1560) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. III, pt. 1, 749. 95 on their farms, breaking new ground and building comfortable houses and barns. A few purchased fruit trees and farming implements, lea.med to make butter, and raised hogs and chickens.l During the next few years dry seasons and crickets alternately attacked the crops of the Indian farmers. In 1875, late rains benefited the grain somewhat, and the more thrifty farmers even had a surplus for sale. 2 The Agent gave a large number of the natives permission to go to the mountains to hunt and pick berries, and to the Willamette Valley to pick hops in 1876 and 1877, that they might provide themselves with food and clothing for the winter. He appointed a few of their principal and most reliable men to oversee them and report any irregularities in conduct. The results were satisfactory, and this practice was continued during the following years . The Indians were thus taught to labor and earn something for themselves, and they were also brought in contact with a better class of white people. 1 John Smith to A. B. Me~cham, July 1, 1869. 41st Cong., 2d Sess ., (Ser. 1414) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 3, Vol. III, 604. 2John Smith to E. p. Smith, August 23, 1875. 44th Cong. 1st Sees., Vol. I, (Ser. 1680) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 857. 96 In 1875, Captain Smith reported that several of the leading alld influential men of the Warm Springs tribe bad enclosed and broken new lands,1 and he predicted that same day they would forge ahead of the other tribes in agricultural accomplishments. The Warm Springs had been the most backward of the peoples on the Reservation, clinging tenaciously to t heir own religion and superst itions, and preferring to lead a carefree and vagrant life rather than to sul:mit to restrictions and regulations. Within the next five years the John Day and Wann Springs Indians roused from their lethargy. They chose a new head nan, and under his influence they opened farms, breaking about five hundred acres of new land, built more fences and cultivated more land within a space of about eight months than during the previous twenty years. Not less than twenty new farms were located with fran five to twenty acres in each that was cultivated and fenced. 2 Agent Smith reported to the Indian Commissioner in 1881: Scarcely an Indian family upon this reservation can be found that does not have a patch of ground in culti- vation. Hundreds of acres are now cultivated by the Warm Springs that were untouched three years ago.3 1Ibid., 857. 2John Smith to E. A.. Marble, August 16, 1880. 46th Cong., 3d. Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1959) H. Ex:. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IX, 269. 3John Smith to H. Price, August 17 • 1881. 47th Cong., lat Seas. Vol, n. (Ser. 2018) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. X, 212. 97 The people were beginning to depend more and more upon field and garden produce for their subsistence; while wild game, roots end berries were used to satisfy the appetite long aooustomed to this food. Salted and dried salmon were also decreasing in the quantity prepared. In 1888 the problem of agriculture and poor land was revived. The Agent found in looking over the Reservation, a lar~e tract or plateau of level country lying between the Shitike Creek and the Warm Springs River. 1 It was from six to eight miles wide and eighteen miles long, sufficient to give the people 200 or 300 homes of improved quality. It was not susceptible to cultivation immediately for want of water, but he suggested that water could be supplied in abundance at a very amall outlay by building an irrigating ditch. He also stressed the importance of additional good farming land to lure those Indians who had left the Reservation to return. The greatest obstacle by this time to the cultivation of land on the Reservation was the obtaining of a permanent supply of water. By the last decade of the nineteenth century there was less grain raised than there had been two decades before, although more Indians were en- gaged in agriculture. Successive freshets had either carried off much of the soil along the creek bottoms or had out deep ditches which left the cultivated land high and dry. The land that \Vas still used had been cropped £or so many years fuat it was "worn out." lnaniel w. Butler to John H. Oberly, August 27, 1888. 60th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (uer. 2637) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. II,216. 98 Rain.fall oould never be depended upon.It is true that there were a number of splendid streams of ...ater coursing through the Reser• vation and on two sides of it, but the nature of the country would neoessitate a large outlay of money and labor to utilize them. In his annual report to the Indian Commissioner in 1890, Agent Luckey wrote, Days of fishing and hunting are a.bout over as a means of livelihood. The wild game is nearly all killed off and the salmon are lessening in number, so that oomparati vely few would be caught, even if1 these Indians had access to their old fishing places. There are still plenty of roots. Their reservation is better for raising wild roots than for anything else, for many of the kinds of roots these Indians gather grow only in rooky places, the prevailing feature of this reservation. The time is not far distant when some aoti ve mrk must be done toward irrigation, for the Indians are fast having to depend for their sustenance upon the products of the soil obtained by their own labor. The crops last season were a failure, !'ran the heat and protracted drought, following a small rainfall during the previous winter and spring. Last winter was an exceedingly hard one upon man and beast, and starvation often stared these Indians in the face. All that saved much intense suffering and hunger, if not many deaths, was the giv- ing out of subsistence sent to this agency for other purposes than issue to Indians except they were lame, blind, et cetera." 2 1A oontest was being carried on strenuously between Indians and United States• citizens over the fishing rights along the Columbia River. Commercial fishermen disputed the Indians 1 treaty rights• See the chapter explaining this controversy indetail. 2J. c. Luakey ix> T. J. Morgan, August 23, 1890. 51st Cong., 2d sess., Vol. II (Ser. 2841) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. nI. 211. 99 An estimate was ma.de in the next year that an appropriation of at least $1,000 should be ma.de for an irrigation fund, as the oom- mencement of a more extensive system, Al.moat all the tillable land was classed as "arid land", and no one person owned enough land to justify the necessary outlay to bring water to it. Whereas it was believed by some1 that this Reservation was the poorest and dryest in the Northwest, and that since the Indians had always been loyal to the Government, furnishing more scouts to assist in Indian wars than any other tribes-- the Government should give them some reward for their loyalty and brav- ery: yet the situation of the small patches of tillable land made an extensive irrigation system impracticable. An irrigating canal, one mile in length, was constructed in 1894 by Indian labor to furnish water for the school and .Agency farms.2 This was necessary to furnish hay and alfalfa for the stock, but nothing was aone for the individual Indians. Plans were proposed for an effi- cient water system, and in 1897 a reservoir was built, and water was piped to all Department buildings. l J.C. Luckey to T. J. Morgan, September 1, 1891. 62d Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2934) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 6, Vol. XV, 382. 2E. E. Benjamin to D. M. Browning, August 15, 1894. 63d Cong., 3d Seas., Vol. II, (Ser. 3306) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 6, Vol. XV, 272. Stock Raisin£ The handicaps to agriculture and the hardships endured by the Indians, most of whom labored apparently for day by day existence, rather than to lay aside 1JBterial wealth fCl'the future was noted by Felix Brunot, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, in 1871 when he visited the Reservations in Oregon and Washington. After his return to Wash- ington, D. C. he made an extensive report to t he Board of Indian Com- missioners,1 stating that h~ believed the land MtS not fitted for ag- riculture and described it as •miserable•, estimating that only about 500 acres, already occupied by the Indians near the Agency, were actual- ly tillable. The arable portion had been estimated variously between 1,500 and 4,000 acres, but he insisted that only a portion of this would yield crops. He continued: A much smaller number of white men would find it difficult to sustain themselves by cultivating the soil of the Warm Sprin€f3Reservation, and certainly the Indians never can sustain t hemselves there without re- sorting to fishing, hunting, and gathering roots and berries. All these resources, in addition to their anti-civilizing effect •••• are rapidly diminishing and without them the Indians must again bec01m ' dependent on the Government for food or become wanderers among the white settlanents.2 1Felix Brunot to Board of Indian Commissioners, November 20, 1871, 42d Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. I, (Ser. 1505) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. III. pt. l, 533• 2Ibid. 10!. A. B. Meacham, the Superintendent of Indian Affairs for Oregon, devoted part of his annual report in 1870 to the advisabi lity of encouraging stock raising, rather than agr.icult'l.ll'e on the :R·eservation. V/arm Springs Reservation as an agricult'lll'al country is a total failure. The only way the people can ever become self-supporting will be as stock-raisers. They are poor and have but little stock of their own, and the funds annually appropriated are expended in keeping up the Agency and feeding Indians from year to year. A few individual Indians have s.nall farms of poor land; nevertheless, they are advancing in agricultural pursuits and would make responsible citizens if allowed to becane so. The remainder appear disheartened from repeated failure of crops and dther causes and take but little interest in the land.i The Indians were urged to ra ise and breed cattle, for nourish- ing wild grass2 grew abundantly on b !reservation and little care was necessary in proportion to the income the cattlemen received :fran the sale of their animals. Some of the people were more anxious to hunt and fish and provide for their immediate needs than to spend the days herding cattle on the ranges, but the more far-sighted Indian farmers bought all available animals from their neighbors. High grade Devon and Hereford cattle were introduced into the R-eservation herds, and 1A. B. Meacham to E. s. Farker. September 21, 1870. 41st Cong. 3d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1449) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 4; Vol. r:v, pt. 1, 515. 2Indians living on reservations . .blUe in general the right to cut bay for the use of their livestock, but cannot cut and sell it to white persons. The military stationed on a reservation have a similar right regarding hay or timber. 1t Papers Acoanpanying the Report 01' the Commissioner of Indian Affairs'~ 1878. 45th Cong.• 3d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1850) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IX. 487. • 10a: the Agent attempted to educate the interested Indians in the care and breeding of their anima.ls. 1 There was little market for horses, except in the canneries in Portland and Linnton where the meat was worked up into canned "corned beef". The established price for an ordinary horse in the last decade of the century was $2.50, 'While an especially good animal might be worth $5 or even $8, but a good oow or steer brought i 50 or more.2 Che Indian, Kishwalk, was engaged in sheep raising and in 1887 realized.$4,322.25 from the sale of mutton and $4,105 from the sale of wool. 3 In 1897, Kishwalk had a flock of 7,500 sheep, although he started with only seventy-five sheep in 1879. Sheep required more oare than cattle or horses. for they had to be herded during the day and oorraled at night to protect them from 1'i. ld animals, but the country WS.f well adapted for sheep raising, and an effort was made to interest other Indians in this form of industry. 4 1R. R. Thompson to Joel Palmer, March 13, 1856. 34th Cong., 3d Sess •• (Ser. 875) s. Ex. Doe. 5, Vol. II, 759. They wished $3.000 per year for the first 5 years to be retained from their annuities and expended in the purchase of stock, principally young cattle. 2A. o. Wright tow. A. Jones, August 6, 1900. 56th Cong •• 2d Seas. (Ser. 4101) H. Ex. Doo. 5, Vol. XXVII, 368. 3James L. Cowan tow. A. Jones, August 18, 1897. 55th Cong., 2d Sess. (Ser. 3641) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XIII, 26~-261. 4william w. Mitchell recommended in 1869 that $2,500 of the annuity fund be expended annually in purohase of sheep, for three years, and that they be taught to spin, wean and make their own clothes. William w. llitohell to A. B. Meacham, September 18, 1869. 41st Cong., 2d Sesa. {Ser. 1414) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 3, Vol. III, P• 606. 103 Subsistence and Income Under the influence of the Agent and his employees, the majority of the Indians were becoming civilized. Captain John Smith reported to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in 1876 on the condition of the Reservation: They are a people who ten years ago were as uncivilized as any Indians could be, without industry, without my apparent desire for or effort to obtain any better condition; without morals and without religion, thoroughly superstitious to t he last degree; living in lodges and tents and eking out a precarious existence on fish, game and their own aboriginal foods. Now they are lifting their heads and asking to be called men; working in civilized pursuits with commendable industry and making themselves comfortable homes; striving for independence and competency; learning that virtue, honesty and temperance are honorable to all, at least one-half signifying their accept ance of the Christian religion, and a goodly number showing themselves deter- mined to maintain its ordinances and be guided by its precepts and showing by their actions that the1 desire to be free from their besetting superstitions. Most of the Indians wore citizen's ~ress, some oonstantly, some only a portion of the time; governed to a oonsiderable degree by their ability to obtain it. The women were especially quick to adopt the oommon female apparel, but Smith remarked, "when they paint they use a greater quantity and more conspicuous oolors than is considered 1John Smith to J. Q. Smith, Septllmber 6, 1876. 44th Cong., 2d Seas. Vol. I, (Ser. 1749) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 531. 104 tasty in fashionable society." He added, however, "As an instance of their perception of the fitness of things, a painted faoe is re.rely seen at ohurch. 11 1 The Wascos and Teninos he.d made greater progress toward civilized manners and law-abiding habits than the Warm Springs Indians and were perhaps the most advanced Indians in the state. 2 Almost all of them were either provided with houses or had the material ready to build as soon as they could have land allotted to them, for they real- ized the advantages and comforts of houses in which to live. They lived within a radius of ten miles from the Agency. Most of them engaged in farming on a. small scale, raising hay and grain,. and their women were good gardeners, raising potatoes and~her hardy vegetables for winter use. They were generally fairly prosperous farmers, working not only for the present, but for the future, laying up property for their families. The Warm Springs with but few exceptions lived in tepees, up to the last decade of the nineteenth century, wearing long hair and speaking mostly Indian and the Chinook jargon. They lived about 1John Smith to E. p. Smith, September 8, 1874. 43d Cong.,. 2d Sess. Vol. I, (Ser. 1639) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. VI, 632-633. 2E. E. Benjamin to D. M. Browning, August 15, 1894, 53d Cong., 3d Seas., Vol. II, (Ser. 3396) H. Ex. Doo. l, pt. 5, Vol. XV, 270-271. 105 twenty miles north of the Agency, and were not subjected to the civilizing influences of the association with white employees and visitors at Warm Springs. For several years t heir portion of the Reservation had been overrun with oriokets whioh consumed the little that was sown and discouraged those who had been willing to farm this land. Within the next fifteen years the prediction of John Smith oommenoed to be realized. M&.n¥ of the Warm Springs Indians built houses and became thrifty farmers and cattlemen. All of them would readily work for pay to accumulate oapital so as to become stook raisers or farmers. Some clung to blankets and tepees, and relied upon hunting and fishing for their subsistence, however, and most of them wore long hair, although the Wasoos and Teninos out theirs short. The Paiutes were located on a small creek from six to eight miles south of the Agency, and by 1894 had apparently made no advance- ment since they had settled on the Reservation eight years before. They were in a condition of abjeot poverty, some of them seeming to have no desire to progress. They complained to the Agent that they were unable to get a start beoause nothing had been furnished them. Other Indians had been assisted by girts of farming implements, but nothing was provided £or the Pe.ui tes and, although they were willing to do hard work, they had no money bo buy tools, and the produce of the 106 few small gardens was rapidly consumed, with nothing saved for winter. Agent Luckey asked for plows, wagons, harness and seeds to get them started toward civilization. Some of the Indians continuea. to live as many white. men do elsewhere, by a hand-to-mouth existence, raising a little grain, pick- ing berries and hops, hiring out to other Indians or white men, g8lil.b• ling and idling away the time when they had something ahead and generally living for the present only. Their children had the advantage over the white children though, for they had allotments of land and opportunities for free schooling and might make something of themselves, in spite of their parents. In general, however, the Indians were industrious and "tena- ciously" competitive when Government work was available, such as haul- ing freight, cutting cord wood, or selling grain or beef. They thronged the Agent's office and were disappointed when they could not secure em- ployment.1 Many of the women were fairly good housekeepers, trying to live in the same manner as the average frontier family did, but they needed eauoation and trainjng in domestic economy. Something had been accomplishea. in the training of school girls in cooking and sewing, in care of dairy products and housekeeping, during the nineties, and this 1James L. Cowtm tow. A. Jones, August 15, 1899. 56th Cong., 1st Sess., pt. l, (Ser. 3915) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XVIII, 325. 107 knowledge was carried into the home to "'benefit the family. Agent Cowan believed that if a field matron were appointed for the Warm Springs .Agency, she could go from house to house instructing the women not only in housekeeping methods, but also in the necessary art of economiziJJg supplies.1 This education was left, however, to the aohools at Warm Springs and Simnasho. The new Supervisor2 in charge, A. o. Wright, summed up briefly his general observations in his first annual report, August 6, 1900s The dress varies from the old Indian dress to that of an ordinary white farmer. Most of the Warm. Springs wear long hair, while nearly all the Wascos and Tenina; wear it short, Nearly all wear moccasins, probably for convenience. I have not seen a single breecholout and leggings except on one or two at the War Dance. In daily life even the least civilized wear pantaloons. Many Warm Springs wear blankets. The women in general wear handkerchiefs on their heads, which to my mind are better than fashionable bonnets. All travel on horseback, the women, of course, astride as all frontier white women do. A very few have any kind of carriage except a lumber wagon, which is used for hauling goods, but not for passengers~3 2rn 1900 the title of "Agent" was ohanged to "Supervisor", and A. o. Wright, who suoeeeded ~ ent Cowan, first assumed this title. 3James L. Cowan to W. A. Jones, August 15, 1899. 56th Cong., 1st Sess., pt. 1, (Ser. 3915) H. Ex. ~oc. 5, Vol. XVIII, 325. 108 The Indiana were virtually self-sustaining. 1 Rations were not ordinarily issued except to apprentices andp01.ioemen, or to occa- sional old or infirm persons with no other means of support; but in exoeptional oases of destitution, the Agent gave individuals small amounts of wheat or flour. Sugar, rice and tea. were kept for hospital purposes, but sometimes on suoh holiday oooasions as Christmas or the Fourth of July, a little was given to the Indians. 2 The Agents also provided food for crews of men enlisted to work on roads or other Agency improvements. However, in 1880 rations were issued to the twenty-seven Paiute Indians, newcomers to the Reservation, until they became estab- lished, for they, unlike the other Indians, were not accustomed to agricultural labor.3 The relative proportion of subistence obtained from agricul- ture and part time employment of a ei vilized nature was difficult to estimate for it depended upon the season. When the crops were good, the Indians were not compelled to go outside the ~eserva.tion to seek food. 1Ibid., p. 367. By 1900 there were no annuities or per capita payments to""tiiese Indians, and no rations were given to those capable of work. The issue goods given by the Government were either small articles like nails, bolts, hatchets end rope; or if large, like wagons and plows the Indians were required to work for them. 2John Smith to Edward p. Smith, August 23, 1875. 44th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1680) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 5, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 858. 3John Smith to E. A. Marble, August 16, 1880. 46th Cong., 3d Seas., Vol. I, (Ser. 1959) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 5, Vol. IX, 269, 272. In 1875, the Indians cultivated about 800 acres of land, raising 4,000 bushels of wheat and 1,000 bushels of vegetables. 1 109 The .Agent estimated that fifty percent of their food was obtained from agricultural and civilized pursuits, while fifty percent was obtained by hunting and fishing. 2 The acreage had been increased by 1880 to 2,000 acres and the same Indians were producing 10,000 bushels of wheat and 3,090 bushels of vegetables. Agent Smith estimated that they were obtaining sixty•three percent of subsistence from civilized and agricultural pursuits, an increase of thirteen percent in five years.3 By 1899 the acreage under cultivation had been increased to 6,465 acres with 393 acres broken during the year by the Indians. 4 Many of t hem raised hay in place of grain, for the grist mill needed lstatisties, 44th Cong., let Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1680) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 634-635. 2Ibid. 3John Smith to E. A. Marble, August 16, 1880. 46th Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1959) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IX, 272. 4statistics, 56th Cong., 1st Seas., pt. l, (Ser. 3915) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XVIII, P• 592. 110 repairs, and the farmers had to carry their grain forty or fifty miles to the nearest mill to be ground for flour. Hay could be sold to the Department or schools for feeding stook, or used for feed during the winter for the Indian herds. Therefore, in 1899 the report shows only 4,000 bushels of wheat raised, but a yield of 3,000 tons of hay, an in- crease of 2,825 tons over 1880.l Only 1,500 bushels of vegetables were reported but there was an increase in the production of oats, barley and rye of 3,225 bushels. 2 This shows the changed character of farming on the Reservation. Many of the Indians raised cattle for beef which they sold to the Depart- ment for the use of schools and employees, or to white neighboring farmers. In 1890 they sold to the Government for school and Agency use 41,725 pounds of beef, worth $2,712.12, and 170 cords of wood3 for $596, and hay to the amount of $309.81, a total of $904.31.4 3The Indians are not permitted to out timber for sale or speculation, but only for fuel, building and fencing purposes, or to clear forest land for cultivation. Of the timber out solely for the last named purpose, they may sell such surplus as is not required. "Papers Accompanying the Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1878", 45th Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1850) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5 Vol. IX, 487. 4J. c. Luckey to T. J. Morgan, August 23, 1890. 51st Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2841) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XII, 213. 111 The .Agent purchased all needed produce from the Indians whenever possible to give them an income of actual money1 and encourage them in industry. The prices paid were not always regulated by the state of the outside market because of the distance, but the Agents tried to give the Indians a fair price. A. o. Wright, Supervisor in 1900, stated that he tried to buy hay from old women and blind men with no other means of livelihood. 2 The Indians were on excellent terms with the white settlers of the community and labored for them during harvesting and roundup times. A good "pony" Indian was invaluable in herding and rounding up animals for the ranchers and was almost steadily employed. They were also engaged during hop• and berry-picking seasons in the Willamette Valley, leaving the Reservation on passes issued by the Agent.3 They were generally well treated and seldom violated the Agent•s trust in them. 1A considerable portion of their earnings is used for and trinkets. John Smith to Edward p. Smith, August 31, 1876. Cong., lat Sess. Vol. I, (Ser. 1680) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. pt. l, 868. dress 44th IV, 2 A. o. Wright tow. A. Jones, August 6, 1900. 56th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 4101) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XXVII, 367. 3Jobn Smith to E. A. Bayt, September 1, 1877. 45th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1800) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. VIII, 576. l • 112. In addition to working for white farmers or other Indians, some realized a considerable revenue from the sale of ponies, which ranged, half wild wi. th the cattle on the rioh grazing laods, requiring little oare. The Agents had gradually succeeded in showing the people th.at large herds of horses were valueless in comparison to oattle, 1 and that they were depleting the supply of grass on the ranges so that within a few years the hills would be bare and all the animals would starve. At om time the number of wild horses on the i'eservation was estimated at 42,000. 2 1hey also sold pelts, mainly deerskins, with some coyote, beaver, otter and mink skins. As there was no post trader in the seventies, they were forced to dispose of them as they oould, and it was difficult to keep a record of the a.mount the Indian trappers received. They used a great many deerskins for gloves, mo~casins and 1n other ways, so their sales were not more than one-half or two- thirds of the number taken, but they received a.bout fifty cents each for undressed deerskins and $1.25 each for the dressed. 3 The value 1John Smith to H. Price, August 17, 1881, 47th Cong. 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2018) H. Ex. Doo. l, pt. 5, Vol. X, ~11. 2 ~·, 212. 3John Smith to EdwamP. Smith, August 23, 1875. 44th Cong., 1st Sess. Vol. I, (Ser. 1680) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IY, pt. l, 858. of their income from such products was only $200 in 1890,l 'While it had been estimated at i l,000 and $1,500 in the early eighties. But by the end of the century, settlements had crept up to the edge of 113 the Reservation and much of the game had fled, or was wantonly slaugh- tered by white hunters, who killed for the sport--not for necessity. Unlike many of the white hunters, the Indians saved all they could of the deer they killed, for venison was a necessary article of food.2 Up to 1880 few wagon.shad been furnished for the Indian service, and those generally only for the use of the .Agente and their employees to haul fuel for Agency buildings and fodder for Gowrnment stook. However, it was found advisable to furnish the Indians with wagons for farming purposes and for freighting their own supplies, and duri.ng 1879 and 1880, the Agency reoei ved five wagons provided with harness--a double set with each one required for farming, and two sets for those to be used in freighting.3 This business furnished a source of some income to those Indians partioipating in the hauling of goods to and from The Dalles. 1Ibid. 2John Smith to H. Price, August 14, 1883. 48th Cong., 1st Sess. Vol. II, (Ser. 219l)H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 5, Vol. XI, 193-194. 3E. A. Marble to Carl Schurz, November 1, 1880. 46th Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1959) H. Ex. Doc.l, pt. 5, Vol. IX, 91. 114 During 1883 and 1884 over 40,000 pounds of freight, mostly Indian sup- plies, was hauled from The Dalles, and the freighters received nearly $400 in eash. 1 Two years later this had increased to 140,627 pounds of freight transported, with an income for the Indians of $1,584.32.2 In 1890 the amount transported had increased 25,000 pounds end the In• dians realized $2,098.68. 3 The pee.le was reached in 1898 with an income of $2,357, from 227,000 pounds of supplies hauled for the Government. 4 Apprentices There was a limited opportunity £or the most capable and efficient Indians to enter the service of the Indian Department. u they advanced in civilization and proved their ability, some of them replaced white employees. This was made possible through apprentice- ship to the white mechanics, the miller, the blacksmith and plowmak:er, and to the fa.rm.er and teamsters. 1John Smith to H. Price, August 14, 1883. 48th Cong., 1st Sess. Vol. II, (Ser. 2191) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XI, 194. 2Jason Wheeler to J. D. c. A1,kins, August 18, 1886. 49th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I (Ser. 2467) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 6~ Vol. VIII, 440. 3J. c. Luckey to T. J. Morgan, August 23, 1890. 51st Cong., 2d Sees. Vol. II, (Ser. 2841) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XII~ 213. 4James L. Cowen tow. A. Jones, August 16, 1898. 56ih Cong., 3d Seas., (Ser. 3757) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XV, 608. ' Year 1879 1880 1881 1882 1883 1884 18858 1886 188'7 1888 1889 1890 1891 1892 1893 APPRENTICES A:eprenti ces 6 6 6 4 2 2 l 3 4 7 3 2 2 2 8 No Statistics a'lailable . 115 116 James Hamil, the Department farmer,iecommended in 1862 that Indian laborers be employed under the supervision of 'Whitefto make them effioient and competent workers. He explained: The Indian in his natural condition is entirely unused to anything like continuous labor and being ignorant of the first principles of agricul ture, he oe.n but partially comprehend any verbal directions given him on the subjeot, and laoks the neoessa.ry en~rgy and perseverance to oarry them into effeot; but by working with white men he becomes aooustomed to continued and steady labor and learns by experience and observation the method of conducting various farming operation, •••• He also beoomes a man of more consequence among those of his fellows who wish to make improvement; he knows more than they do and can do more than they can •••• they watch him and listen to his instructions •••• and from the circumstances ( he) becomes a more efficient instructor than a white man can be. 1 In 1877 the Indian Commissioner, E. A. Hayt, refused to approve oontraots made by Agents for cutting firewood and fencing, insisting that the work be given to the Indians so they might receive either some oonpen- sation or extra rations. 2 During the yea.rs many Indians were apprenticed to learn t rades, and they gradually replaced their white masters . 1James Hamil to William Logan, June 30, 1862. 37th Cong., 3d Sess. (Ser. 1167) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 2, Vol. II• 436. 2 .AD.nua.l Report of Commissioner of Indian Affairs, E. A. Hayt. November 1, 1877. 45th Cong. 2d Sess •• Vol. I (Ser. 1800) H. Ex. Doc. 1 pt. 5, Vol. VIII, 399. 11.7 In 1895 C. W. Farber, the aoting Indian Agent, wrote, "thus far I have nothing but praise to bestow on such as are holding and have held positions."1 In that same year the position of teamster at $26 a month was disallowed, evidently because of insufficient Government ap- propriation; and Farber mentioned that it deprived an Indian of a job.2 Many Indian men and women received employment especially during the last decade of the century in the sohools and police service. Men- tion of them, however, will be made in later chapters. Allotments Disputes constantly arose in the tilling of tribal lands, over ovmership of fields and parts of fields. 3 Smith recommended in his last report before the Agency was trruisf~d to the supervision of William Mitchell in 1869, that a survey be made, giving to each head of a family a f~eld or farm to be his forever. 4 He was convinced that this would inspire the people to renewed effort and exertion in making improvements. 1c. w. Farber to D. M. Brownipg. August 13, 1896. 54th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 3382) H. Ex. Doo. 5, Vol. X::V, 281. 2 ~-. 281. 3 "Bands of Indians on ordinary treaty Reservations hold their lands by a tenure equi valeut in legal effect to tenancy f'or life", ''Papers Accompanying the Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs'~ 1878. 45th Cong. 3d Seas., Vol. I, (Ser 1850) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IX, 487. 4John Smith to A. B. Meacham, September 20, 1869. 41st Cong., 2d Sess. (Ser. 1414) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 3, Vol. III~ 603. 118 The following year A. B. Meacham, Oregon Superintendent of Indian Af'fairs, suggested that ~hose who were farming should be given lands in severalty, e.nd the Reservation should be abandoned, removing the other Indians to some place that they could develop profitably. 1 With the increased interest in agriculture during the years, came the demand for the fulfillment of Article 5 of the treaty which provided for the allotment of lands. 2 Surveys were made before 1876,3 but the Agents received no plats or lists, and no further action was taken. The Indians showed their disappointment in a decrease of im- provements, although they continued to repair and rebuild old fences and ~uildings. Alonzo Gesner complained in his annual report of 1886 about the delayed action in me.king allotments on the Warm Springs Reservation, as followsa 1A. B. Meacham to E. s. Parker, September 21, 1870. 41st Cong. 3d Sees., Vol. I (Ser. 1449) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 4, Vol. rv, pt. 1, 615. 2The President may cause whole or part of the Reservation to be surveyed and assign to single persons over 21, 40 acres; families of 2, 60acres; family of 3, and not exceeding 6, 80 acres; family of 6 and not exceeding 10, 120 acres; and each family over 10, an additional 20 acres for each group of 3 members in excess of 10. Article 5, Wasco Treaty. 3John Smith to Edward P. Smith, September a, 1874. 43d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1639) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. VI, 633-634. Those who negotiated the original treatyvdth these Indiblls intended that the Indian should have land in his own individual right, not collectively, as it is now held. Permanent improvements would take the place of temporary ones,~ a stopping place would be converted into a home. 119 Mention had been made by the Agent three years before that although allotments had not been made, many of the Indians had developed small farms with boundaries or lines established by common consent, but not conforming to the surveys made many years before. The corners fixed then could not be identified, and he requested that the le..nd be re- 2 surveyed and allotments be made. It was not until 1888 that the work of allotting lands in sever- alty was begun. 3 Dur:ing the winter and spring, Special Agent H. J. Mint- horn allotted lend to al 1 the Indians living sou th of the .:arm Springs River. This comprised nearly all the · Jascos, Teninos, and Paiutes. He made but few allo'bnents north of that river where most of the Warm Springs and John Day tribes resided, because at that time the northern boundary line was not fully decided upon. Subsequently, however, 1Alonzo Gesner to J. D.C.&kins, August 28, 1885. 49th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II (Ser. 2379) H. Dx.Doc. 1. pt. 5. Vol. XII, 398. 2John Smith to H. Price. August 24, 1882. 47th Cong., 2d Sees •• Vol. II (Ser. 2100) H. Ex. lJoc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XI, 206. 3J. c. Luokey tx> T. J. Morgan, August 23, 1890. 51st Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II (Ser. 2841) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XII, 212. 1ao the matter ,vas acted upon and the line, as was supposed, was definitely settled. But efforts were again made to change it, and it was resur- veyed and a new Special Agent was appointed. The western boundary was surveyed and plainly marked, and was generally satisfactory to the Indians. It was made to conform as nearly as possible to the meaning and intent of the treaty of June 25, 1855. 1 It was impossible to complete allotments until a census could be taken, and the correct number of Indians belonging to the Reservation could be detennined. A number of them resided at The Dalles, Celilo. Cascade Looks and Tumwater, and they had never come on the Reservation until allotments were begun. Then each head of a family who belonged to these tribes, but resided along the Columbia, was anxious to have his la.nde allotted. Very little was accomplished for another two years. The new Special AgentsS.Hartwig, and his surveyor, J. J. Powers, worked care- fully, but corners had been mutilated, and the rocky and hilly country -made the establishment of new corners difficult. By 1892, however, allotments were being made on the tablelands. 2 ltbid. 2J. c. Luckey to T. J. Morgan, September 1, 1892. 52d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 3088) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XIII, 423. The allo'bD.ents were, QS might be supposed, not equally ap• preciated by all the Indians. Gallagher reported in 1896 that although in the majority of oases it was well, in some instances "it might better have been delayed, for necessary attention has not been given, and as a consequence but little done by allottees, some giving one reason and some another as being destitute and too poor and many have been careless. 111 Agent Cowan mentioned the seeming dislike of the Indians for the allotments in a letter to the Secretary of the Bureau of Indian Commissioners. I find great objection among the Indians to accepting and receipting for their allotment patents. They seem to entertain the false impression that when they receive their patents, the reservation will be opened to white settlement, and they ~~11 then be 2 subjected to truces and all laws governing the whites. However, he also stated that in his opinion the system would be advantageous to the Indians, for individual holdings prompted them to greater industry and encouraged them to maintain better improvements. "In fact," he wrote, "I think it adds energy to self-reliance and also 1P. Gallagher to D. M. Browning. August 20, 1896. 54th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 3489) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XIII, 282. 2James L. Cowan to Hon. E. Whittlesey, April 22, 1898. 55th Cong., 3d Sess. (Ser. 3757) H. Ex. Doo. 5, Vol. XV, 1107. prevents active leading men from dictating the possessions of individual Indians."l By 1900 allotments had been almost completed and in general the Indians were living on their own land and farming it. with no record of any leasing of land. An increased interest was manifested in agriculture and new land was broken and fenced.2 123 Notes A number of acts were passed by Congress regulating the activity of the Indians and pertaining to allotments in severalty. In 1887 an act was passed providing that Indians residing on allotted land should be considered as citizens of the United States without the formality of naturalization. Act of 1887,"Indian Legislation: 50th Cong., 1st Seas. Annual Report~ the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1887, (Washingtons Government Printing Office, 1888); P• 274. Similarly the agent was "instructed to protect those Indians who had adopted the habits of oivili~ed life and received their lands in severalty by allotment". Damages were withheld from annuity pay- ments of a trespasser and paid to the injured party, and if the trespasser was a chief or head man, the agent was authorized to sus- pend him from office for three months. From Rules and Regulations of the Indian Department, Stats. I1, Chap. 46, Secs:-°s32, 540, 541., p7 128. 2James L. Cowan to Merrill E. Gates, December 18, 1899. 56th Cong., 1st Sess., pt. 2, (Ser. 3916) H. Ex. Doo. 5, Vol. XIX, 291. CHAPTER V BOU!ID.ARY DISPUTE The extension of public surveys in the vicinity of the Reservation in 1885 showed that the boundaries on the north, south and east had not been pr operly respected, and that sooe of the lands belonging to the Reser vation had been surveyed as public lands . 1 White settlers had taken up land along the edges of the Reservation, and, particularly on the northern border, had allowed t heir herde to graze on the elopes of the l.:utton Mountains. Indian herders and ,vhi te herders disputed ownershi p of the region, and the \7hite Agents were helpless in settling the difficulty for markers could not be discovered which would give a basis for either Indian or white claims . The entire question arose from the i nterpretation of the terms of the treaty which are as follows: Commencing in the middle of the channel of the De Chutes river, opposite the easten. ter ... ination of a r ange of high lands, usually known as the ~utton 1:ountains; thence westerly to the summit of said range , along the di vi de to its connexion '\7i th the Cascade .~ountains; thence to the sUl'!Lnit of said mountains; thence southerly to Mount Jefferson ; thence down the main branch of be Olutes r iver; end heading in this peak to ita junction with De Olutes river; and thence down the middle of the channel of said river Lr. J . }I.or gan to John W. Noble , February 8 , 1890. 51st Cong., 1st Sess . (Ser . 2686) S. Ex. Doc . 67, Vol . IX, 5. Sf/V. EX/loc. Z510 (SER,) 50[."CtJNG t.U-Sess /IYARM Sl"/?IN(j RcSEl?VATION MAP SHow1Nq z;,e Nom-t BouN,oA,<>Yor lli£ /YA((MSPR!Nt;/NOIAC( Rt:SeRVATION /- L,ne or#and/':ji'-------181/ ?- imeo/JohnAM5?l/111n---·-·-·-·-.ltl87 3 - C,:,,,,,,Prr,puJeL,ntJ -:------·-·-- ----··- ,1/BM6r/,n (1-,o n' (jqrQ"qn o'==="==="=== .. -=="" i I I i i j i 7 /9 ro 21 f'l ,111?"" SPRING /NO/AN lf'ESE RV,A TIO.Ill ,, u Z.J L·-·-·-·-·-·-·-·-·-·-·-·-·-·-·-·-·-·- f ,2> SN 1/E T,t.!:'/(12£. -;U.(i'~j~ ,(' /~~- r41~ ,k/.:JE T../f. 'I" ..,r £ .5'~.!-1,...,.s~,2£ r.SSR/L;t; i rs.s..(' E , ·-r ·.n· :,DT~i-22" . 6 5 4 J ' I I IZ 7 8 !1 /(} l 18 ,; 16 l.f ?4 19 .74 ?/ $() n .. ·-·, 3 3 2 I 8 9 /() /(' II 12 "" j/ f~ /$ 17 /6 ,5 If 14 /3 1'1 !• Zl ?J Z4 A' i /NP/AN li'.ESERVAT/ON • .7 l'b ?.J i i .JJ :-1 -· -·-·-·-·-·-·-·-·-·-·-_j ,_.J 1315 to the place of beginning. All of which tract shall be set apart. end. so far as necessary, surveyed and marked out for their exclusive use; nor shall any 'White persons be permitted to reside upon the same without the con- current permission of the agent end superintendent. 1 The name Mutton Mountains was originally applied to a large area of mountainous country lying south of Juniper Flat, (Wapinitia Plains), which was crossed by the wagon road going south from Juniper Flat to the Warm Springs River. 2 It was evidently believed by Thomp- son and his party of Indians who explored the Reservation in 1856 that there was but one range of mountains which formed the northern border. However, in 1884, C. H. 'Walker, formerly a clerk of the Agency, ascended Mount Hood and took "particular notice as to the divides. peaks, et cetera, of the Cascade and Mutton Mountain ra.nges."3 According to his report, there were at least three ranges of highlands on the Mutton Mountain system. Only the most northern of the three could be said to be a continuous range or divide from the Deschutes to the Cascade Mountains. The next south is mostly a succession of peaks; the divide is run out long before reaching the Cascades. The most southern runs in a southerly direction. and l Stats. XII, P• 963. Article l. 2it. v. Belt. Acting Commissioner, Report to Committee on Tndian Affairs, February 19. 1890. 51st Cong, 1st Seas. (Ser. 2686} S • • Ex • . Doc •• 67, Vol. IX, 11. 3Ibid. terminates at the Warm Springs canyon, a few miles west of the point where the Agency road crosses the river. The problem was first presented to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs by Alonzo Gesner, Agent of \'!arm Springs Reservation, in 1885.1 He complained of the frequent embarrassment produced by laok of n well-marked boundary and requested that a resurvey be made. On December l?, 1886 1 a contract was made ,nth John A. McQuinn tor 2 the survey of the north line. 12.7 Recommendations had been made that the initial point of the line emuld be located several miles north of the initial point es- tabliehed by T. B. Handley's survey in 1871. McQuinn, however, located his initial point a mort distance south ofHandley's and proceeded to run his line therefrom. The Indians were not satisfied and threat- ened to destroy all monuments set in that line. Tho Commissioner instructed the Agent to confer with t.\.ie surveyor and .attempt to reach an agreeffient that would be acceptable to t he Indians. 3 Thereupon a line was run as pointed out by t he 1Ibid. T. J. ~~organ to John W. Noble, February 8, 1890, 4. 2Annual Report of Cormniasionor of Indian Affairs, John H. Oberly 1 December 3, 1888. 50th Cong., 2d Sese. Vol. II, (Ser. 2637) H.Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XI, ixxvii. 3Telegqtm to Jason \fueeler, June 6, 1887. 51st Cong., let Sees., (Ser. 2686) S. Ex. Doc . ~7, Vol. IX, s. 128 twenty Indians working with them. To quote Agent liheeler's report of their ~rk: We made a line no future doubt v1ill ever rise about. We out out the brush and timber, a rod wide and deeply blazed all the trees in the line, and erected at short distances large piles ~f stone, 4 or 5 feet high and e.s many feet in diameter. Dissatisfaction arose among the white settlers of Oak Grove, the adjoining settlement, concerning the beginning point and the sub- sequent traversing of the line, and in a mass meeting they petitioned the Government for redress, asking that a Commissioner be sent to review and resurvey the line according to the intent of the treaty. The Surveyor General ?48.S also dissatisfied and a joint inves- tigation was made by Special Agent H. B. Martin of the General Land Office, and Special Indian Agent George w. Gordon. They subnitted their joint report, expressing the belief that Handley •s line more nearly con• formed to the requirements of the treaty than that established by McQuinn 's survey. They reoozmnended, however, a line to commence at the initial point first adopted by YcQuinn, but in its prolongation differing mater- ially from . either of the surveys theretofore made. 2 All parties supposed to have knowledge of the true location of the line or of the reasons which had caused ttie previous locations there- of, were called upon for all additional information in their 1 Jason l1heeler to J. D. C. Atkins, August 23, 1887. 5oth Cong. , 1st Sess., Vol. II (Ser. 2542) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. n, 195. 2Ibid. 1~ possession. 1 After olose sorutiny of these papers, the Department of Interior returned them August 20, 1888 to the Department of Indian Affairs, remarking that sufficient information was "not found in the papers presented, showing the claims of the Indians as to where the line should be indicated, and their reasons for its location as claimed by them."2 The Acting Commissioner, R. v. Belt, did not believe that there was sufficient specific information in the report of Martin and Gordon who had set forth the reasons why, in their opinion, the line should be located as recommended by them. In the main, however, the office approved of their reoolllDlendations, but on July 19, 1889, Mo Quinn's line as surveyed in 1887 was adopted by the Department,3 for lack of additional information. At the eame time, Commissioner Belt suggested the survey of the western boundary with "monuments to be erected at intervals of every quarter of a mile on that part of the line where there is no timber, and on the portion where there is timber, the trees to be numerously and plainly blazed, and monuments to be established 2R. v. Belt, Acting Commissioner, Report to Committee on J noian Affairs, February 19, 1890. 51st Cong., 1st Sess. (Ser. 2686) S. Ex. Doc. 67, Vol. IX, 6. 3Annual Report of Commissioner of Indian Affairs, T. J. Morgan, October l, 1889. 51st Cong •• lst Seas., Vol. II, (Ser. 2725) H. Ex. Doo. l, pt. 5, Vol. XII, 83. l~O at intervals of every one-half m.ile ."1 The cost of the survey of the western line was estimated not to exceed $40 per mile, a probable total of about $1,600. 2 The following year the question of the northern boundary was reopened. Settlers on and along this line, some of whom were actually living on lands included within the boundaries of the Reservation, asserted that this line did not oonform to the treaty intentions. They insisted that the Handley line of 1871, whioh ran from two to twelve miles south of the UcQuinn line was in accordance with the Indians•s understanding of the boundary which had been recognized by them for thirty-five years. They, therefore, requested that a re-examination be made by a comI:lission. 3 .By virtue of a clause in the Indian Appropriation Aot approved August 19, 1890,4 the President appointed Mark A. Fullerton, William H. Dufur and James F. Payne, Commissioners, for the purpose of determining the northern line of the Reservation according to the treaty of 1885. 5 1a. v. Belt, Acting Commissioner, Report of Coimnittee on Indian Affairs, February 19, 1890. 51st Cong., 1st Sess., (Ser. 2686) S. , Ex. , l)oo. 67, Vol. IX, 15. 2Ibid. 3Ibid. Annual Report of Secretary of Interior, February 15, 1890, 1. 4Stats. XXVI, 355. 5.Annual Report of Commissioner of Indian Affairs, T. J . Mor- gan , October 1, 1891. 52d Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2934) H. Ex. Doo. l, ,t. 5, Vol. XV, 48. They submitted their report on June 8, 1891. stating among other things: •••• that the line known as the McQuinn line, as surveyed and run, in no respect conforms to the said treaty of 1856, and is not the line of the northern boundary of' the Warm Springs Reservati on or any part thereof; that the line known as the Handley line, as surveyed and run, substantially e.nd practically conforms to the calls of the said treaty of 1855, from the initial point of said line up to and including the twenty-sixth (26-ti) mile thereof', (and) it is, therefore, considered and aeclared by the Commission that the northern boundary of the Warm Springs Indian Reservation, in the State of Oregon, is that part of the line run and surveyed by T. B. Handley, in the year 1871, from the initial point up to and including the twenty-sixth (26th) mile thereof, thence in a due west course to the summit of the Cascade Uountains.l Agent Luckey commented on the decision in his 1891 report to t he Indian Commissioner: This will not be satisfactory to the Indians. Had the commission passed over the entire length of the two lines there could not be so much fault found with their decision. It is a pity that white settlers, living on broad prairie farms should begrudge these Indians any part of this rocky, hilly, mountainous, broken country, even counting it all up to the McQuinn line. It is plain to my mind that the working of the treaty naming the boundaries of this reservation was not fully comprehended by the Indians, if it was understood at all. There was evidently not a definite idea in the minds of 131 of the writers of the treaty as to the true topographyl of the country, and the Indians on the other hand did not understand the full meaning of our language, translated into their own, even if they heard the treaty read, of whioh there seems to be some doubt. If the department approves the decision of the commission and adopts the Handley line, then give these Indians several thousand dollars, not only to have them feel that the loss has been made up in some degree, but also make up what they have lost by the fraudulent treaty, as they olaim, by whioh they lost their fisheries and then lost a large part of the consideration they received by 132 the taking of the oxen and wagons by Superintendent 2 Huntington to the Klamath Agen~y and never returning them. On June 6, 1894 an act was passed defining and permanently fixing the northern boundary of the Reservation. Quoting from the Statutes at Large: Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives of the United States of .America in Congress assembled, That the true northern boundary line of the Warm Springs I ndian Reservation in the State of Oregon, as defined in the treaty of June 25, 1855, made between the United States, represented by Joel Palmer, Super- intendent of Indian Affairs of Oregon Territory, and the confederated tribes and bands of Indians in middle Oregon, in which the bounde.riee of the Indian reserva- tion now called the Warm Springs Reservation were fixed, is hereby declared to be that part of the line run 6lld surveyed by T. B. Handley, in the year 1871, from the initial point up to and inoluding the 26th mile thereof; 1rn a letter to Rev. R. W. ~oBride regarding the boundary, R.R. Thompson wrotes "I do know that our knowledge of the topography of that entire country south of the Tigh Vallay was extremely vague. Whitee 6lld Indians had traveled along that trail by the Warm Springe toward the Klamath oountry and back, but knew little or nothing of the country. 11 R. v. Belt, Acting Commissioner, Report of Committee on Indian Affairs, February 19, 1890. 51st Cong., 1st Sess. (Ser. 2686) S. Ex • • Doc. 67. Vol. IX, 9 2 J.C. Luckey to T. J. Morgan, September l, 1891. 52d Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2934) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XV, 383. thence in a due west course t.o the s ummi t of the Cascade Mountains, as found by the oommissioners, Mark A. Fuller- ton, Ylilliam H. H. Duf'ur, and James F. Payne, in the report to the Se'lretary of the Interior of date, Jmie 8, 1891, in pursuance of an appointment f'or such purpose under a provision of the Indian Appropriation Act approved August 19, 1890.l 133 .Although the boundary had been apparently fixed by Congression- al action, the Indians were not satisfied; and it remained a matter of dispute between Indians and white farmers for another fifty years. 1 stats. XXVIII, 86. CHAPTER VI THE FISHERIES DISPUTE The Indians, parties to the Waeoo treaty of 1865, attempted to secure for the future their inherent rights to fishlfd..thout restric• tions at their ancient fishing stations llhEn they caused to be in- serted in the treaty, the following clauseJ Provided, also, That the exclusive right of taking fish in the streams running through and bor- dering said reservation is hereby secured to said Indians; and at all other usual and accustomed stations, in common With citizens of the United States, and of erecting suitable houses for curing 1 the same • ••• During the early years they depended to a great extent upon fish and roots £or their subsistence. This was necessary, fur their knowledge of agriculture was meagre, and tt>.e Agency possessed few farm- ing implements which could be loaned to the individual Indians. ~ they became more skilled, and accumulated tools, the Agents objected to the Indians leaving the Reservation en masse for the entire summer, to fish at The Dalles , "When they should have remained on their farms caring for their crops. The fishing season opened in May and continued until late fall, and because the fishing ground6 ere from thirty to seventy-1'iff miles distant the Indians moved their entire families to the Columbia lstats. XII, 963. Article I of Treaty of 1855. 136 living a.long the River during the sumn.er monthe. The Agents alleged that the farmers left as soon as orops were planted, seldom returning during the entire growing sea.son to weed or oul ti vate. Consequently in many instances the labor of plowillg and planting, and the money spent for seeds ·was wasted, for the neglected orope were ruined by drought, weeds, or destroyed by cattle 1drloh broke into the ill-fenced fields and trampled or ate the grain. Willi8111 Logan. in charge of the .Agency, wrote of this in 18621 It would be of infinite good for the effioienoy of the Indian Department Service if the Indians could be prevented from going to these fisheries ••• It is true they are permitted by treaty stipulation to take fish there and some go there for that purpose, but at the same time it is a fair excuse for others to leave the reservation and go to the fisheries not for the purpose of taking fish. They will be thrown in con- tact with vicious white people who barter off to them liquors and steal from them or cheat them out of their horsea and women. I consider it entirely imposeible for the agent in charge to keep the Indians on the reservation and to have them cultivate the soil in a manner to derive any benefit therefrom unless they are entirely prohibited from going to the fi.sheries.l The following year the Oregon Superintendent, J. ,. Perit Hunt- ington, discussed this problem in his annual report to the Department of Indian Affairs at Washington. The Indiana really reside at the reser-,ation but • small portion ot the year. Under pretense of fishing and herding their stook, they in.test the to1'D.S along the Colmbia River, and defy the efforts of the agent lwilliem Logan to illiem H. Reotor, July 28. 1862. 37th Cong •• 3d Sess., (Ser. 1157) H. Ex. Doo. l, pt. 2, Vol. II. 436. to prevent their procuring whiskey. The sales of fish and berries, and the prostitution of their women af- ford them plenty of money, and render them less desirous than they otherwise w,ould be to engage in agriculture. If they would give up this right it would relieve the 'Milite settlements of a very great nuisance and very much better the condition of the Indiana. I recommend an appropriation of $3,000 to be paid in two annual in- stallments for that purpose.1 In 1864 Huntington recommended that a law be enacted which 136 would require the Indians to remain upon the ReserTation and 1\'0uld provide tor their punishment by withholding annuities or otherwise, if they ab• sented themselves without ooDSent of the .Agent. He also suggested tha.t it should be made an offenae for any white person to entice an Indian to leave, or to conceal or harbor him after he had left the Reservation with- out permission. 2 An a ct was subsequently passed by Congress authorizing an arrange- ment with the Indiana by which they should yield a right which they had to leave the Reservation to fish, upon the payment of a moderate sUlll in nec- essary agricultural implements or other useful artioles.3 On November 15, 1865, Huntington made a supplemental treaty with the confederated tribes by which they relinquished their right to fish, hunt, gather roots and berries and pasture their stock upon le..nde lJ. w. Perit HU.ntingt~n to William Dole, September 12, 1863. 38th Cong., 1st Seas. (Ser. 1182) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. III, 166. 2J. vr. Perit. Huntington to William P. l>ole, September 25. 1864. 38th Cong., 2d Sesa. (Ser. 1220) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. V, 226. 3Ibid., Annual Report of secretary of Interior, No-vember 15,1864~ 154. • 137 outside the Reservation, -wh.ioh was reserved in the original treaty of l June 25, 1856. Following is a resume of the treaty which was to prove a point of oontrowrsy in the tuture: Article 1. The rights seoured under Article l of the treaty of June 25, 1855, to fish, erect house•, hunt game, gather roots and berries upon lands without the res• ervation hereby relinquished, it having beoOJlle evident that it is detrimental to the interests of the Indians and the whites. Article 2. The tribes covenant and agree to remain upon the Reservation subject to the laws of the United States and regulations of the Indian Department and control of the officers thereof, and to pursue and return any members who shall attempt to leave the Reservation. Article 3. When necessary for an Indian to go be- yond the borders of the Reservation, the Agent at his discretion to give each Indian a written pass al ways for a short period and the expiration definitely fixed on said paper. Any Indian having a pass, 'Mlich remains for a longer perlOd than the time named in said pass shall be deemed to have violated this treaty, the same as if he or she had gone with• out a pass • .Article 4. Any infraction of this treaty shall sub• jeot the Indian to a deprivation of his or her share of annuities and suoh other punishment as the President may direct. Article 5. ln consideration of the relinquishment of rights herein enumerated $3,500 to be spent in teams, agricultural implements, 1J. w. Perit Hmitington to D. N. Cooley, Ootober 15, 1866. 59th Cong., 2d Sass., (Ser. 1284) H. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. II, 76. Artiole 6. Artiole 7. seed and other articles for the ad• vancement of the tribe in agriculture and civilization. United States to allot to each head of family of said tribe or band. a traot of land sufficient for his or her use. Possession guaranteed and secured to said family and heirs for- ever. Any Indian k:no"Wn to drink or poeeess ardent spirits to be reported to the Agent with the name of the person of whom the liquor was obtained, !hat they may be lawfully pwished. At the time the treaty was made and approved, it was hailed 138 as the solution to a serious and troublesome problem. To quote Hunting- ton. "It now· gives the .Agent enough control over them [the Indiantil to confine them to the Reservation, and the effect upon the Indians is most salutary in removing them f ran the demoralizing effects of whiskey and debauchery, while it affords the whites infinite satisfaction by ridding them of a nuisance which otherwise would be almost intolerable."2 The article providing for issuance of permits to those leaving the Reservation was logical. Several of the Warm Springs men had been mistaken by settlers for hostile Snakes or Modoos and killed. There was therefore danger to those who left the Reservation without some means ot l 1 ''B d ., Stats. XIV, 75. Resume, ureau of E ucation Special Report. 48th Cong., 2d Sess •• Vol. II (Ser. 2264) s. Ex. Doc. 95, Vol. II, pt. 2. 609-610. This treaty ns proclaimed Maroh 28, 1867. 2J. w. Perit Huntington to D. N. Cooley, October 15, 1866. 39th Cong., 2d Sess. (Ser. 1284) H. Ex.Doc. 1. Vol. II, 76. identit'ioation.1 This article appears ·to have been the one stressed in the discussion of the treaty. 139 Major O:m_ar 13!-boock, Superintendent of the Umatilla Reser"Vlltion until 1939 anct former Superintendent of warm Springs, wrote regarding .Articles land 31 I have been told by old Indians who were present when the 1886 treaty was made, that no mention 'W8.S made of that para.graph }regarding relinquishment of fishing rights] and the Indians signed it in the belief that all they had done was 'to pledge themselves 'to have the identifying permits when they le:f't the Reservation. Later, they found that the{ had relinquished one of thei r most valuable possessions. He stated also that it was the belief of the Indians that the agitation for a treaty originated with commercial fishing interests along the Columbia River. In years of orop failure the Indians still depended upon roots and fish for their food for winter. Passes were issued and the Indians spent short periods of time. usually twenty or thirty days, along the River. Definitely located fishing stations were recognized as a form of personal property. The tribe in whose territory or limits they were exacted tributes from all who fished. 3 1The Mountaineer (Daily). The Dalles, Oregon, March 9, 1866, P• 2, o. 2.- 21.etter from Major Omar Babcock. March 3, 1939. 3Diary of Wilkes in ~ Northwest, edited by Edmond s. Meany, (Seattle: Univers i ty of Uashington Press, 1926),p. 45. Reprinted from the Washington Historical Quarterly, 1925-1926. Also Daniel Lee and J. H. Frost. Ten Years in Oregon, (New York1 J. Colford, Printer, 1844),176- 177. The average price of a salmon was ten cents, but it depended upon the Indians wants. 140 The capture of the first salmon of the season was accompanied by a ceremony intended to give that particular fishing station a good l season's catch. The ceremonies started with a tribal feast consisting mainly of salmon and eels, either freshly oooked or dried, 2 and continued with dancing to the music of tom-toms and more feasting. Fishing, as well as most of their other occupations, was surrounded with superstition. The method of fishing at The Dalles resembled that used at Willamette Falls. Charles Wilkes described his visit at The Dalles during the fishing season and gave a clear picture of the means employed by the Indians at that early time. They also [oomparing them to the Willamette Valley Indians] construct canals on a line parallel with the shore, with rocks and stones, for about 50 feet in length, through which the fish pass in order to avoid the strong current, and are here taken in great numbers. 3 Salmon were oaught during runs in the spring and fall, partly with dip-nets, partly by spearing, while 8lllaller fish were obtained with hook and line or by means of basket traps. Scaffolds extending over the rapids, a few feet above the foaming waters were fastened t.o the rooks, and from these the fishermen s'W\Ulg their nets or hurled their spears into the water below. The nets, holding from t1VO to three bushels were 1Frederiok Webb Hodge, Handbook of Amerioan Indians North of Mexico, II, (Washington: Govermn.ent Printing Offio-;:-1910), 917. - 2The Oregonian, Portland, Oregon, April 17, 1939. P• 1. 3An. Illustrated Hist.ory of Central Oregon •••• , (Spoke.nes nestern Historical Publishing Company, 1905), PP• 88-89. 141. fastened to handles fifteen t.o twenty feet long. 1 The hooks and spears were also attached to long poles, but they were fastened to a line about five feet f'rom the upper end of t he po le so they would unshi p res.di ly. If the hook was made permanently fast to the end of the pole, it would be likely to break, and the large f i sh V"Ould be much more diff icult to teke. 2 words: Wilkes described the preparation of' the fish in the following The men are engaged in fishing and do nothing else. On the women falls all the work of skinning, cleaning and drying the fish fur their winters' stores. So soon as the fish are caught they are laid for a few hours on the rocks, in the hot sun, which permits the skins to be taken off with greater ease; the flesh is then stripped off the bones, mashed and pounded as fine as pos- sible. It is then spread out on mats and placed upon frames to dry in the swi and wind, which effectually cures it. In- deed, it is said that meat of any kind cured in this climate never becomes putrid. Three or four days are sufficient to dry a large mat- ful, four inohes deep • . The cured fish is then pounded into a large basket, which will contain about 80 pounds; put up in this way, if kept dry, it will keep for three years.3 Ae early e.s 1855 or 1856 the Indians were instructed in the process of salting salmon, aDd they soon became fend of it. Previously they had always either smoked or dried the fish, sometimes pounding it to make pemican, e.s described by Wilkes, and packing it into hempen sacks 1Daniel Lee and J. H. Frost, Ten Years in Oregon, (New York: J. Colford, Printer, 1844), PP• 196-197:-- - 2Diary of Wilkes in the Northwest, edited by Edmond s. :Meany, (Seattles University of Washington Press, 1926), pp. 105-106. 3rbid., p. 89. Also Daniel Lee and J. H. ~rost, Ten Years in Oregon, (NewYorki J. Colford,Printer, 1844), P• 106. Year 1866 18678 1868 1869b 18708 1871 1872 1a73b 1874b 18758 1876 1877 1878 Fif:HERIES Statement Regarding the Amount tl Salmon Cured During the Years Salted Dried 153 Barrels 600 Barrels 16,000 Pounds altogether 24> QQQ II ff 35,000 11 20 Barrels 225 II 16,000 Pounds II II ti fl Sold $975 200 30,000 to 40,000 Pounds in equal quantities II II II II II 11 " " " " 8 Figures not available for the year . b?Jo figures given for the amount sold. c35,000 pounds sold. II II 142: 143; 1 of their own make for etorage or trading purposes. The chief rendez- vous for barter was at the falls,~ few miles above The Dalles, 2 where neighboring tribes came to trade their products for fish. The Indians retuaed to sell any salmon until after the f1rst run, and then "always without the heart," wrote \Tilkes in his diary. 3 Thi• may be explained by the following excerpt taken from another part of his diarys 11During the fishing season the Indians lin entirely on the heads, hearts and offal of the salmon, Tilioh they string on aticka and roast over a small fire."" The fish was prepared at 'the fishery and packed in barrels which were sunk in the grouo.d to keep until needed during the winter. Very seldom wre the caches raided until the settlements grew large 1Ibid., P• 181. they were filled. Twenty two feet in length. Sacks were lined with salmon skins bef'or salmon required a sack about one foot by 2A. B. Meachem, Wigwam and War-Path; or the : 7yal Chief in Chains, (Bostons John P. Dale and"""'C;ompiiiy:-m1sT, p;-i • - 3Diary of Wilkes in the Northwest, edited by Edmond s. Meany, (Seattle: University of Washington Presa, l926), P• 46. 4An Illustrated History~ Central Ore§on. Western Historical Publishing Company, l905), P• 88. • • • , (Spokane, 144 and unprincipled white persons, or roving bands of Indians whose lands had been taken by settlers, stole from them. 1 Shortly after the signing of the treaty, however, dissatis- faction arose; not regarding the claims to the land which they had lost, but ooncerning the right to take fish at their old fisheries. 2 A. B. Meacham_ relieved Huntington as Oregon Superintendent in May 1869,3 end in the same year the Agencies were turned over to the mi litary Department. 4 John Smith, who was replaced by Brevet Captain William W. Mitchell, described the general oonditions on the Reservation and partioularly stressed the fishery problem. in hie le.st report. The Indians say that they did not understand the terms of the treaty ammendatory to the treaty of 1855, and signed by them on November 15, 1865 with J. ¥. P. Huntington, Superintendent of Indian Affairs of Oregon. They claim it was not properly interpreted to them and while they were willing to give up all rights end titles to land •••• without the limits of this Reser- vation, yet that t hey were led to believe the right of taking fish, hunting game, et cetera, would sti ll be 1A. P. Dennison to J. W. Nesmith, August 1, 1858. 35th Cong., 2d Sess. (Ser. 997) H. Ex. Doc. 2, Vol. II, pt. 1, 615. Dennison recommended that suitable houses be erected at each of the fis heries, as promised by the treaty, to facilitate the putting up and preserving of salmon, asking for an appropriation of $3,000 t o be f urnished for this purpose. Also see A. P. Dennison to Edwa.rdR. Geary, July 14, 1859. 36th Cong., 1st Sess., (Ser. 1023) s. Ex. Doc. 2, Vol. I, 802. 2A. B. Meachem, Wigwam and War-Path, of the Royal Chief in Chains, (Bostons John P. Dalefind Company, 1875)157-168. - 3John Smith to A. B. Meacham, September 20, 1869. 41st Cong., 2d Sees. (Ser. 1414) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 3, Vol, III, 596. ~ -Keports of Committees of the House of Representatives, 1875- 187~! 44th Cong., ls~ Sess. (Ser. 1709) H. Ex. Doc. 354, Vol. II, 4-6. t. ' '. .. given to them. Were it not for the salmon fisheries at The Dalles they would have suffered during the coming winter. They do not wish to regain the land. but they 'Wish to have the free and unmolested right to take fish at said fisheries guaranteed to them; and that provision be made that no person or persons may assume control of the said fisheries to the exclusion of the Indians. Salmon is to an Indian what bread is to a white man; and I hope this matter will recieve your attention end that these Indians may be permitted to use the said fishery in common with the whites. 1 The Indians were anxious that this wrong be remedied and to visit their "Great Father in Washington and to him present their cause of complaint. uz, 145 When the Indian Commissioner, Felix Brunot visited War.m Springs in 1871. he called a council meeting and listened to the complaints made by the assembled chiefs. Upon his return to Wash- ington, he made a detailed report to the Board of Indian Commissioners, commenting at some length on the needs of the Indiana. and their grievances. "The Indians present at the Council were generally well- dispo1ed," he wrote, "and displayed considerable intelligence. Their speeches were aensible. they indicated the causes which operated against the advancement of the tribe ••••• n3 lJobn Smith to A. B. Meacham, September 20, 1869. 41st Cong., 2d Sass •• (Ser. 1414) H. Ex. Doo. 1. pt. 3. Vol. III, 603. 2Report of Felix R. Brunot to Board of Indian Commissioners, November 20, 1871. 42d Cong., 2d Sess •• Vol. I, (Ser. 1505) H. Ex. Doc. 1. pt. 5, Vol. III, pt. 1. 534. ' II 146 Painost, the chief of the Wasoo tribe, complained that the natives had to go off the Reservation to hunt in order to live and that the white people said they were troubling everybody. Mack, the Snake chief, said• We never have had enough of the white man's food to eat, and it pulls us baok to a savage lite. Where we have a fishery, it is not on our ground; the whites are there. The fishery where we made our living is now owned by a 1'h1te man; the white man said many things about it that were not so. It is not right to starve the Indian, it is better to kill him. Captain Smith saw we had no grain this year so he rented the fishery for ~60. The man who 011ned it tried to keep the Indians out of his garden, but they would not steal anything, and it .was his fault they came there; he rented the fishery to them. 1 Brunot believed &.a did many other white men that the Indiana would not be able to subsist without access to their fisheries, and he urged that the right be restored to them. 2 1Ibid., p. 544. Note: The Indians, not understanding the right of the parties in possession, opened the enclosure and really in violation of law went to the ground where they and their fathers had always fished . The Indian Department paid the claimant the damage done to the growing orops. 2John Smith wrote to Huntington in 18681 "Their annuities are insufficient to purchase those articles of clothing so indispensable to them. You are well aware that their beneficial funds only amount to some ~3. 50 to each Indian per year, and that in depreciated currency. Thie had to purchase medicines, farm implements, material,et cetera for ~ their different shops. Thie is entirely insufficient to meet their necessities. John Smith to J. W. Perit Huntington, July 20, 1868. 40th Cong., 3d Sess. (Ser. 1366) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. II, 577. 14a Between 1864 and 1866, the lands in the neighborhood of The Dalles, as well as the land embracing the 'fisheries, were surveyed and sold to setters under the pre-emption laws. They were enclosed with fences which prevented the Indians and other from having access to the fisheries, except on payment of a royalty or rental. 1 Agent Smith paid a Mr. Evans ~60 annually just for the right of passage by the Indians to and from the fishery over a pi ece of rocky ground. 2 "In 1882, one .Mr. Taylor, who had purchased lands, leased the fisheries to certain whites, and in consequence of this, troubles and disputes arose, which it was not difficult to see would end in disaster to the Indians unless some protection was afforded them", reported J. D. c. Atkins to the Secretary of the Interior in 1886.3 He continued: By the treaty made November 15, 1865,4 they relinquished the right to take fish l'lhi oh they expressly reserved in their treaty of June 26, 1855 in lan~age strikingly similar to that of the Yak6llla treaty of 1855. 6 l A. B. Meacham, rl'igwsm and '\Var-Path or the Royal Chief in Chains., (Boston: John P. Dale ancf'com-:>a.ny , 1875)-:-1). 157. 2Jolm Smith to T. B. Odeneal, September 1., 1872. 42d Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. l (Ser. 1560) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. III, pt. l, 751. 3 .Annual Report of Commissioner of Indian Affairs, J. D. c. Atkins, September 28, 1886. 49th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 2467) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. VIII, 130-131. 4stat~. XIV, 761. 5stats. XII,963. .. ,, These Indiana have inoesse ~tly protested againAt the ratification or observance of this treaty of 1855, and there is sufficient testimony betore this offioe to satisfy this department that the Government should not be too exacting in its enforcement. Arrangements have been made by Agent Wheeler by which the Hann Springs Indians have been granted access to the fishery on the Columbia River, but this privilege is limited to one year.l It was proposed at this time to purchase the land from Ur. 148 Taylor, but this was declined by the Department for the Indians already possessed, under their treaty, all the rights they would acquire by purchase. 2 The land on whioh their ancient fishing grounds were located still belonged to the United States, and Meacham suggested in 1871 that a military reserve be made of the pr operty one mile long on the south side of the Columbia River. 3 By 1886, not only had a Reservation been g ranted to the Indians along the riTer,4 but arrangements had been made through military channels whereby the Indians oould return to their fishing 3A. B. Meacham to Felix R. Brunot , October 25, 1871. 42d Cong. 2d Seas., Vol.I, (Ser. 1515) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 5, Vol. III, pt. 1, 714. 4casoades Canal Reservation. grounds, abandoned because of maltreatment from white men, locating their camp one mile below the foot of the canal. A detail of troops was to be furnished during the fishing season for the maintenance of order and discipline, and protection by United States• authorities was assured.l 14,9 However, the Indians were not satisfied. They insisted that they had been defrauded in the fishery transaction and continued to urge that justice be done. In 1884, the Agent, Alonzo Gesner, wrote of this in his annual communication. The leading men of the tribes on the Reser- vation, Marks, Kiuok., Kuckup., Bill Chinook and others claimed that there had undoubtedly been a fraud on the part of the Govermn.ent. 2 This same matter continued as a point of contention and in 1887., Jason Wheeler, the new Agent, believed it again necessary to refer to the problem, in the following wordsa There is not a sufficient amount of arable land for Indians or anybody else to maintain a li'Ving upon the Reservation. Huntington., Un.ited States Indian Superinten- dent., is the roan who did the unlawful act. As he is now among the dead, I feel a delicacy in assailing his aot; but just- ice drives me • • • • lAnnual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, J. D. C. Atkins, September 28., 1886. 49th Cong., 2d Sass., Vol. I, (Ser. 2467) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5., Vol, VIII, 131. 2Alonzp Gesner to H. Price, August 16, 1884. 48th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2287) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 1, Vol. XII, 196. 150• Their fishery was partioulary and jealously reserved by them in the Palmer treaty of 1855. and stolen f:rom them by Huntington in 1865; all of which I can prove by William. Chinook. one of the signers of both treaties, Pianoose, Tasimpt, Holliquilla, Tullux and many other old Indians who were present at the time of signing, as well as Donald McKay, a half-breed, whose reputation for truth and veracity is unimpeached and unimp e achable, and who was interpretor at the reading and signing of the said Huntington treaty. He has served in the United States under General Crook, WheatonJColonel Otis, Captain John Mullen and others to whom I refer you for the truth of my assertion; and he and all the above-named Indians and others say and will swear that the word 11 fish" or "fishery" was in no way mentioned by ·them or Huntington at the time of signing of said treaty. They understood they were signing a treaty to obligate themselves to get passes to go off the reservation in order to more effectually protect themselves in that they might not at any time be taken for hostiles as the Snakes adjoining them were at war constantly with the whites and for which they were to receive $3 ,500. A more clear oase of fraud was never perpetrated since the devil approached Eve.l The Indians were promised thirty head of oxen and one hundred blankets J and they agreed to sign the treaty. This undoubtedly repre- sented the $3 ,500 mentioned in the treaty--$3,UOO for the cattle and $500 for the bla.nkets. 2 They reoeived the oattle as stipulated. but they never knew that the treaty made mention of any def'ini te sum. 3 During the dis~ute over the northern boundary of the Reserva- tion, the matter was again brought up in connection with the loss to 1Jason Vlheeler to J. D. C. Atkins, August 23, 1887. 50th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2542) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. Xl, 280. 2Ala:lzo Gesner to H. Price~ August 15, 1884. 48th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol • .u, (Ser. 2287) H.Ex;- Doo. l, pt. 1, Vol. XII, 196. 3Ibid. J(. 151 the Indians, not only of part of the land rightfully claimed by them, but also of their fisheries and a large part of their consideration.l Luckey urged that the Govermn.ent give the Indians a compen- sation of several thousand dollars to cover their losses, for, he said, "Superintendent Huntington took the oxen and wagons to the Klamath Agency and never returned them.n2 Compensation had been requested by Agents and suggested by others from time to time. General John Gibbon, commanding the military Department of the Columbia, called attention to the "generally credited history of fraud 11 in a report to the War Depart- ment, and urged that Congress be asked 11to appropriate a yearly sum for a term of years to be spent in the purchase of cured salmon for issue to the Indians,"3 The matter drifted along. pushed aside by other issues of seemingly greater magnitude, until the turn of the century. The Indians continued to fish slong the river, harboring resentment against an unfair Superintendent who tried to oheat them of their right~. 1J. c. Luokey to T. J. Morgan, September 1, 1891. 52d Cong., 1st Seas., Vol. II, (Ser. 2934) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XV, 383. 2Ibid. jAnnual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, J. D. C. Atkins, September 21, 1887. 50th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2542) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XI, 80-81. .. CHAPTER VII .IUPROVEMENTS Indian Homes As soon as the employees oould be spared from planting, late 1n the spring of 1858, they oommenoed the construction of the most neces- sary buildings. The Wasco treaty had provided that the Government would erect a sawmill, flouring mill, hospital and school house, black- smith shop with gunsmith shop attached, and a -.m.gon and plowmaker's shop. Dwellings for the employees were also to be provided. Before the end of the year an Agency b\d.lding ~as erected, sixty feet long and twenty feet wide, with an addition tw-enty feet square. It was built of squared lumber eight by twelve and a half 1 inches, in the form of a blockhouse for protection. This building was not completed for two years, for most of the Agent's funds during these early years was used for breaking land and establishing the Indians in their new homes. The employees completed a rough log house thirty.six by twenty feet, designed for a bla.oksmith shop and storehouse; but it was used by them during the first winter as a dwelling. 2 1 A. P. Dennison to J. w. Nesmith, August 1, 1858. 35th Cong., 2d Seas., (Ser. 997) H. Ex. Doc. 2, Vol. II, pt. 1. 617. 2Ibid. ( . 153 Because of the Indian hostilities in the late fifties, some consideration was given to the removal of the central Oregon Indians to the coast and the confederation of the Warm Springs and some of the friendly Cayuses, Walla Wallas and Umatillas. After gold was discovered, Joel Palmer, realizing the value of the mineral lands, recommended that ell expendituros be confined within the limits of temporary improvements l in case removal mould be made. Therefore, the first buildings were of a temporary nature, conotructed almost entirely of logs, and within a few years wore dil- apidated. Lumber had to be uurchased from nearby settlements and trans- ported over narrow trails to the Reservation until a sawmill was com- pleted in the summer of 1862. 2 1Joel Palmer to George W. Manypenny, February 11, 1856. 34th Cong., 3d Seas. (Ser. 875) s. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. II, 748. Uote :'Jl,is sug- gestion was to be repeated during the next twenty years. After the of- ficial visit of Felix Brunot, ho reported that the Indiana could never sustain themselves on the land by t'armi1:g, Quoting from his report, 11'lllEre i a an abundance of good tillable land on the Yakarna and Umatilla reserva- tions for the Indians of the Warm Sprin;::s reservation, and it is believed that the consent of all parties could be had to their removaH He pro- posed a conference at Vlarm Springs w:l. th the Yakama and Umatilla chiefs snd Agents to get consent for their removal, or in the event that removal was not made, that the disreputable Agency buildings be immediately repaired. Felix Brunot to Board of Indi an Commissioners, 1~ovember 20, 1871. 42d Cong., 2d Seas., Vol . I, (Ser. 1505) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt . 5, Vol. III, pt . 1, 534. Also, Report of Ci~l and .,;ilitary Commission to Nez Perce Indien s, December 1, 1876. 45th Gong. , 2d Sass., Vol . I (Ser. 1800) H. Ex . Doc. 1, pt . 5, Vol. 8, 610-611. 2william H. Rector to William P. Dole, Septe:noer 2, 18§2. 37th Cong., 3d Sess. (Ser. 1157) H. Ex . Doc. l, pt. 2, Vol. II, ~01. I' 16~ By 1860 several comfortable log houses had been bu1lt for the Indians. with their assistance. and they started to fence their farms with poles, in lieu of boards end wire. These fences afforded little protection to the crops, for cattle and horses easily broke through into the fields, but they provided boundaries for individual holdings. The transition from savagery to civilization was a difficult one for the Indian. In his native state he seldom camped long in one place, so when his camp became filthy he could and did move from it. But when he changed his mode of living, the problem of cleanliness and mn1te.tion confronted him for he could not moTe from house to house 1 with such ease. The desire for houses or cabins grew slowly, although the more intelligent Indians were quick tc see the advantages and com- forts of civilization. Many of them clung, however, to their old wigwams or lodges ooverec with skins and mats. John Smi t }'I ,·epo1-ted to Superintendent Meacham in 1869 that the Indians had built twenty "good comfortable frame houses'' during the seasor. The head chief, Alexander, rendered invaluable service to the Agent in inspiring his people to strive towrutl oi vili 7 e.tion. Smith added: 1Jason Wheeler to J. D. C. Atkins, August 18, 1886. 49th Cong. 2d Sess., Vol. I (Ser. 2467) H. Ex. Doo. 1. pt. 5, Vol. VIII, 440. I . ' 155 A few have purchased fruit trees and some of the •nore wealth7 have purchased ploug'u and farming implement s . They make butter, and have hogs, chickens, •••• parlor and cooking stoves, chairs: tables, et cetera, '!hey dress ~ell and are clesnl; in tbeir persons . They ta~e an interest in political affairs and have pictures of the Pr esident and leading men of the nation in their possession. They wish as soon as they are capable to become citizens of our country, 1 The Agency employees were compelled to do all the work of construction at first, but gradually the Indians learned to perform t he carpenter work with only the supervision of the Agent or white employees , In 1875, Smith enli ated -th a assistance of an Indi en ,·ih o was able to do fair ,1ork . With his help they built a dozen houses for t h e natives during the ye ar , In his dnnual report, Smith wrote: In some instances the ovmers dress the lumber and assist in other ways as muc~ as they are able , They are mai nly'plsin, one-story houses, though two or tnree have been of a better class and are very respectable appearing dwellings . Altogether their houses compare very favorably with those of the nearest w~it~ settlements. They haul their logs to the sa\'nnill z.tiere they ar e sawed, and the l:.UI1ber for t.'1e.:n, and nails, locks, et cetera, are furniaied from their annuity funds, the only additional expense to the Government being the wages of the one individual mentioned , 2 1John Smith to A. B. Meach am , July 1, 1869 . 11st Cong ., 2d sass . , (Ser . 1414) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt . 3, Vol . III, 604 . 2 s E s All li John mith to ,dward P, mi.th, Au_gust 31, 1875. ~1.th ous;., 1st Sess. , Vol . I (Ser. 16SO) H, Ex . Doc , 1, Dt.5, Vol . IV, ~t. 1, 858 . Note: The wages amounted to less th~n }100 , .,.. 156: Under the kindly and Christian influence of their Agent, the Indians forged ahead rapidly. He helped them e.nd influenced them by his exemplary life. "By 1880 they had built and ,vere occupying eighty- seven houses, all but seven of whioh were frame buildings. Most of the Indians in the neighborhood of the Agenoy had furniture, dishes, and some "spread tablecloths and prepared as savory meals as many ldlite persons", he wrote. 1 During the winter, fire destroyed an Indian house at the Agenoy and Smith mentioned it in the same report . fue of the best houses, and the neatest kept was accidentally burned during last January. It belonged to and was occupied by John Mission, one of the leading Indians here, and one of the parties to the treaty of 1865. lie lost nearly2all his household goods, old relics et cetera. Ten yea.rs later the number of Indian frame houses had increased to 150. These were mostly built of rough lumber, although a few were well built and finished neatly. 3 Probably twenty percent4 of the Indian dwellings and barns at this time were log str uctures, but they wer e substantial buildings. The farmers had enlarged and fenced their fields, and they had made many improvements. The erstwhile savages were progressing toward a state of civilization, building school s 1John Smith to E. A. Marble, August 16, 1880. 46th Cong., 3d Seas., Vol. I, (Ser . 1959) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IX, 272. 2Ibid. 3J . C. Luokey to T. J . Morgan, August 23. 1890. 51st Cong. , 2d Seas . , Vol. II, (Ser. 2841) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol . XII, 211. 4 J.C. Luckey to T. J . Morgan, September 1, 1892. 52d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 3088) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XII , 423. ' . . . . . and churches and developing their fanns on land ~~at had been barren and uncultivated lens than fifty years before. 161 The accompanying statistics show the number of houses built annually , 9nd the number of houses occupied by Indi ans on the Reser- vation . The figures for eome years are not available, undoubtedly owing to the change of Agents duri11R the year, and the inability of the new Agent to make a complete check before making his annual report • .Article IV of the treaty of 1855 obligated the Government to provide dwellings and furniture for enci1 of the employees, and Agent Logan urgently requested during hie term of office, that the funds already appropriated by Congress for th c erection of buildinr;s , includ- ing houses for tne chiefs, be forwarded . He had received from Dennison, his predecessor, Jl20 . 85 for houoe furnishings, and he spent $120 .38 for stoves and the most necessary articlea . 1 An indebtedness on the strength of Congressional appropriations had already been created by Dennison, who had in one instance issued certi tied vouchers in the amo unt of -.,1 , 500 ? to a contractor, '.l . H. Shipley, unon his completion of the flouring r.tl11.- 'lb ere was, therefore, little a hand to pro vi de dwellings for tho employ- eee . -------- l,'lillirun Logan to William H. Rector , July 2>.3, 1862 . 37th Cong., 3d Seas. (Ser. 1157) H. Ex. Doc- 1, ?t • 2, Vol. II, 432. 2rbi d., 434 . t . 158 In addition to the buildings mentioned by Logan in his report of 1862, there was a new storehouse and a lightly-constructed house with four rooms and a garret which was used as office, mess house, kitchen and sleeping quarters for Agent and employees. It was inadequate and complicated the subsistence accounts of the men. The Agent complained that in the winter it was impossible to lodge all the employees there and keep his office in the same building, so he was forced to move into town at the beginning of cold weather. The greater number of the men were single and boarded at the mess house, but when John Smith was appointed Agent he was convinced that he could exercise more influence over the Indians by getting men for elll})loyment who had small femilies. To use his O'Wll words, he felt that they "might teach by example as well as preoept."1 He was careful in the selection of his employees and was unusually fortunate in choos- ing men whose wives were also greatly interested in the moral and social welfare of the Indians. Consequently it was more necessary that furniture and stoves be furnished and that dwellings be constructed for the families. There were only three houses in addition to that used by the Agent, not suf- ficient for the accommodation of all the employees of the Reservation. Additional buildings were necessary, and they could be erected with 1 John Smith to J. W. Perit Huntington, July 20, 1868. 40th Cong., 3d Sess. (Ser. 1366) H. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. II, 578. little expense to the United States, for ull t h e materials might be furnished from the Agency mill . 159 In 1869 Br evet Captain William \'f. Mitdiell temporarily replaced John Smith , rn en an attempt was made throughout the Uni tad Stutes to place all Indian Agencies under the supervision of army officers to eliminate oriticl.sm and graft. He called attention of the Superintendent to the manner in whi d1 the Agency eI:lployees were being paid for their services. Tfle pay of most of the men was several months in ar rears, sometimes as high as sixteen months, and yet th~ were expected to provide furni ehings-- lhich had been promi sad by the Government •1 2 By 1873 the employees had built five houses, but lack of money prevented proper upkeep, and in 1884 Agent Ges11er described the buildings as old and badly in need of repairs . 3 A small dwelling house was built during 1881 at the sawmill, fifteen miles northwest 4 of the Agency, and two others were erected at Simnasho Valley• One - ------------ 1William w. Hitohell to A. B. ~eacharn, Septemoer 18, 1869 . 41st Cong ., 3d Sess , , (Ser. 1360) H. ~x . Doc. 1, Vol . II, 605 . Uitchell aes~~ed charge of the Agency Au~uat 1 , 1869 . 2stati eti cs . 43d Cong. , 1st Seas . , Vol. I (Ser. 1601) H. Ex. Doc, l , pt. 5, Vol . IV, pt . l , 712 . 3Alonzo Gesner to H. Pr ice, August 15, 188-1 . 48th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2287) H. Ex . 11oc . 1, l t . 5, Vol. XII, 194, 19·7 . Lt ·John Smith to H. Price , Aur;ust 17 , 1881 , 47th Cony,., 1st Seas., Vol. I I , (Ser. 2018) H. Ex . Doc. 1, pt . 5, Vol . X, 210. ' . ~· of these was to be used for holding church services at this settle- ment until a church was built • 160 .Agent Gesner began several buildings during 1885,1 but they were not completed until Jason Wheeler took charge in 1886. 2 A substan- tial barn was built &t the Agency a.nd one on the Department farm; also a small barn was constructed at Simnasho. A new commissary building was erected and a jail built to repl~ce the old guardhouse which ha.d fallen into ruins from disuse. 3 Although Wheeler applied for authority4 to repair the dilapidated Agency buildings or build new one», he received no instruc- tions, and two years later his suocessor, J. c. Luckey, found the conditions much the same. Visitors to the Reservation and the news- papers of nearby towns described the buildings as "the worst in the service,"5 a.nd Luckey's description of the condition of the Agent's house, in his annual report, may have been responsible for the instruc- tions to rebuild in 1894. Quoting from his annual communication for 1889: 1Alonzo Gesner to J. D, c. Atkins, August 28, 1885. 49th Cong. lat Sess. Vol. II, (Ser. 2379) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XII, 398-399. 2Jason Wheeler to J. D. C. Atkins, August 18, 1886. 49th Co~& 2d Sess. Vol. I, (Ser. 2467) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 5, Vol. VIII, 441. 3John Smith to T. B, Odeneal, September 1, 1873. 43d Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1601) R. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IV, pt. 1,688. 4Jason Wheeler to J. D. C. Atkins, August 23, 1887. 60th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, {Ser. 2542) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt . 5, Vol. XI,276. 5Ibid. .. 'l'he gr e'lter part of the t i me since I hove been here, I have spent in repairing tho agent ' s house . I t was built in 1864, snd has not been r epai r ed for a l ong time . I find the under pinni~g badly decayed whi ch has caused the house to settle considerably. I n fact all the buildine;s here are old and dil~pidated; many of them leak and are scarcely habitable in bad ,,e at.'1 er •1 At lest in 1894 a modern frame cottage was erected for the Agent ' s use and other needed repai r s were made, 2 and wit.hin the next few year s suitable houses \Vere built for the ernployees. 3 At the same time Agent Benjamin forced the squatters whose "filthy shacks had menaced the Agency and school in front, flank, and rear 114 to move to the land allotted to them. 'l'o accomuli sh this it was necessary to 161 tear down the buildin gs, in , oat c nses, "over the heads of the occu- pants, \?ho sub sisted by begging and stealing from the Agency and sci1ool." 5 1J . c. Luckey to T. J. Morgan, August 24, 1889. 51st Cong., let Sess . , Vol. II, (Ser . 2725) H. Ex . Doc . 1, rt . 5, Vol . XII, 277 . 2E. E . Benjamin to D. , .. . Bro,.,r.ing, August 15, 1894. 53d Cong., 3d Sess. , Vol. II, {Ser . 3306) H. Ex. Doc . 1 , pt. 5, Vol. XV, 271. 3c • .t .Farber to D. ·.~ . Browning, August 13, 189 5. 54th Con&, lat Sess . , Vol. I, (Ser . 3302) H . Ex. Doc . 5 , Vol. XV, 280. Also P. Gallagher to D. r .. • Bro·roine;, Au;;ust 20, 1696. 54t'1 Cone. , 2d Seas., Vol. II, {Ser . 3489) H. Ex. Doc . 5, Vol . XIII, 282. 4 .c: . E. Benjamin to D. t . Browning, August 15, 1894. 53d Con;:.., 3d Seas . , Vol . II, (Ser. 3306) B. Ex. Doc . 1 , ~t. 5, Vol . XV, 272. 5Ibid. t ' t • ,. 162. The Agency was anum.iDg a respectable appearance, as Agent Gallagher reported in 1896, but more work was required. He terminated his plea for future improvements with 1his remark vihioh seemed to come as an echo out of the past--"Good buildings serve as an object lesson to the lndians."1 John Smith had urged the necessity of settiDg good examples to the Indians during his twenty years of service and now his prayer was answered. Milla A flood in December 1861 carried away the dam and penstock and destroyed a large portion of the new millrace which was in process of construction. The new aa"Nilill and flouring mill which were being erected, were undermined and damaged, "so that it was with the utmost 2 exertion of all employees and a number of Indians" that they were saved from being a total wreck. Temporary dams were built and ditches dug to turn the water aside. The foundations were washed out in many places to a depth of three or four feet. The severity of the winter hindered reconstruction work, and repairs were not completed until the following sl.mlDl.er when a lp. Gallagher to D. M. Bl"owning, August 20, 1896. 54th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II (Ser. 3489) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XIII, 282. 2 John Darrah to William Logan, June 20, 1862. 37th Cong., 3d Seas. (Ser. 1157) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 2, Vol. II, 437. .. 163 l dam and substantial breakwater were constructed. During the Winter, hov1ever, while the high water prevented other work, the miller built a storehouse. The sawyer reported that he out 30,000 teet of lumber the first season and 280,000 feet the following year with the aid of an Indian assistant. 2 The greater portion was used by the Indians for building houses and fences, although some of the lumber was used by the employees in the erection of an office and stable for the Department. In 1864 the miller took charge of the sa'Wlll.111, for no sawyer had been employed, and he endeavored to run both mills alone, until he was supplied with e.n Indian assistant. During the summer he completed a smut mill to clean wheat before grinding it for flour. Much of the Indian's wheat had been ~ected by this disease, and the miller had been unable to clean it before milling. This new machine was not attacmd to the mill, and he soon found it to be inadequate for his needs. Superintendent Huntington visited the Reservation after the death of Agent Logan in 1865 and reported that the mills were "the best 1John Logan to J. w. Perit Huntington, August 3, 1863. 38th Cong., 1st Sess. (Ser. 1182 ) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. III, 192-193. 2williron E. Smart to Yiilliam Logan, June 30, 1862. 37th Cong., 3d S~ss. (Ser. 1157) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 2, Vol . II, 438. Also, William E. Smart to William Logan, August 1, 1863. 38th Cong., 1st Sess. (Ser. 1182j H. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. Ill, 195. . . 164 in the superintendency and admirably adapted to the purposes for which they were designed. 111 By the next year the r ace had begun to leak , however, and in 1867 the sawmill could not be run at full speed for nearly half the water leaked out. In May the Agent assessed 1:hree days' l~bor on every able- bodied Indian and commenced digging a ditch to convey water to the saw and flouring mills in place of the old flume. Shortly after they began work a section of the old flUJ:le fell down, but within six weeks the new ditch was completed, and the water could be turned into the mills. The ditch was a quarter of a mile long, ten feet wide and an average depth of fivo feet. Indians did the greater -psr t of t.'lle work , dig- - ging through clay and cobblestones whi~½ were cemented very tightly to- gether, and Agent Smith estimated that the work would othenriae have cost the Department between ~1,600 and $1,800. He issued food to them instead of ,vagee, and he stated that the cost \Vas only the price of four beef cattle and about 1 1 000 pounds of flour. 2 He also gave them passes for t\fenty days to go to the fisheries ,men the work was completed. The interest of the Indians in wheat r aising had rapidly in- creased in the early years. In good seasons the)' often had a surplus 1 Ped t Huntington to D. N. ~ooley, September 17 1 1865. J. w. 39th Cong., 1st Sees. {Ser. 1248) H. Ex. Doc. 11 Vol. II, 646. 2John Smith to J. 7. Perit Huntington, July 20, 1868. 40th Cong., 3d Sosa . (Sor. 1366} 1-i . Ex. Doc, 1, Vol. II, 577. I • 165 of flour, but the mill oould not grind it fine enough £or the market, so some of the Indians hauled their grain to settlements in the vicinity, as Prineville or Tygh Valley, to be ground. 1 In 1890 the gri stmill was overhauled, and new and improved maohinery was installed. 2 The building had been in use for over thirty years and the basement was badly rotted, al though the upper stories were in good o ondi tion. This improvement fumished an inoentive to renewed effort in the culture of wheat, for during the previous year every pound of flour used upon the Reservation had been purchased from the outside market. 3 Thousands of pounds of flour had been shipped in for the use of Indians and employees during the years. The Indians preferred to l'«:>rk off the Reservation, earning money to purchase flour instead of needed comforts and improvements for their homes. The repairs and improvements to the old gristmill were not per- manent, and six years later the Agent reported that the mill stood un- used. The Indians were oa:npelled to carry their wheat fifty miles to be ground, and they lost thereby one-si:x:th to one-seventh of their product in tolls, beside the oost of transportation. 1J. C. Luckey to T. J. Morgan, August 24, 1889. 51st Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II (Ser. 2725) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 6, Vol. XII, 278. 2J. c. Luokey to T. J. Morgan, August 23, 1890. 51st Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. II (Ser. 2841) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. nI, 211. 3Ibid. 166 James Cowan urged in 1897 that a new building wi th new machinery would not only advance the farming industry but v.ould also save large sums of Government money wh i oh were spent f'or the transportation of flour; but the appropriations for the next few years were devoted to other improvements. 1 \Yi thin a few yea.rs the timber surrounding the old mi 11 had been cut, and by 1871 the Agent reported that logs had to be hauled by heavy teams eight miles to the mill.2 Cumbersome log trucks were being used whioh required two yoke of oxen to draw them when empty.3 The oost of transporting logs, and the time involved, retarded the construction of buildings; so Smith requested that a new mill be built and the Depart- ment gave him $1,000 toward its ereotion. 4 In 1880 a mill with a circular eaw was completed, and the lo- cation chosen was thirteen miles northwest of the Agency, on a good- sized stream which would furnish ample wat&r power, and near a dense forest. 5 It was not roofed, however, and the maohinezy was lef't exposed to the weather. 1James L. Cowan to W. A. Jones, August 16, 1897. 55th Cong., 2d Sess. (Ser. 3641) H.Ex.Voo. 5, Vol. XIII, 262. 2John smith to T. B. Odeneal, September 1, 1872. 42d Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. I ( Ser. 1560) H.Ex. ~oo. 1, pt. 6, Vol. III, pt 1, 760. 3John Smith to J. H. Perit Huntington, July 20, 1868. 40th Cong., 3d Seas., (Ser. 1366) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. II, 577-578. 4John Smith to E. A. Marble, August 16, 1880. 46th Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. I (Ser. 1969) H.Ex. Doo. l, pt. 6, Vol. IX, 271. 51bid. .. . . 167 The old mi 11 was put in repair to s a.w the needed lumber for the new building, but it cut only 20,000 feet during the year, in comparison 1 witn 50,000 feet the preceding year. The new machinery out timber much faster than the old sash mill, so there was no inducement to haul saw logs six to eight miles to the latter. The circular saw oould only handle the small logs, however, so the large trees were left standing in the woods; and the best lumber, therefore, could not be obtained. Unusually high water carried out the dam during tm winter of 1890, end the sawni.11 was so damaged that no sawing could be done unti 1 late in the spring. The mill, now eleven years old, needed to be moved 8.Ild rebuilt. All the good timber which could be handled within a radius of several miles had been cut for lumber. Four years later the mill was rebuilt end relocated, this time twenty miles northwest of the .Agency. 2 A turbine wheel and new machinery were purchased, and the mill was again in working condition equipped to furnish all necessary lumber for the use of the Indians and the .Agency. Shops Agent Logan listed the existing improvements an the Reservation in his annual report to Superintendent Rector in 1862: The department buildings are as follows: one saw and one flouring mill, in good order; one wagon and ploughmaker's shop, in good order and will 1Ibid. 2E. E. Benjamin to D. M • .Browning, August 15, 1894. 53d Co:og., 3d S 8 ss., Vol. II (Ser. 3306) H. Ex• Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. X:V, 272. answer for the purpose intended, with sufficient set of tools; one blacksmith's shop with tin and gun- smith's shop thereto attached, having been built at an early time, 'When there was no lumber for building purposes, is very rudely constructed, unfit for the intended service, and without the necessary tools, for tin and gunsmith's ahopJ one school house, not fit to keep school in during the fall and winter, too small, and is not finishedJ one hospital building, unfinished, it is small and entirely unfit for the purpose for which it was intended; dwelling houses for the employees, there are none. ttl 168 The blacksmith's shop had been one of the original buildings erected on the Reservation, and it was apparently built of green logs; for by 1862 the smith reported that it was badly out of repair. The logs were rotten and the old shake roof very leaky, and the building was so dark that the smith oould not see to war k in it in the winter time. He had spent much of his time in "filling up holes in walls and roof11 which could otherwise have been utilized in repairing wagon s and implements for the Indians. The shop of the wagon and plo'WID.aker was built sometime after the other shop, tmdoubtedly of season ed lumber, for it was in good con- dition in 1862, although it was small. Both of these shops were poorly equipped with tools, vhich handicapped the mechanics. Four years later a new blacksmith shop was built,2but it 3 burned on the e vening of August 15, 1870. The loss was small for the 3d Sess. Cong., 2d Cong., 3d l william Logan to William H. Rectori J~ly 28, 1862. 37th Cong., (Ser. 1157) H. ~x. ~oo. 1, pt. 2, Vo. II, 432. 2John Smith to J. w. Perit .ff.untington, August 25, 1866. 39th Sess. (Ser. 1284) H. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. II, 83. 3'.villiam w. Mitchell to A. B. Meacham, August 20, 1870. 41st seas., Vol. I (Ser. 1449) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 4, Vol. IV,pt.1,575. 169 work wal'f done by the employees and materials furnished on the Reservation, and the shop was quickly rebuilt. In the spring of the same year a new shop for the wagon and 1 plovanaker was built and water power installed. The original building had been too small to make large wagon beds, but with the new machinery and larger spaoe the mechanic was able 1:x:> manufacture wagons for the Agency and Indians more cheaply than they could be purchased in any mar- ket on the coast. The Indians needed and were anxious to own wagons and furnished all the lumber used in the erection of this shop. The blaok:maith shop ,vas torn down and rebuilt in 1886, and again in 1895, and the building was whitewashed. 2 There were suffi- cient tools to equip two shops, and in 1888 when Agent Daniel W. Butler assumed charge of the Reservation, he reqoosted that an appropriation be made to erect another blacksmith shop at Simnasho. Some of the people lived eight miles beyond that settlement, and those needing the assist- anoe of the smith were compelled to drive twenty-eight miles to the Agency. There were as many people settled in that region as around Wann Springs, and he suggested that if only one smith were to be employed for the Reservation, his time should be divided between the two settlements. 3 2Jason ~heeler to J. D. c. Atkins,August 18, 1886. 49th Cong., 2d seas., Vol. I (Ser. 2467) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. VIII", 441. 3Daniel "H. Butler to John H. Oberly, August 27, 1888. 50th Cong., 2d seas., Vol. II (Ser. 2637) ~. Ex• Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. n, 216. 1701 An effort had been made to employ apprentices to assist in the shops and mills, but for the first few years no provision was made to support them while they were learning their trades. 1 In 1862 the blacksmith had a part time assistant, but he soon became dissatisfied, preferring his carefree life to routine labor, and refused to remain. The sawyer also had an assistant for a short time until he lost a finger by carelessness, and the other Indians were afraid to come near the machinery. The next year the blacksmith complained that his assistant had been lured away by the other Indians who told him that the trade was beneath his dignity. In 1868 John Smith requested that provision be made for the support of apprentices while learning trades. It is very important that some provision should be made for this purpose as the greater portion of the time allotted to this agency for the employment of meohe.nios has passed, and not one Indian has learned a trade yet. The apprentice has to be clothed and fed and kept from associating with other Indians, otherwise he will never learn anything. The Indians are very anxious to have a boy in both the bloksmith and wagon and ploughmaker's shops, and also one in the mill. 2 1During 1864 the apprentices were allowed to work at their trades in the morning and attend school in the afternoon, being board- ing and lodged by the depar~nt, but this was discontinued before 1868 . J. G. Campbell to William Logan, July 10, 1864. 38th Cong., 2d Seas., (Ser. 1220) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. 5, 242. 2John Smith to J. W. Perit Huntington, July 20, 1868. 40th Cong., 3d Sess., (Ser. 1366) R. Ex. Doo. l, Vol. II, 578. Also John Smith to Felix Brunot, September 11 1871. 42d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1505) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. III, pt. 1, 726. .. 171 There were a number of young men desirous of learning trades, but they were unable to give their time to the work and support them- selves. They needed boarding, lodging and clothing. The activities of the blacksmith and wagon and plowmaker were necessarily varied. They were called upon to build and repair every- thing from tools to houses, and their shops provided schools of instruc- tion and experience for the Indians. A hint of the type of work whioh occupied the time of these two artisans is given in their reports of the year 1864. George C. Cook, the wagon and plo11111ak:er enumerated his accomplishments for the year as follows: Have built one set of trucks, one set of wheels and two wagon boxes; the remainder of my time has been spent in repairing wagons, ploughs and other tools of the department, also the buildings and fences on the reservation, and for the Indiana. There is need of oak timber and plough handles for the repairs of wagons and ploughs, and sash for the Indians who have built houses, tiere being six or eight houses occupied without windows. F. B. Chase, the blacksmith, reported: Made two large and four small ploughs and new laid six others. I have ironed one new set of trucks for logging, repaired four wagons and the ox yokes and chains belonging to the department. The shoeing of horses and mules has also been unusually large. There has been a great deal of work done for Indians suoh as repairing guns and old tinware, making wedges, ma~l rings, grubbing hoes, garrowteeth and root diggers. laeorge c. Cook to William Logan, July 30, 1864. 38th Cong., 2d Seas., (Ser. 1220) H. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. V, 246. 2Ibid., F. B. Chase to William Logan, July 11, 1864, 245-246. .. 17~ Some of the Indians with an aptitude for these trades went in- to the shops to work for themselves. One man made over twenty sets of harness and could repair saddles • .Another became a good boot and shoe- maker. Two learned to repair guns very well, dividing the labor, one doing the wood and the other the iron work; but they only worked for their own amusement. 1 At this time there were six apprentices, two each in the gristmill, sawmill, and blacksmith shop, and another Indian acted as an assistant farmer. 2 AJ3 the Indians beoa.me more proficient in their trades, they were often put in charge of the mills or shops without anyone to over- see, while the white employees were detailed for other duties. 3 In 1883 two native assistants were promoted to the positions of blacksmith and sawyer, formerly filled by white employees.4 Their services were satisfactory, and while in some respects they could not fill the po- sitions as well as skilled white mechanics, yet they could do all that was really necessary in their lines of work. lJohn Smith to H. Price, August 17, 1881. 47th Cong., 1st Seas., Vol. II, (Ser. 2018) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. X, 211. 2-Ibid. 3John Smith to H. Prioe, August 24, 1882. 47th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2100) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XI, 205. 4John Smith to H. Price, August 14, 1883. 48th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2191) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XI, .192. .. Water System~ Roads During the last decade of the nineteenth century, many im- provements were made on the Reservation. Modern school buildings and roads were constructed, and a water and sewer system was finished. The water for t he plant was pumped from the creek into a large reserwir on the hillside. The water wheel which drove the pump was unprotected !'rom the severe winter weather and sometimes froze, and in 1899 the school Superintendent, Sam Davis, suggested that the wheel be inclosed and a stove used to thaw the wheel, if neoessary.l The reser- voir was unoovered and Davis complained that water for the school should be protected, for hard winds oaused a continuous drift of the loose dirt which had been thrown out on the upper side of the reserwir during ex- oavation. However, the new system was "nearly as perfect as it could be made" with ordinary expense, to quote Agent Cowan.2 During the year an electric lighting plant was put into operation, but the water wheel running the dynamo did not furnish sufficient power so a request was made for its replacement.3 ' 1sam B. Davis to James L. Cowan, August 17, 1899. 56th Cong., 1st Sees., pt. l, (Ser. 3915) H. Ex. Doo. 5, Vol. XVIII, 326-327. 2Ibid., James L. Cowan tow. A. Jones, August 15, 1899, 325. 3James E. Kirk to W. A. Jones, August 31, 1900. 56th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 410) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Volo XXVII, 370. .. 174 ROAD BUILDING BY INDIANS Year Indian Labor (Days) Road Built (if.ilea) Road Repaired (Mil.!!L 1892 40 13 10 1893 40 13 10 1894 600 5 50 1895 605 2 48 1896 225 50 1897 535 50 1898 475 2 51 1899 105 53 19008 8 No figures availaole . 176 Part of the labor expended on improvements during this last decade was used to build and repair roads on the Reservation. The roads had been in a very bad condition during the early years--nothing more than rocky mountain trails, and it took four days of hard travel to make the trip from Warm Springs to The Dalles. 1 Agent Smith estimated that he spent nearly one-third of his time on the road. This was tedious and expensive. Supplies for the Agency were drawn by teams or packed from The Dalles, and there was no road over which a loaded team could pass with any degree of safety, particularly from the Agency to Tygh Valley.a The trip required thirteen or fourteen days by wagon, for the animals and equipment were old and worn. Mitchell suggested that an appropria•· tion of $5003 for labor would be sufficient to improve the road for travel. He used Indian labor for temporary improvements, feeding the men in lieu of pay. The Tygh Indians with their chief, Poust-em.-i-ne, oonstruc- ted a very good wagon road in 1867, from their fields to the Agency, a distance of sixteen miles, over a mountainous and rocky country.4 1John Smith to J. W. P. Huntington, July 20, 1868. 40th Cong., 3d Sess., (Ser. 1366) H. Ex. Doc. l, Vol. II, 678. 2william w. Mitchell to A. B. Meacham, September 18, 1869. 41st Cong., 2d Seas., (Ser. 1414) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 3, Vol. III, 605. 3Ibid. 4John Smith to J. W. Perit Huntington, June 26, 1867. 40th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 1326) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. III, 86. .. 17S This enabled them to keep in oloser communication with the Agency and facilitated transportation of goods. Some discontent arose among the Warm Springs in 1869 over the road building, owing to bad council give them by outsiders. They were told that it was not good for them to do this work, for since they had no wagons, it was evident that the Agent only wanted a good road for his own use.1 During the years from. the opening of the Reservation to the beginning of ~he last decade of the centpry, very little, other than temporary improvements were made on the roads. In the spring it was necessary to repair the damages of winter storms. When Lieutenant Ben- jamin arrived at the Agency in 1893, he com.plained of the impassable condition of the roads for wheeled vehicles. 2 He immediately put the Indians to work, exacting three days' labor from each able-bodied man.3 During the next year it was necessary to increase the time to five days for each Indian. Benjamin commented on the willingness of the Indians to work, "The Indians are willing to work on the roads, but most of them subsist upon roots and claim the food is not sufficiently strong to enable 1William W. Mitchell to A. B. Meacham, August 20, 1870. 41st Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. 1, (Ser. 1449) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 4, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 523. ' . 177 them to perform ha.rd labor," he said. "As a result the few Indians who have better food are required to feed the many who have only roots. 11 1 During the next year about forty-eight miles of roads were repaired, requiring five days' work from each man. 2.. roads: In 1896 Agent Gallagher reported on the condition of the These tribes have made and repaired all roads within the confines of the reservation, one thorough• fare being more used by the public than by themselves, and running some 30 miles north and south. The roads Will compare favorably with those in civilized communites, and in some oases are far super- ior. Though the grades from necessity in a mountain- ous country like this are in many places steep, still the roadbeds will be found to be very good. 3 The Indians responded promptly to the oall for public work, and the next two years built two miles of new grade,4 in addition to repairing all the public roads on the Reservation. 2c. W. Farber to D. M. Browning, August 13, 1895. 64th Cong., 1st Sass., Vol. II, (Ser. 3382) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XV, 280. 3P. Gallagher to D. M. Browning, August 20, 1896. 54th Cong., 2d Sass., Vol. II, (Ser. 3489) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. IlII, 282. 4Jemes L. Cowan tow. A. Jones, August 15, 1898. 55th Cong., 3d Sass., (Ser. 3757) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XV, 264. I 7'b CH.APTER VIII EDUCATION Very little we.s accomplished in the first few years in the estab- lishment of schools on the Reservation. Although the Wasoos were anxious to have schools from the beginning,l yet when e.n attempt was made, the routine failed to be attractive to the parents, "whose indolent and wan- dering habits. . . . prevented the punctual attendance of the children.tt2 The pupils soon wearied of the imposed restraint, and after two or three weeks' attendance at school would remain absent until they had forgotten all they had learned.3 Only part of the children in the vicinity of the Agency were in school, and many of them were very irregular for the teacher had no con- trol over attendance. When the fishing season opened in May, the Indians left the Reservation by families, taking their children with them. They considered themselves entitled to the assistance of the children in rais- ing or securing food, since they were compelled to support them. 1A. P. Dennison to J. W. Nesmith, Augus t 1, 1858. 35th Cong., 2d Sess. (Ser. 997) H. Ex. Doc. 2, Vol. II, pt. 1, 614. 2Edward R. Geary to A. B. Greenwood, October 1, 1860. 36th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 1078) S. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I; 408. 3J. u. D. Gillett to John Smith, June 24, 1867. 40th Cong., 2d Sess. (Ser. 1326) H. Ex. Doc. l, Vol.m, 87. 180 M. M. Chipman, in charge of the Agency school in 1862, pre- sented figures whioh give a clear picture of the situation. On April 1 there were twenty-two boys and eleven girls in school, but this number diminished until by the middle of June there were only thirteen pupils.l The attendance increased to thirty-five boys and twenty-one girls during the winter of 1863. 2 Two years later the teacher reported that the aver- age did not exceed eight scholars a day, 3 which is insignificant in com- parison to the estimated school population of 126 children.4 J. u. D. Gillett was convinced of the impossibility of pro- gressing under the existing system of day schools. He commented on the problem of attendance in his annual report as followsa During the winter months the school is well attended by the Indian children e.nd very often by their parents, not actuated by the wish to learn but to enjoy a warm. fire and comfortable room. ly. u. Chipman to William L:>gan, June 30, 1862. 37th Cong., 3d Sess., (Ser. 1167) H. Ex. Doc., 1, pt. 2, 439-440. 2 J. G. Campbell to William Logan, July 10, 1864. 38th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 1220) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. V, 243-244. 3J. U. D. Gillett to J. w. Perit Huntington, August 19, 1866, 39th Cong., 1st Sass., (Ser. 1248) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol.~ 666. 4J. u. D. Gillett to John Smith, August 20, 1866. 39th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 1284) H. Ex. Doc., 1, Vol.II, 84. .. As soon as the weather beoomes pleasant, and the comf'ort af'forded by the schoolhouse is no longer required, the attendance suddenly, not gradually, diminishes to six or eight scholars who have not attended the school during the winter, but living at a great distance from the school •••• avail themselves of the first fine day to visit the sohool and learn what changes have taken place during the winter. 1 181 Agent Mitchell placed Hop-to-wit, or Jacob Thomas, an educated Wasco Indian in charge of the school in March 1870. 2 There was an im- mediate increase in interest and attendanoe during the spring and summer. While the school had been under the supervision of a white teacher, the average attendance had not exceeded ten, but Thomas• report shows a decided growth.3 March 20-31 (average attendance) April May June July 22 pupils 22 21 16 7 It was impossible to impart lasting information to these people in day schools. There was no lack of capability among the Indian children, but they were placed at a great disadvantage as compared with white children. They were "unable to enunciate many of the sounds repre- sented by the letters of the English alphabet, and being ignorant of the 1J. U. D. Gillett to John Smith, June 24, 1867. 40th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 1326) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. III, 87. 2w. W. Mitchell to A. B. Meacham, August 20, 1870. 41st Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1449) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 4, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 524. 525. 3Ibid., Jaoob Thom.as to William ~. Mi tohell, August 19, 1870, 182: words which they learn and the sentences they read," wrote Chipman, "the exercises do not natural ly possess an equal interest to them as to the white ohildren. "l It seemed advisable to instruct them parrot-like or by appealing to their senses , not addressing them in their own language.2 At the beginning of the school year in 1861, there were eight pupils who knew the alphabet, and a small number lal.evr part ot: it. Only a fer.1 could read in syl lables of tfro letters .3 Colonel Dennison, the preceding agent, had purchased books, but there were few for beginners, the greatest portion were suited only for more advanced students. Those who attended school regularl y during the year learned to read and spell syllables ot: t\vo letters readily and "all the syllables and words of three letters in Smith I s Little Spell er . n4 The teacher set copies of letters on slates and some of the children learned to make well- formed l etters. He also drilled them in exercises to improve their pronunciation, carefully endeavoring to teach them the language. Although he worked industriously, as did those who £ollcnTed him, five years later only five pupils could spell and pr onounce words of four syl labl es, and not one oould understand the most simple 1u. M. Chipman to William. Logan, June 30, 1862. 37th Cong. , 3d Sess . , (Ser. 1157) H. Ex. Doc . 1, pt. 2, Vol.~ 439 . 2J . G. Campbell to \7ill ia,":l Logan, Jul y 10, 1864. 38th Cong. , 2d Sess. , (Ser. 1220) R. Ex . Doc . 1, Vol. V. 244. 3H. M, Chipman to William Logan, June 30, 1862. 37th Cong., 3d Sess ., (Ser. 1157) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 2, Vol . Il, 439- 140. 4:rbid. 183 word in English used in speaking to him.1 The difficulty concerning the daily intercourse between child- ren and parents and the resulti ng irregular attendance continued. Child- ren leaving the school room in the afternoon would shed civilization and assume savagery when they entered their camps. They had no occasion to use the English language at home for their parents did not understand it. When Brunot reported on his visit to the Agency school, he said: The school has been a comparative failure both as to numbers and results. Some of the chi ldren read quite fluently without understanding what they read and have been instructed somewhat in spelling, arith- metic, geography and writing. 2 Several years later John Smith completed a census of the Reser- vation, and his information inoluded the numbers of those who had atten- ded school and those who could read or speak English.3 Of the one hund- red who had attended school, there were only seventeen adults and fi:f'ty- three youths who could read more or less correctly. Many would not speak Enlgish--for they preferred to use the Chinook jargon. He asserted 1J. u. D. Gillett to John Smith, June 24, 1867. 40th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 1326) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol.ID, 87. 2 Felix Brunot to Board of Indian Commissioner s , November 20, 1871. 42d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1505) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt, 5, Vol.III, pt. 1, 533. 3 John Smith to H. Price, August 24, 1882. 47th Cong., 2d Sess. Vol. II, (Ser. 2100) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XI, 205. 184 that if the use of this language, which seemed to have originated with the Wascos, oould be eliminated, the greatest obstacle to their learn- ing would be removed. llany of the jargon words were pure ·wasco, and he commented that tribes more remote from the Col\mibia River or the sea coast, as the Nez Peroe and Klamath Indians, were more proficient in the use of Eng- lish than the Indians on the Warm Springs Reservation. The language was so commonly used that it was not only spoken within the tribe, but also between members of different tribes. Agent Luckey voiced the same be- lief eight years later, as an explanation for the backwardness of the Indians. 1 These difficulties had been foreseen in 1860 by Superintendent Geary, when he proposed that the most promising children be sent to in- dustrial sohools where they oould be boarded and brought up away from 2 their homes. Two years later the Seoretary of Interior, Caleb Smith, suggested that they be taught industry in manual labor schools. 3 1J. C. Luckey to T. J . Corgan, August 23, 1890. 51st Cong. , 2d Sess., Vol.IX (Ser. 2841) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 6, Vol.XII, 210. 2Edward R. Geary to A. B. Greenwood, November 30, 1860. 36th Cong., 2d Sess. (Ser. 1078 ) S. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, 408. 3caleb B. Smith to 'hilliam P. Dole, November 29, 1862. 37th Cong., 3d Sees., (Ser. 1157) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 2, Vol.Ji[, 190. 185 Commissioner Hayt also recommended compulsory education for Indian children between the ages of six and fourteen years at boarding schools, where only English would be spoken. 1 He estimated the cost of forty children for board and instruction at $125 per year. He also sug- gested that higher education be provided in some of the eastern normal schools to educate the more capable gre.duates to fill the positions of the 400 incompetent interpretors then employed in the Indian service. Repeated requests for the establishment of a boarding school were sent to the Indian Offioe2 by teachers and Agents through the fol- lowing years, with statistics to prove the need for a change from the existing system. But it was not until 1870 that the change was effected, and in the intervening time success and progress in education remained dormant, awaiting the advent of the boarding school, wherein the child- ren could be isolated under proper discipline from their homes and sav- age associates. 1Annual Report of Commissioner of Indian Affairs, E. A. Hayt, November 1, 1877. 45th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I. (Ser. 1800) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5,Vol. VIII, .399. 2 .Annual Report of Commissioner of Indian Affairs, John Eaton, Jr., October 27, 1870. 41st Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 1450) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 4, Vol. IV, pt. 2, 340. • 186 ~ Agency School The first school was a temPorary structure, 1 with walls of un- dressed inch lumber. of' only one thiclaless. The green lumber cracked and warped as it dried, leaving zmny open places in the walls and giving very poor protection against wind and cold weather. The house was raised from the ground without any kind of underpinning and was without a ceil- ing overhead. The doors and windows had been imperfectly cased with green lumber and within two or three years needed recasing. The seats and writing desks were ma.de so as to form slips of such length e.s to con- tain eight persons with only an entrance at one end and were very incon- venient. When M. M. Chipman took charge of the school in 1861, he :found the building in need of remodeling and repairing, but lacking money and material b.e cruld do nothing.2 There was no additional construction, other than temporary repairs until 1870.3 On November 1, 1860, Agent Mitchell opened a night school for all who wished to attend. The employees assisted in the instruction, and the attendance averaged twenty-four scholars a night.4 \. M. Chipman to William Logan, June 30, 1862. 37th CoDg., 3d Sess., (Ser. 1157) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 2, Vol.II, 439-440. 2Ibid. 3 w1Uiam w. Mitchell to A. B. Meacham, August 20, 1870. 41st Cong., 3d Sess. Vol. I, (Ser. 1449) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 4, Vol.n, pt. 1, 525. t . 187 Continued agitation t or a boarding school resulted in the pl an- ning of a new building by Mitchell in 1870.1 His design proVided for a boarding house attached to the school buildings, where the children, once entered for the year, would r emain. The school was to be self-sustain- ing for the par ents would be required to contribute for the subsistence of their children, and the pupils ~uld cultivate a garden to f'urnish green vegetables for the table. The pl an appealed to the Indi ans , and the offered to furnish lumber and connnon l abor for the building . The erection of the new school e ccelerated the interest in ed- ucation, end seventy-two names appeared on the day school list. Average attendance for the six months , ending J'U.ne 1 was fifty-one, and between June 1 and September 1, the average was twenty-six.2 During the winter of 1872 more than seventy Indi-n children at tended school , and the teaaher, haVing no assistant, employed the advanced scholars to hear classes. Hitherto the white children b~longing to the Department em- ployees had attended the same school , but crowded conditions necessitated t heir r emoval. The students really shov~d some progress a t the end of 1Ibid. 2John ~ith to T. B. Odeneal, September 1, 1872 . 42d Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. I (Ser. 1560) H. Ex. Doc . l, pt . 5 , Vol. III, pt. 1, ?49. 188 the year, proving John Smith's oontention that Indian children were at least equal to the white children in oapability. Mitchell hoped to oomplete the building for the boarding school in the fall of 1870,1 but construction was delayed and it was not finished until two years later.2 In the spring of 1872 a severe storm blew dolfn the building and destroyed the material. 3 John Smith, who had succeeded Mitchell in 1871, began rebuilding the structure, doing the work himself and furnishing the material at his own expense. 4 It was finished in the fall of 1872, after an approximate expenditure of $1,500 by the Agent. The building was eighteen by forty-two feet with all the conveniences of a two-story building. Realizing the need among the Indian women for instruction in domestic arts, Smith proposed to teach domestic economy in his new sohool. Quoting from his report of 1872, They should know how to prepare vegetables for the table. They do not know how to oook vegetables and hence seek wild game, often leaving their crops to waste. They would soon abandon the chase and settle down to the quiet lives of farmers and would soon prove self-supporting, industrious and happy. Also their wee.ring apparel is bought ready• made, paying three or four times as much as it is worth. This I would hope to remedy by teaching the lwilliam w. Mitchell to A. B. Meacham., August 20, 1870. 41st Cong., 3d Sees., Vol. I (Ser. 1449) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 4, Vol. IV, pt. l, 524. 2John Smith to T. B. Odeneal, September l, 1872. 42d Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. I (Ser. 1560) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 6, Vol. III, pt. 1, 749. 3Ibid. 4Ibid. - .. women to make olothing. I propose to have all 1 women who wish to leam taught the "98.rious branches. 189 Snith put the supervision of the instruotion in the he.nds of' the school teaoher • s Wife, and asked the Government for only a suffi- cient appropriation to pay her salary and oover the inoidental expenses of the sohool. 2 "Should no aid be granted me," he wrote, "I shall carry the school on to the best of my ability, at my o,m expense."3 However, an appropriation was made by Congress, for $1,2764 to pay for the oost of the school, so Smithwaa reimbursed, partially at least, for his expense. The girls• school was quite successful. The children were taught to knit, sew and aookJ and they were gi wn a noonday meal which was an added inducement to regular attendance. There was same di.fficulty in obtai.ning money to provide furnishings tor the sleeping rooms, but Smith did the best he oould with the funds at his disposal. The Govern• ment failed to make any special provisions, however, and as he received 1Ibid., 749-750. 2Ibid., 760. He suggested that $1,000 per annrm would cover all expenses. 4statistics. 42d Cong., 3d Sess. (Ser. 1578) H. Ex. Doo. 98, Vol. III, 428. 190 no assistance from the religious body to whioh the reservation was as• signed,1 the school was closed in 1875.2 Captain Smith was very disappointed to find that his dream had failed, and that the house he had built with his own hands had been closed for lack of the necessary financial assistance. Bis words ex• press his regrets ''The house provided for that purpose stands as an attestation of my earnestness in endeavoring to inaugurate this most important adjunct in teaching Indian children those things they must know before they can change their habits of life for the better."3 The need still existed for a manual-labor school at whioh the children living too far from the Agency to readily attend school, could be boarded. Many families lived twelve miles or more distant, and the children necessarily had to go without education.4 1The Agency was assigned to the Yethodists••John Smith was a Presbyterian. John Smith to Edward P. Smith, September 8, 1874. 43d Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. I (Ser. 1639) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. S, Vol. VI, 631. Also A. B. Meacham to Felix Brunot, October 25, 1871. 42d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I (Ser. 1605) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 6 Vol. III, pt. 1, 714. 2 John Smith to Edward P. Smith, August 23, 1875. 44th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1680) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 5 Vol. IV, pt. 1, 857. 3Ibid. 4John Smith to T. B. Odeneal, September 1, 1872. 42d Cong._ 3d Sess._ Vol. I, (Ser. 1560) H. Ex. Doc. 1_ pt. 5, Vol. III, pt. 1, 749. 191 On February 5, 1870, a boarding department was opened in connection with the day .school to furnish all the scholars a noonday meal.1 The minister's wife, Mrs. 1·. G. Fee, acted as matron, in- structing the girls in houseY10rk and the Indian women in cooking, bread-making and other arts. Reverend R. N. Fee instructed the more advanced students in language, hoping to educate them to be inter- pretors. Miss Josie Smith, assistant to the teacher, Cyrus H. Walker, taught the beginners and in addition instructed the older girls in sew- ing. An Indian woman, Mrs. Alice Wa-til-ki, was employed as matron for the Boarding and Day school in 1880, and during most of the year two teachers were employed. 2 In the tall an industrial teacher was en• gaged, with the expectation that a school could be built tor the Warm Springs Indiana at the little settlement of Simnasho about fifteen miles northwest of the Agenoy. 3 Unusually early and severe winter storms prevented the ooll8truction of the buildings, so the new teacher assumed the work of the day school teacher, who was employed elsewhere 1John Smith to E. A. Hayt, August 22, 1870. 46th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1910) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IX, 240. 2 John Smith to E. A. Marble, August 16, 1880. 46th Cong., 3d Sees., Vol. I (Ser. 1959) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IX, 269. 3John Smith to H. Price, August 17, 1881. 47th Cong., 1st Sesa •• Vol. II (Ser. 2018) H. Ex. Doc. 1. pt. 5, Vol. X, 211. 19a on the Reservation. During the most inclement weather, when school was not in session, he took a census, and in addition wrote down some of the Warm. Springs language as he talked with the Indians. Captain John Smith died January 18, 1884, 1 after a protracted illness, and his clerk took charge of the affairs of the Agency until his successor, Alonzo Gesner, arrived in Maroh. 2 Gesner describes the condition of the school buildings at the Agency in his first reports Some of the windows were broken out entirely, sash and all--and I was compelled to board them up as there was no material here for repairing any kind of buildings. The .furniture was very primitive in its make• up, more than the people that are to be taught, and unless there are new school houses built and furn- ished, the schools at this Agency must be disoontinued.3 John Smith had toiled diligently during his long term of ser• vioe on the Reservation. He had done his utmost to secure appropri- ations .for repairs, but even his continued requests had failed to bring sufficient money .for labor and materials for building and main- tenance. 1Alonzo Gesner to H. Price, August 15, 1884. 48th Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. II, (Ser. 2287) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 1, Yol. lll, 195. 2 Ibid. 3 • ~·, 196. 193 On June 30, 1883, Gesner discontinued the day school at the Agency and reorganized it as a boarding school a year later.1 He es- timated that nearly half the ohildren of school age upon the Reser- vation attended the two sohools, one in operation at the Agency and the other at Simnasho. The children who had oome volwitarily to sohool could not all be accommodated so a two-story addition, twenty by thirty- two feet was made to the Agenoy school building in 1885.2 This was to be used for a dining room with a girls' dormitory on the upper floor. New buildings were needed, and Gesner complained that although the In• diana were ready to furnish lumber for a school house large enough to accommodate 213 children, yet he received no appropriation from the Department. Jason Wheeler replaced Gesner in 1886,3 and wider his sup• ervision the two-story addition commenced by his predecessor was com- pleted. The plans were changed and the lower part of the new build• ing wa.s used for a school room with a boys' dormitory above, and the old school house was renovated and painted inside and out, to be used 1June 6, 1884. Statistics. 48th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II (Ser. 2287) H • .Ex. Doc. 1, pt. l, Vol. XII, 196. 2Alonzo Gesner to J. D. C. At1c1ns, August 28, 1886. 49th Cong., 1st Seas., Vol. II, {Ser. 2379) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 5, Vol. XII, 398. 3 Jaaon Wheeler to J. D. c. Atkins, August 18, 1886. 49th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I {Ser. 2467) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 5, Vol. VIII, 441. 194 for a boys• sitting room.1 At the same time the building was enlarged sufficiently to provide a girls ' dormitory with a dining room below, but the work was poorly done and increased enrollment soon overcrowded the rooms. /heeler described the situation in his report of 1887: The girls ' sleeping apartment is a half-story room with a 7- foot ceiling with very poor ventilation. The rules and regu_lations require the superintendent and matron to sleep in the building. There is no place provided except a small room partitioned off from the girls ' dormitory, 10 x 16 feet, With a 6-foot ceiling. The physician pronounces it unsafe and totally uni'it for occupancy.2 The rafters were bare and the building was covered with sawed lumber which afforded little protection agains t rains or sno., in winter or burning heat in summer . 3 The rooms were so small that the children \1ere cro;;ded un- comfortably and unhealthfully in their quarters. Thirty to thirty- five girls slept in a dormitory seventeen by thirty-five feet, in which there was room for but twelve double beds. Thirty or more boys slept in a dormitory twenty by thirty-two feet with room for but eleven 1 Ibid., 441 . 2 .rason "!heeler to J . D. c. ;~t ~ins, ~.ugust 23 , 1887. 50th Cong., 1st Seas ... , Yol. II (Ser. 2542) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt . 5, ·ro1. XI, 280 . 1). ··1 . Butler to J' ohn H. Oberly, n UE,'U st 27 , 1888 . 50th Cong , , 2d Sass ., vol . II (Ser. 263?) H. Ex. Doc . 1, pt . 5, Vol . XI, 217. 195 double beds . The girls' sitti ng room was fourteen by thirty-five feet, wi th a wash sink in one corner , an organ in another, and in a third was l the head of the stairs . The bui ldings were a veritabl e patchv1ork, to quote Agent Luckey , and were "neither convenient , adequate, nor healthful . 11 2 The school rooms were too small and l ighted from only two directions , the main room f rom the east and south sides; the small er roam from the east side , wit h one '.'1indol7 in the west uall. One room was only twenty by thirty- two feet and was overcrol'Tded with sixty or seventy scholars in a cl ass. The l ocation of the school, right in the heart of the Agency was unfortunate. Quoting the school superintendent , Cyrus H. ~alker: The school buildings are l ocated within a stone ' s t hrow of the agent ' s office , the black- smith and carl)enter shops , and gristmill. One of t he main travelled roads leading to the agency passes right by the school buildings; hence every wagon that rattles by attracts attention. Even a hor seback r ider can scarcely pass without being noticed . To expect scholars to properly apply them- selves to their books in the schoolrooms and to their other duties in and around the school buildings is out of the question. lcyrus H. ~alker to J.C. Luckey , July 14, 1891 • .D.so J . c . Luckey to T. J . Mor gan, September 1, 1891. 52d Cong. , 1st Sess., Vol . II , (Ser . 2934) H. Ex. Doc . 1, pt . 5, Vol . XV, 385. 2Ibid. The buildings are set baok hard by the foot of a hill which rises some 50 feet above the ground floors, and from this hillside in summer time the sun reflects back with almost unbearable beat; hence the almost urgent necessity for turning out all the scholars during the vacation season. In going through the buildings and entering all the rooms, one has to go up or down seven different levels, two on ground floors and five in going up to and on second floors. The roof over the girls' sitting end dressing rooms is so poor and flat that it lee.ks badly in every shower of rain. All the floors are un- even, and not being tongue and groove, this water, and wiless great care is taken, the water used in scrubbing the second floor, leaks do1m. into the lower rooms.l 196 He urged in this report that if no larger appropriation could be secured, a wing should be built eastward from the schoolroom build• ing, about thirty by sixty feet and corresponding with the west wing. Ile asked for $1,000 end suggested that provision be made in the new building for either new schoolrooms or a boys• sitting room. During the preceding winter the boys had 11camped 11 in an old Agency building which even a stove could not heat, and during the coldest weather were allowed to use the schoolrooms, for no regular sitting room had been provided for them. 2 Three years later money was furnished to build such a room.3 Some diffioulty had arisen with the water supply which we.s pumped from the Agency mill race. Although originally pure, this had 1Ibid •• 385. Cyrus H. WaDcer to J. c. Luckey. July 14, 1891. 2Ibid. 3Eugene c. Nardin to E. E. Benjamin, June 1894. 53d Cong., 3d Sese., Vol. II, (Ser. 3306) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XV, 273. Note: Superintendent Na.rdin wrote, "The decayed timbers and floors and the bad odors arising from them must endanger health." .. . . 197 beca:oo contaminated by •the slops and offal• that drained into it fran the Indian shacks located on the bank of the race within a few hundred feet upstream from the pump. These were torn down by Agent Benjamin in 1894,1 but a new water system was not furnished until the erection of the consolidated school in 1896. The plea for a new school building had been constantly before the Indian Department for more than six years prior to Walker's vivid description of the situation at the Reservation in 1891. In 1885 there was sane discussion of appropriating $5,000 for a new building, but the matter was dropped, to be revived in 1886 and 1887.2 At this time plans were submitted to the Indian Office, but here the matter rested. In 1890 estimates were made as to the probable cost of material, but no- thing was done except to repair old buildings. Most of the appropri• ation sent for school repairs was used for necessary work on the saw- mill, and on the Simnasho school, so little was left for the Agency buildings. Agent Luckey suggested in 1890 that the Reservation schools be consolidated in new buildings at the Agency. But he added, •As a civ- ilizing center far the Warm Springs to settle around, the Simnasho ~. E. Benjamin to D. M. Browning, A.ugust 15, 1894, 53d Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 3306) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. D, Z/2. 2cyrus H. Walker to J. C. Luckey, July 14, 1891. 52d Cong., 1st Seas., Vol. II, (Ser. 2934) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. X:V, .385• J; t • 198 school was first opened up, and it will always be a help; but it would be better for their children to be taken away to some other locality."1 There was little inducement to add on to or improve the existing build• ings, for they were a veritable patchwork, and the following year he wrote," •••• it seems a waste of funds to more than make the present buildings reasonably comfortable for the coming winter."2 In 1892 the supervisor of education for the third Oregon dis- trict reported on the condition of the Reservation schoolss The agency boarding school has an enrollment of 76, school building is old end worthless. The erection of a new building with a capacity of 100 pupils has been planned. The Simnasho boarding school has a capacity for 65 pupils . The buildings are badly constructed and of little value. A new building similar to the one planned for the agency school is needed. A system of waterworks for supplying the school with spring water under pressure is desired. There are 224 children of school age on this agency; none are attending the Harrison Institute.3 1J. c. Luckey to T. J. Morgan, August 23, 1890. 51st Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2841) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. Ill, 213. 2J. C. Luckey to T. J. Morgan, September l, 1891. 52d Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2934) H. Ex. Doc . l, pt. 5, Vol. XV, 383-384. 3Ibid., Report of Supervisor of Education, August 20, 1892. .. 199 Plans were therefore, made to consolidate the Reservation scbools,1 erecting new buildings at the Agency, and discontinuing the sessions in the old and dilapidated buildings at Silllnasho Valley. The Agency boarding school was closed and only a small day school was op- erated part of the tilm during the next two years.2 The boarding school at Simnasho was kept up to its full capacity during 1895, but the building burned the following year,3 leaving a small ill-attended day school for the Waim Springs settlement • ..1.fter the reorganization of the day school and the estab- lis.bm3nt of the boarding school in 1884, the scope of activity for the students was broadened to include some manual labor. Schoolroan lessons ranged tram chart classes up to frurth readers and histories for the more advanced scholars. Mental and practical arithmetic, geography and spelling •up to Willson's larger spellers• were taught. and sing!ng was a •trequent exercise• which the children enjoyed, according to Agent 1c. W. Farber to D. M. Browning, August 13, 1895. 54th Cong., 1st sass., Vol. II (Ser. 338~) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. rr, 281. 2P. Gallagher to D. M. Browning, August 20, 1896. _54.th Cong., 2d Sess ., Vol. II (Ser • .3489) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XIII, 282. Also James L. Cowan to tr. A.. Jones, August 16, 1897. 55th Cong., 2d sess., (Ser. 2641) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XIII, 261. 3Ibid. '. Luckey.1 The pupils were required to attend schoolroom exercises at least one-half o:f each school day. 1. change was made in 18942 by Sup- erintendent Nardin, so that all pupils in 8IlY' one grade would be in the sehoolroan at one time and engaged in industrial work the other half of the day. This eliminated the necessity of teaching the same subjects twice each day as before• The children were regularly detailed about once a month for special daily duties.3 Details for the boys included •wood-carryiDg boys, milking boys, stable boys, slop boys, washhouse boys, schoolroan boys and sitting roan boys.• In addition to this they were nearly all appointed for general or irregular industrial work, such as sawing wood at the wagon shop •buzz saw" which was run by water power, cleaning up around school and Agency buildings, and ma.king repairs to buildings and :fences. During the winter they cut and stored ice, and in the spring they assisted the far.mer in plowing and hoeing the school gardens. In 1 J. c. Luckey to T. J. Morgan, August 23, 1890. 51st Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. II (Ser. 2841) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 5, Vol. XII, 210. ~ene C. Nardin to E. E. Benjamin, June 1894• 53d Cong •• 3d Seas., Vol. II (Ser. 3306) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XY, 273• 3cyru.s H. V/alker to J. C. Luckey, July 14, 1891. 52d Cong., lat Seas, Vol. II (Ser. 2934) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XV, 384-385. ' . '. 1894 there were seven acres of garden and six acres of grain under cul- tiva.tion.1 The boys constructed an iITigation ditch which provided water for the fifteen acres of farm land belonging to school and ~part- ment. The produce grown furnished green 1egetables for the children• s tables, and as there was usually a surplus, Nard in requested in 1894 2 that an evaporator be purchased to dry vegetables for winter use. The girls were trained in household arts, and they were also detailed for special daily duties such as 'dormitory girls, sitting room girls, cooks, dining room girls, dishwashers, sewing roan girls and hair-can.bers.• Sewing room duty was never considered a hardship, and the girls enjoyed the work. They made all the garments which 1hey wore and mended all their own clothes and those of the boys. In ad- dition they made sheets, pillow-cases, curtains and tablecloths for the school Weekly washhouse detail and ironing-day detail required larger and stronger girls, and usually ten or fifteen girls were aJ)pointed for this duty.3 The children also raised cows and chickens, learning to care for the animals in a scientific way. They learned to milk the cows 1Eugena C. Nardin to E. E. Benjamin, June 1894. 53d Cong., 3d Seas., Vol. II, (Ser. 3.306) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XV, 27.3• 2Ibid • .3cyrus H. Walker to J. C. Luckey, July 14, 1891. 52d Cong., lat Seas., Vol. II, (Ser. 2934) H. Ex. Doc. 1~ pt. 5, Vol. rr, 384-385. 202! and make butter, receiving a practical education that they could use in later life. Industrial work was not required of young children in the lower grades, and they attended both morning and afternoon sessions of school. A study hour was maintained every evening, devoted to prepar- ing lessons and singing, but Friday was given to recreation.1 Simnasho Valley School The growth of the Warm Springs settlement in Simnasho Valley, and the lack of boarding accannodations at the Agency school, neces- sitated construction of a school for the children of that community. Captain Smith regarded the backwardness of the Warm Spring Indiana, lo- cated at the northern end of the Reservation, as proof that close com- munication vritb educated white persons was necessary for the civil- ization of the native people.? He earnestly believed that the Wann Springs with their industry and determination would sane day forge ahead of the other tribes on the Reservation, and in 1881 succeeded in 1certain days were set aside as school holidays; they are listed in the regulations as follows: New Year I s Day• Franchise Day (February 8), Washington's Birthday, Arbor Day, Decoration Day ~ 30), Independence Day, Thanksgiving Day, Christmas Day. 2w11liam W. Mitchell to. A. B. Meacham, September 18, 1869. 41st Cong., 2d Seas., (Ser. 1414) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 3, Vol. III, 605. 203 securing money to build an industrial school for them..1 The place selected far the buildings was nearly twenty miles northwest of the Agency, and during 1881 and 1882 a dwelling house, school, and a boarding house large enough to accOllDllodate thirty child- ren were erected by the employees with the assistance of a few Indian laborers. 2 Near l.y all the lumber for the buildings.3 was hauled by the Indians fifteen miles from the sawmill without expense to the Govern- ment. They also cut and hauled the saw logs to the mill. The new school was called the Warm Springs Industrial and Boarding School to distinguish it from the Day and Boarding School at the Agency. It opened on August 29, 1882, with seven scholars, but enrollment increas ed to twenty-six boarding and four day pupils in J'au- uary 1883.4 The average attendance for the year was fifteen and sewn- twelfths, whereas the average attendance at the Agency school for the 1John Smith to H. Price, August 24, 1882 . 47th Cong.• 2d Seas., Vol. II, (Ser. 2100) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. ·XI, 207. The Simnasho Boarding School cost $4,742.50. Bureau of Education Special Report. 48th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 22641 S. Ex. Doc. 95, Vol. II, pt. 2, 608. 2Jason Wheeler to J. D. C. Atkins, August 2.3, 1887. 5oth Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2.542) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XI, '80. 3sufficient lumber was provided for a two-story building, 24 by 60 feet. Jason Wheeler to J. D. c. Atkins, August 18, 1886. 49th Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. I, (Ser. 2467) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XIII, 441. 4John Smith to H. Price, August 14, 1883. 48th Cong., lat Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2191) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XI, 192• 204 same period was twenty and three-fifths with an enrollment of fifty . 1 students. The school was operated at first on a twelve-months' basis, with sessions held in every month of the year although only 190 days were taught.2 An industrial teacher and a matron were engaged the first year, and the following :rune an assistant was employed.3 The train- ing given to the children was s mil.er to that of the .Agency school. The boys were taught carpentering, blacksmithing , gardening, animal hus- bandry, and wood cutting with ax and crosscut 1aw. The girls were taught cooking, sewing and housekeeping. 'l'he school also had a garden of ab cut fourteen acres, which the children assisted the farmer in cul- tivating. Captain Smith commented on sane of the difficulties attendant to the operation of the new school in his annual report of 18831 1Ibid. 2Ibid. Note a Statistics for 1886 show school population 193; accommodations, forty; average attendance, thirty; sessions eleven months. Bureau of Education Special Report. 48th Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. II, S. Ex. Doc. 95, Vol. II, pt. 2, 608. 3At each school on June 30, 1890, there were six white and two Indian employees, as follows: superintendent, industrial teacher. lady teacher, matron, seamstress, cook and laundress, and two Indian assistants chosen from the larger and most efficient scholars. J. C • Luckey to T. J. Morgan, August 23, 1890. 51st Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. II, {Ser. 2841) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XII, 213• It has been difficult to keep the children at this school. Their parents and friends do not fully appreciate the advantages of the training we aim to give them, and too often take the children's part when they run off home on account o1 having been corrected or f'rom getting hanesick. Interest in the school increased in the next ten years and 205 in 1891 F. T. Sampson, Superintendent of the Simnaeho school .. reported that the students were mre enthusiastic about their work and were more 2 anxious to learn than ever before. They had advanced in reading, writ- ing and language work. 'With few exceptions,• wrote Superintendent Hertzog, three years later, •the children can speak English well enough to keep up an ordinary conversation.•3 The younger pupils readily learned to si;eak the language and made good progress. The parents also took more interest in the education of their children, . and during the same year the Superintendent held evening sessions for all who wished to attend.4 The enrollment bad increased gradually until it over-reached the capacity of the school in 1894, with thirty-seven boys and twenty- 1John Smith to H. Price, August 14, 1883. 48th Cong., lat Seas., Vol. II, (Ser. 2191) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XI, 192. 2F. T. Sampson to J. C. Luckey• July 13, 1891. 52d Cong.• lat Seas., Vol. II, (Ser. 2934) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. rv, 386. 3s. L. Hertzog to E. E. Benjamin, June 18, 1894. 53d Cong •• 3d Seas., Vol. II, (Ser. 33o6) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XV, 274. 4Ibid. aoe. eight girls, more than the physician agreed to accommodate.l Although the buildings had been enlarged, the increased enrollment now made them inadequate. Hertzog compiled statistics to show the need for additional space: In giving statistics for accommodations for pupils, I shall follow Dr. John C. Cutter. He says, "Each person ou~ht to be allowed 18.7 kiloliters (800 cubic feet) of air space 11 in the sleeping room. Making due allowance for openings out in the ceilings, the dormitories do not furnish sufficient air space for the number that sleep in them. The boys' dormitory including the clothes room is 59 x 23 x 8 and contains 10,845 cubic feet. Allow- ing even only half the air space (400 cubic feet) there would be room for only 27 boys, while at one time 36 slept in it, and the greater part of the time, 35. The girls' dormitory, including a washroom end clothespress is 48 x 22 x 8 and contains about 8,400 cubic feet. Allowing 400 cubic feet, it will accoI!llllo- date 21 pupils while 27 and sometimes 28 slept in it. 2 The buildings had been constructed and repaired during the years by inexperienced Indian labor, and by the middle of the last de- cade of the century, they were patched and dilapidated. Hertzog des- cribed the existing school plant in the following words: The building is 23 x 60 and 2-etory with a 1-story addition 20 x 24 used for the boys' sitting room. The first floor contains 2 school rooms and the second, the boys' dormitory. 1Ibid. Note: Four boys end four girls were rejected after their physical examinations. No effort was made to bring in new pupils. 2sam.uel L. Hertzog to D. M. Browning, July 8, 1893. 53d Cong., ld Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 3210) H. Ex. Doe. 1, pt. 5, Vol. :x:rv,279. The boarding house is 22 x 58 and l¼-story with an addition 24 x 48. This building contains the kitchen, dining room, mess kitchen, sewing room, girls I sitting room, girls' dormitory and employees' rooms. The indust- rial teacher's hru.se is a 24 x 48 1-story building.1 207 In 1894 the boarding school buildings at the Agency were tor.n down in preparation for the construction of a new consolidated school.2 Temporary improvements were made on the Warm Springs Industrial and Boarding School to accommodate the added enrollment. Superi.ntendent Carter estimated that the attendance could have doubled at this schoo1 if there ba.d been the necessary housing facilities.3 ... On October 15, 1895 a fire destroyed the school buildings and the boarding school at Sillma.sho Valley was discontinued.4 A day school was cmducted, furnishing dinner at noon for the scholars, until the new consolidated school was completed in 1897. The new day school was poorly patronized, for the Warm Springs Indians were discontented and dissatisfied with the new plans for moving the school to the Agency • .Agent Gallagher mentio:[led the difficulty in 1896, 1sanue1 L. Hertzog to E. E. Benjamin, June 18, 1894• 53d Cong. , 3d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 3306) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. "13, 273. 2rstter from Cyrus Walker to the Edi tor of 'The Oregonian, July 15. 1896. 3 W. J. Carter to C. VI . Farber, July 15, 1895. 51Lth Cong.• 1st Seas., Vol. n, (Ser. 3382) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. rv, 281. 4-ietter f'rom Cyrus H. Walker to the Edi tor of tfhe Oregonian, July 15, 1896. Also Annual Report of C01IJD.issioner of Indian Affairs, W. J.. Jones, September 26, 1898, 55th Cong., 3d Sess., (Ser. 3757) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XV, 6. f • These Indians are in bad humor and bad blood with regard to this affair. Excuses of distance from the agency and loss of the chance to sell beef and supplies to the school are put forward by them, all the time forgetting that the Government cannot be at the expense of maintaining two schools for them.l 208 In the same year Cyrus Walker visited the Reservation after an absence of four years, and he commented on this unpleasant under- current of feeling between the Warm Springs Indians and the Department. They want a school of their own, and know- ing as I do how the school at Simnasho was first started and their expectation regarding it, I con- sider it a great wrong to break up their school ••••• If there could be some kind of boarding school carried on at Sinm.asho, say one to be as a primary school in connection with or as an auxiliary with the agency boarding as a higher school, it would be a happy compromise with those Indians and give them a permanent Christianizing, civilizing center.2 Captain John Smith had built the school in 1881, and Walker believed that the school should be continued in his memory, for he had promised the Indians that it would be. The school had been an object lesson to the Indians in the community. To quote again from Walker's letter: 1P. Gallagher to D. M. Browning, August 20) 1896. 54th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 3489) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XIII, 281. 2tetter from Cyrus H. Walker to the Editor of The Oregonian, June 15, 1896. To see 40 boys and 30 girls neatly dressed, especially on a S'Unday morning and marching in order up to the mission church is calculated to inspire a feeling of pride and a desire to be clothed in like manner in tbe minds of parents and f'rien~, and long hair and blankets were out of place. 209 J"ohn Smith• s plan to civilize and educate the Indians by keeping them in constant association with white people had succeeded, and his influence lingered on, long after he had left them. Consolidated .Boarding School The new consolidated boarding school was opened on November 1, 1897 at the Agency.2 There was difficulty in rapidly filling up the school for in the three years which had elapsed since a school had been in operation at the -lgency, many families with school children had left the Reservation, going to Yakima, Hood River and Celilo.3 At the close of the school year in J'une, there were enrolled 130 pupils with a regular attendance of 125. The school plant was composed of one double dormitory, one school building and assembly hall , IlJ3Ss hall and kitchen, hospital, laundries, employees• quarters, bakery, oil house, two outhouses, one 1Ibid. 2 J"ames L. Cowan to W. A. Jones, JllgUst 15, 1898. 55th Cong., 2d Sesa . , (Ser. 2757) H. Ex . Doc . 5, Vol. rl, 265. 3~. t . 210 canbination bell tower, band stand. flag staff and weather vane.1 Ten acres were enclosed as a school campus and seeded to lawn, and 150 native trees were planted for shade. The picket fences were painted and 750 ya.rd.a of sidewalk we~ built. These improvements were made by Agency and school employees during the second year.2 The early boarding schools had had some difficulty in obtain- ing sufficient water for the use of the school plants. The Simnasho school had obtained water from springs. but during hot and dry seasons the springs failed and water was hauled ihree miles f'ran Beaver Creek for school use. In 1892 the superintendent estimated that during the preceding three years, uater had been hauled to the school for twenty- two months out of the thirty-six,3 so he recamnended the construction of a pipe-line, 9,000 feet long which brought an abundance of water f'ran another spring. 4 The Agency schools had also had an unsatisfactory water sup- ply• for their water was obtained tran the millrace and at times the water 1 had been polluted. The erection of the large new school neces- 1James L. Cowan to W. A. Jones, August 16, 1897 • 55th Cong., 2d Seas., (Ser. 3641) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XIII, 262. 2Ja100s L. Cowan to \'/ • .A.. Jones, .August 15, 1898. 55th Cong•, 3d Sess., (Ser. 3757) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. n, 265. 3F. T. Sampson to J. C. Luckey, September 1872. 52d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 3088) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. nII, 425. 4Ibid. J. C. Luckey to T. J. Morgan, September 1, 1892. 423• sitated construction of a water system which would furnish not only water for general use, but also a modern sewer and fire protection system. all The new water and sewer system was completed October l, 1897 at a cost of about $6,ooo.1 The water system was constructed of four- inch cast-iron pipe with two-inch laterals, and the sewer system con- sisted of six-inch and four-inch vitrified pipe leads. The sewer system covered the entire school plant, flowing by means of an autanatic flush tank through six-inch pipe a distance of 1,600 feet, depositing in a rapid stream below all Agency and school buildings,2 Fourteen bathrooms were installed in the dormitories, seven for the boys and seven for girls, with showers and cen:snt floors .3 The cement was faulty, however, and by 1899 the floors had cracked and crumbled so the showers could not be used. The fire hydrants were not properly placed for most e:ff'icient use, and Superintendent Davis called the Agent's attention to this in 1899, There are but two fire hydrants , only one could be used successfully to fight a fire on the 1Ja100s L. Cowan to l'I. • Jones, August 16, 1897. 55th Cong., 2d Seas., (Ser. 3641) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XIII, 262. ~ames L. Cowan tow. • Jones, August 15, 1899. 56th Cong., 1st Seas., pt. 1, (Ser. 3915) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XVIII, 325. 3Ibid. Sam B. Davis to James L. Cowan, August 17, 1899, 326. roof of dormitory, hospital and employees• quarters. The buildings are so located as to make the two on extreme ends of the grounds over .300 yards apart. There- fore, with the present number of fire hydrants, I do not think we could manage a fire of any consequence. If there were two more hydrants placed property there would be but little danger of damage by fire. 2J.2. In the summer of 1899 sane of the new buildings needed re- pairs.2 The dormitory had been built during the damp winter weather, and the doors and windows were greatly shrunken--in many of the doors, the panels had open cracks one-half inch wide. There was a space of f'ran one-half to three-fourths inches between some of the doors and the frazoos. Great cracks had formed in the halls, undoubtedly from the set- tling of the building. The building had also been plaster during the de.mp weather, and the plaster cracked and fell off sane of the corridor walls up to the ceiling. •In the two play rooms,• wrote Agent Cowan, 'the plastering is off all around f'rom two to five feet high, and much has fallen from overhead, rendering it unsafe and dangerous for the children to play in said rooms. ,.3 In addition to this repair another schoolroom was needed to accon:o:nodate the children. There were four teachers and only three 1 1J2ig., '3'Z1· 2 Ibid., .326. 3Ibidu '3'Zl • 21.3 schoolrooms, so one teacher used the assembly hall during 1898 and 1899.1 Mr. Davia suggested that a kindergarten room be constructed adjoining the school building. Other inconveniences were noted as soon as the school was in operation. The laundry was operated on an "ancient plan" requiring he.rd labor over the washtubs • .Most of the water was heated outside the build- ing in a place unprotected from heat and cold. Davis recommended that a modern system be installed which would lighten the labor for the laundress, and the girls who assisted her. The dining room for the employees and their families was found to be too small. The room was ten by fourteen feet and only part of the seventeen people could eat at a time. There was no spaoe for a waiter to pass among them, and no space for a stove in winter. As Davis remarked, "The person farthest in has to wait until those near- est the door pass out," so he requested that the room be enlarged to accommodate the employees. During 1899 some repairs were made to the existing buildings, and a woodshed, carpenter shop, 2 and seamstress' house3 were built. A 1Ibid. 2Ibid. James L. Cowan to W. A. Jones, August 15, 1899. 324. 3Jam.es E. Kirk to A. o. Wright, August 31, 1900. 56th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 4101) H. Ex. Doc. 6, Vol. 27, 370. 21.41: dynamo was installed to furnish electric light for the school,1 and many of the older buildings were repainted and whitewashed, rendering them more permanent and attractive. The Government bad expended $19,867.49 on the new consoli- dated school by 1900.2 Ample accommodations had been built for 150 children, and 127 were already enrolled with an average attendance of ninty-seven for the ten-months' seasion.3 Twenty persons were employed at the school, and many positions formerly filled by white persons were now occupied by Indians,4 It was a modern institution, creditable to any camn:u.ni ty, which would serve as an example of neatness and industry to the Indian residents. 1Ibid., 370. 2Ibid. Statistics regarding Indian Schools. 628-629. 3Ibid. .. CHA.Pl'ER IX RELIGION Missionaries had settled among the Indians along the Columbia and had worked with them for several years before an attempt was made by the Govermmnt to negotiate treaties with tribes and establish Reser- vations. Considerable religious excitell)3nt prevailed among the Wascos in the vie ini ty of The Dalles during 18.39 and 18,4.0, 1 and about a thou- sand of them professed conversion, were baptized and received into the. Christian church. Their religion seemed to be m:,re of the head than of the heart, and as Daniel lee said, the Indian •will pray a whole year it I will give him a shirt and a capote.•2 In 1847 the Methodist mission at The Dalles was broken up, following the horrible massacre of Dr. Marcus Whitman and his associates at Waiilatpu,3 and a Catholic mission was established there.4 This 1 .An Illustrated History of Central Oregon • • • • (Spokane: Western Historical Publishing Company, 1905), 90,100. 2 Ibid. Capote is a coat. 3wy-e-let-poo-i. ¾l. R. Thompson to Joel Palmer, September 6, 1854. 33d Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. m) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, pt. l, 492• 216 mission, founded on May 6, 1848 by the Reverend Mr. Rousseau at the re- quest of the Indians, was the only one in the district.1 The progress of religion was much retarded by the wandering life of the Indians, but some of the natives profited by the lessons they received. Commissioner Luke Lea cautioned Anson, G. Dart in a letter of instructions to the new Superintendent in 1850: The agents under your supervision will find among the Indians, Christian missionaries of various sects and denominations, differing in some articles of form and faith, but all engaged in the great and good work of extending the blessing of Christianity to an ignorant and idolatrous people, and all civilizing and humanizing the wild and ferocious savage. The orthodoxy of any of these missionaries is not to be tested by the opinion of the Indian agent, or any other officer of the Government. None of these can rightfully be the propagandist of any sect, or the official judge of any article of Christian faith. 2 The missionaries apparently exercised great influence over the Oregon Indians, and the Commissioner believed that they could be made powerful auxiliaries in carrying out the policy of the United States. Lea concluded, saying that it might be well to suggest to them that the Government, "whilst affording them every possible facility and protection, expects in return their aid and cooperation in executing its laws.tt3 ' l1bid., C. Mesplie to R.R. Thompson, August 6, 1854, 493. ~Luke Lea to Anson G. Dart, July 20, 1850. 31st Cong., 2d Seas., (Ser. 587) S. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, pt. 1, 149. 3Ibid. 217 Although the Presbyterians and U,ethodists vied with each other in their missionary work, and the majority of their representa- tives were zealous zoon and women, the complaint was made that there was not one Christianized or educated Indian to be found on the Reser- vation in 1865.1 SUperintendent Geary reported to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs five years before, that he had been advised that no stated religious services had ever been maintained on any of the Oregon Reservations.2 The policy of the Indian Department was to assign R~servations to certain religious bodies, am the Warm Springs Reservation was as- signed to the United Presbyterians in 1869.3 Little was accomplished by them, and by 1871 the missionary work bad been turned over to the Methodist Episcopal Church.4 Agent Smith, although an earnest worker l J. w. P. Huntington to D. N. Cooley, September 17, 1865. 39th Cong., let Sess., (Ser. 1248) H. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol . II, 649. ~dward R. Geary to :1. B. Greenwood, October 1, 1860. 36th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 1078) s. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, 409. 3united Presbyterian Church Mission. 48th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2264) S. Ex. Doc. 95, Vol. II, pt. 2, 693. 4A. B. Meacham to FeliX Brunot, October 25, 1871. 42d Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. I, (Ser. 1505) H. Ex. Doc. I, pt. 5, Vol. III, pt. 1, 714. 218 in the Presbyterian Church, was acceptable to the Methodists, and he carried on missionary work with the aid of his employees in the absence of specially appointed church representatives.1 A Sabbath school was established in 1868 by Slnith, and the schoolhouse waa filled every Sunday by old and young.2 He bad been careful in the selection of employees and bad chosen men interested in the moral welfare of the natives. These 100n '!lnd their wives assisted in the teaching of children and parents, for by 1871 a Bible class of fifteen members was well organized.3 Within a year the Bible class had increased to 127 members and it was divided into two groups.4 A chapter was read by the Indians, and its meaning explained by the teacher. Olring 1872 Smith reported that seventy-seven natives had •made a profession of Christianity, manifesting great interest in the 1J ohn Smith was a member of the board of trustees of the pro- posed college at Albany in 1858. He and two of the employees were Presbyterians, one was a Methodist and two were non-professors. ¾ohn Smith to J • • 1. Perit Huntington, July 20, 1868. 4oth Cong. 9 2d Seas., (Ser. 1366) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. II, 578. 3John Smith to Felix Brunot, September 1, 1871. 42d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1505) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. In, pt. l, 726. 4John Smith to T. B. Odeneal, September 1, 1872. 42d Cong., 3d Seas., Vol. I,(Ser. 1_560) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. III, pt. 1, 749• t. C • cause of their Recleemer.•1 He camnented on their dress and deport- ment at church, comparing it favorably with that of white people. 219 Many of them were beginning to take a leading part in the religious ex- ercises and were learning to sing frcm books.2 They conducted their own prayer meetings and had a service after the Sabbath school in the morning. They opened all councils with prayer and made practical use of their religion in everyday life. Interest in church increased, and the congregation grew to 340 members. Smith \1orked diligently with the Indians, seldcm com- plaining about the lack of assistance rendered by the "3thodist Church. It is difficult to understand why no aid was given him, unless per- haps money and missionaries were lacking. But he reported in 1874, while he stl."Uggled to rebuild the girls' boarding and industrial school, that he bad received no assistance or encouragement fran any religious body or aid aociety.3 His annual report of 1874 contains the following statements: 1Ibid. 2 Ibid. Statistics for 1872 show seventy-seven church members, average attendance at service 200; eight Sabbath school teachers; aver- age attendance at Sabbatli school 200. 42d Cong., 3d Sess., (Ser. 1578) H. Ex. Doc. 98, Vol. III, 428. 3John Smith to Edward P. Smith, September 1, 1873. 43d Cong . , 1st Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1601) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 688. The agency was assigned to the Methodists, but further than recormnending Dzy'Self for re-appointment1 at the expiration of my first term, they have never had any oversight of its management, have taken no steps toward a mission, industrial or mmual labor school or any other measures necessary to promote the welfare of the In4ians, nor toward organizing a church, though there have for years been a number of apparently earnest converts, who becoming impatient at their dilatoriness and having also objections on other considerations to that denomination asked and obtained a church organ- ization from the United Presbyterian Church. This has not been the result of personal efforts or influence being brought to bear, but was the un- solicited expression of their own wishes and is only in accordance with the almost universal custom among all persons who have not been brought up under a particular dencminational influence of uniting with that branch whose members have been moot directly concerned in their conversion. It is the desire of the United Presbyterian Church to have this agency reassigned to them and probably application has been made before this time, individually, I have had as. little to do in the matter as possible, and if successful to establish a mission and prosecute the work in an earnest, zea- lous manner. delegation ,vill be sent to the meet- ing of the Oregon Presbytery with a formal re~est that a minister be sent to devote his time to them. At the time this reorganization was Ill:\de, many of the Indians were awaY from t he Agency and had no opportunity to accede to the new church; consequently the statistics for the year show the number of ½o secure proper persons as agent, several religious organ- izations were invited to nominate men for whom they could vouch. .An• nual Report of Cottmissioner of Indian Affairs, J. Q.. Smith, October 30, 1876. 44th Cong., 2d Sesa., Vol. I, (Ser. 1749) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. J:V, pt. 1, 381. 2J'ohn Smith to Edward P. Smith, September 1, 1873. 43d Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1601) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 632. 1 church members as only fi:f'teen. ~ Religion of Smohalla During these years a serirus drawback to education and civiliza- tion of the Indian in Oregon was the existeDCe of a peculiar religion called •Tb.a Dreamers•. Their chief doctrine was that the •red man is aga in to rule the cruntry•, and this sanetilms led to rebellion agairi.st lawful authority. 2 M:iny of the -.Varm Springs Indians professed this faith . In 1872 about s i.Xty of these Indiana left the Reservation with- out permission and refused to return.3 With others from Umatilla and the teITitories of Idaho and Washington. they gathered along the Columbia. River and \'18re a source of considerable annoyance to the white people. By the fall of 1872 there were nearly 2,000 of these renegade Indians living along the River, refusing to return to their Reservations or sub- mit to authority.4 Superintendents and Agents endeavored to induce them to return to their homes, but they retu.sed, and their defiance made it imposs1o~e for the officers to exercise a.p.y control over th~ Reservation l Statistics. 4.3d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I (Ser. 1639) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt • .5, Vol. VI, 418. 2 A. B. Meacham to E. S • Parker , September 21, 1870. 4 J..s t Cong. , 3d Sess., Vol. I (Ser. 1449) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 4, Vol. IV, pt. 1,.513- .514.. 3John Smith to T. B. 00.eneal, Sept elli:>er 1, 1872. 42d Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. I (S8r. 1.560) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt • .5, Vol. Ill, pt. 1, 749• 4Ibid. N. A. Cornoyer to T. B. Odeo.oal, September •3, 1872. 747. I . f ' t. I I Indians. Complaints \7ere constantly !Qlde by white settlers of the de- predations attributed to Reservation Indians, which in reality '7ere nearly all committed by the renegades.1 These Indians were controlled by a man nai.red 'Smo-hal-ler•, or 'Big Talk' , or •Frur Mountains', who had emissaries constantly travel- ing fran one Reservation to another trying to induce the natives who were dissatisfied to abandon their homes and join his band.2 Ee had in- fluenced nearly all the Umatillas , Spokanes and a great part of the Yaki- mas and many Indians f'rom other Reservations.3 Smohalla was born about 1815 or 1820, and in his youth fre- quented the Catholic mission of J..tahnam among the Yakimas where he became familiar with the fonna of that service and also acquired a slight lolow- ledge of French.4 In early manhood he distinguished himself as a warriar and was already regarded as a praninent man when he first began to preach htit peculiar theory about 1850. During the Yakima war of 1855-1856, he aspired to be a leader, but failed; and in a fight with Chief Moses , he was badly injured am left for dead. He mgained consciousness and crawled 1½:b1c1. 2Ibid. 3John Smith to Edward P. Smith , September 1 , 1873. 43d Cong., 1st Sess ., Vol. I, (Ser. 1601) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IV, pt . 1 . 687 . 41ames Mooney, •Smohalla and His Doctrine',~ Report of~ Bureau of .Am3rican Ethnology, 1892- 1893, (Washington: Government Print- ing Office , 1896) PP• 189- 190. I • I I 223 to a canoe in which he drifted down the Columbia River, where he was dis- cove:red by some white men and cared for until he recovered. After his recovery he traveled through California, Utah and Nevada, and after an interval of sane time returned to his people as from the dead. He declared that Saghallee Tyee, the great chief above, can- manded bis people to return to their primitive manner, as their present miserable conditions were due to their having abandoned their own religion and violated the laws of nature and the precepts of their ancestors. He considered himself a prophet--not a god. One day he dreamed he was- in the presence of the Great Spirit, and he was told that soon the M3ssiah would cane to deliver the Indians :fran their abject condition; that when he came the Indians must go forth and kill off the whites; tila.t the dead Indians would rise and join in tihe contest; that the Indians would be victorious and once more possess the land, and that then, the buffalo and deer would le as abundant as formerly. Their model of a man was an Indian-and· they aspired to be nothing else. The effect in Oregon and Washington of the prcmulgation of the dream was a severe war during 1855-1856, during which the Indians were badly whipped, and the following of Smohalla declined sanewhat.1 1An.nual Report of Ccmnissioner of Indian Affairs, T. J. Morgan, October 1, 1891. 52d Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2934) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 5, Vol. XY, 125. Also Report of the Superintendent of Indian Schools, Daniel Dorchester, September 30, 1891, P• 529. ,. r • • His religion shows traces of the Mormon and Catholic ritual and belief. In his words, his doctrine was: ?ey" young imn shall never work. Men who work cannot dream and wisdom canes to us in dreams. You ask 1m to plow the ground. Shall I take a knife and tear my mother's bosan, You ask me to dig for stone. Shall I dig under her skin for her banes? You ask me to cut grass a.mi make hay and sell it and be rich like while man. But how dare I cut off my mother I s hair? The .Agents described it as a religion that worked on the evil passions. The main object being to allow a plurality of wives, 1xmmm:i ty from punishm:3nt for law-breakers, drinking, gambling,2 and other vices. These Indians looked with contempt an the IIX>re civilized Reservation natives. calling them •whites• and 'half breeds.•3 The adherents of this religion attended regular services on SundaY, in the morning, afternoon and evening, for SUnday was the great 'medicine day' of the whi tea; and they selected it for their own religi- 1Smohalla. James Mooney, 'Smohalla and His Doctrine•,~ Report .2! ~ Bureau of American Ethnology, (ffashingtona Governroont Printing Office 1892-1893), PP• 189-190. ¾ohn Smith to E. P. Smith, September 1, 1873. 43d Cong •• 1st Seas., Vol. I, (Ser. 1601) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. 4, pt. 1, 687. ~. A. Cornoyer to E. P. Smith, September 17, 1874• 43d Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. I, (Ser. 1639) H. Ex. Doe. 1, pt. 5, Vol. 6, 631. .. '. , . < • • Z25 oua ceremonies of the Ghost Dance and the Mescal.1 There ~re also ser- vices during the week, besides special periodical observances such as the 'lament• for the tter from Rev. G. H. Atkinson to ~ -pre~OJ?-ian, ~ril 17, 1880; Supplement. 2Jobn Smith to E. A.. Marble, August 16, 1880. 46th Cong • ., 3d Seas., Vol. I, (Ser. 1959) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5. Vol. IX, 270. 3John Smith to E. A. Hayt, August 22, 1879. 46th eong., 2d Seas., Vol. I, (Ser. 1910) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IX. 240. I ' . ' . 228 ing. Captain Smith superintended the erection, 1 doing IIIllCh of the work with his own hands. He had always wished far such a building; aDd with the help of the Indians, the church, twenty-four feet wide and ~oltty feet long, was finished in July 1883. 2 Captain Smith wrote, • It is my last legacy to the Indians I loved and wham I so long helped.•3 Services were maintained throughout the year both at the Agency and the Simnasho Valley settleIIBnt, upon nearly every Sabbath, and the •world's Week of Prayer• was observed with 1he help of Rev. Mr. Dick tram the Willamette Valley.4 But no contributions Yi8re made by any re- ligious society for the support of the church and missionaries. In 1885 Rev. R. W. McBride was sent by the United Presbyterian Church, and a home was erected for him.5 From this time the the chureh contributed regularly to the support of the mission. Sane of the Indians clung tenaciously to their old beliefs and eustans, even though outwardly professing conversion to Christianity. Especially was this true in the burial services. The Wascos and Teninos 1John Smith to H. Price, August 24, 1882. 47th Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. II, (Ser. 2100) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 5, Vol. XI, 2o6. ~ohn Smith to H. Price, August 14, 1883. 48th Cong., 1st Seas ., Vol. II, (Ser. 2191) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. Xl~ 192• 3Ibid. 4Ibid. 5 .uonzo Gesner to J. D. C. Atkins, ,August 28, 1885. 49th Cong., lat Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2379) H. Ex. Doe. 1, pt . 5, Vol. XII, 399. ' . • ' . invariably provided coffins for their dead and brought the bodies to the church for funeral services, from there taking them to their burial ground about one mile northwest of the .Agency. It bad been custo:o:ary for them to take up• reclothe and rebury their dead at least twice a year for the first year or two after death, but Captain Smith and Re- verend Fee, who occasionally visited the Reservation, persuaded the In- dians to cease this practice because of the possible injury to their own health •1 The Warm Springs, however, nearly all retained their old modes of burial, the outgrowth of superstitious notions by which they were taught to believe that the spirits of the d3parted did not rest in peace unless their bodies were well cared for and canfortably clad. 2 Before the Indians removed to the Reservation, they wrapped the bodies of their dead in robes and placed them side by side in a smd •where they could be pl ainly seen, but so inclosed as not to be reached by the wolves.•3 The Columbia River Indians buried the bodies upon an island in the middle of the river, and a vivid description is give in Miss A. J. ..lllen • s book, Ten Years in Oregon: ½-ohn Smith to E. .A.. Hayt, August 17, 1878. 45th Cong., 3d. Seas., Vol. I, (Ser. 1850) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt . 5, Vol. IX. 620. 2 ~- 3A Letter from a Gentleman Who Traveled Through That Region at an Early Date, •Burial Customs in Oregon• , The .American .Antiquarian ~ Oriental Journal, IV, (October 1881- October 1882), 330-331. , . I• The chi ef had determined that the deceased boy' s friend , who had been his companion in hunting , was to be his companion to the spirit l and •••• and should be conveyed with him to the dead house . Thi s receptacl e was built on a long bl ack rock i n the center of the Col umbi a Ri ver , around whi ch , being s o near the fall s , the curr ent ms amazingly r api d. It was 30 feet in l ength , and perhaps half of that i n br eadth, ccmpl etely en- closed and sodded except at one end , where there was a narrow aperture jus t sufficient to carry a corpse through .1 230 The 11 ttl e boy , instead of boing sl ain was "bound tightly t11 the purpl e quiver ing flesh puffed above the strong bark cords that he might die very soon" , and he was placed face t.o face with the dead boy , nhis face to his t i ll the very lips met , and e.."'Ctending along l imb to l imb and foot to foot , and nestl ed down into his couch of rottenness, t o impede his breathing as far as possible and smother his cries . "2 In 1886 a grant of two acres of land was made for the use of the Uni ted Presbyterians, and two yea.rs l ater 160 acres were given them 3 t o be used for the mission. On May 15, 1890 the missionary o.nd his 1 ..:t. J . All en , Ten Years in Oregon, Travels and .1:1.dventures of Dr. E . ':'/hi te and 1.ru!Y., ( Ithaca, H. Y . : Andrus , Gauntlett and Company, 1850) , p . 261. Also Rev . Gustavus Lines , Oregon , Its History, Condition sm,g_ Prospects , (Buffalo: George H. Derby and Company, 1851) , p . 159 . 2 Ibid. 3statistics . 51st Cong . , 1st Sess. Vol. I I {Ser . 2725) H. Ex. Doc . 1, pt . 5, Vol . XII, 340 . 23'-l l wife moved to the Chemawa Indian Training School near Salem, Oregon. They were not replaced by a permanent missionary, however, and during the next three years ministers resided at the Agency only part of the year, and the employees conducted services during the intermission. The church gave whatever aid it could to the .Agent in earing for the Indians. For example in 1889 and 1890 the missionary appealed for funds to help feed needy Indians during the winter,aid he received contributions of $200 :f'rom the church. The following year twenty-one boxes or barrels of cbthing and groceries were contributed.2 In 1892 a new church and parsonage were erected at Simhasho,3 and within the next two years a missionary clergyman. was established at eaeh school.4 These m:m were maintained by the United Presbyterian Board of Missions and received no money assistance from the Govermnent. Morning, afternoon and evening services were held on the Sabbath, and prayer meetings on Wednesday evenings for the students.5 Additional 1J. C. Luckey to T. J. Morgan, August 23, 1890. 51st Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2841) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XII, 2l4. ¼. C. Luckey to T. J. Morgant September 1, 1891. ,52d Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2934) H. Ex. Doe. l, pt. 5, Vol. XV, 384. 3J. C • Lue key to T. J. Morgan September 1, 1892. 52d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 3088) H. Ex. Doe. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XIII, 424• ~. E. Benjamin to D. M. Browning, .A.ugu.st 15, 1894. 53d Caig., :xi Ses,.,Vol. II, (Ser. 3306) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 5, Vol. 15, 272. 5w. J. Carter to C. VI. Farber, July 15, 1895. 54th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 3382) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. 15, 282. land was granted for missionary and school use in 1893 and 1894. The mission school at Simh.asho received forty acres in 1893, and the mission at Warm Springs received almost fifteen acres the following year.1 Agent Gallagher reported on work accomplished by the United Pres- byterians in 1896 as followsa The United Presbyterian Church deserves unstinted praise for the work it has done here. Two churches, one at the agency and one at Simnasho, have been built, both of them handscme and substantial structures, and two mission houses er parsonages have al.so been erected in connection therewith, and also a missionary steam sawmill, which has rendered valuable service in enabl- ing the Warm Springs Indians to get lumber at their doors with but little cost for house building, fenc- ing, et cetera. l. chapel among the Pi Utes located S01113 10 miles southeast of' the agency is now in course of erection by the saxm denomination. Both places are well equipped with godly men and women, who have done much to bring these tribes to a state of civilization and enl~ten- ment. Attendance at all services is very large. In 1899 Agent Cowan comnended the two missionaries for their excellent work. He wrote, 8 The teachings and examples of these mission- aries have been most valuable to me in maintaining order and morality and in encouraging industry •• 3 !statistics, 1894. ,rug., p. 483. 55th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 3641) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XIII, 462. Statistics, 1897. 2P. Gallagher to D. M. Browning, August 20, 1896. 54th Cong •• 2d Seas., Vol. II, (Ser • .3489) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XIII, 281. Note: The mission f'or the Palute.s was at Seke-se-qui. James L. Cowan to W • .A.. Jones, August 16, 1897. 55th Cong., 2d Seas., (Ser. 3641) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XIII, 261. 3:raxnes L. Cowan tow. A. Jones, August 15, 1899. 56th Cong., 1st Sess., pt. l, (Ser. 3915) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XVIII, 325. , . .. ' . ' . I • ! • Cyrus Walker visited the Reservation in 1896 and commented on the progress of Christianity anong the natives as :follows: In witnessing the festivals of the Indians at Badger Creek 20 miles morthwest fran the agency. • • • I never sensed a IIOre marked contrast between the Christian am non-Christian Indians •••• The latter met in the chief's lodge, size, say 20 x 70 feet and fonning a ring nearly around the inner walls and at the head were nen 7 to 10 in number with drums made by stretching rawhide on a hoop and beating on the same with their drumsticks, while the women on one side and the nen on the other ut- tered a sing-song which must be heard to be fully appreciated--at the same time keeping step in time to the quick beating of the drums, the nen lifting the feet clear of the grcund, the women simply rais- ing the heel, except when 4 or 5 of them danced clear around the circle. Thif all kept up to a late hour, made the night hideous. 1i.etter from Cyrus H. Walker to the Edi tor of Toe Oregonian, J'uly 15, 1896. CHAPTER X HEALTH AND MEDICAL SERVICE The annual report of Dr. William McKay in 1861 gives the first mention of health conditions on the Reservations The Indians are in general in a healthy con- dition with the exception of the prevailing diseases suoh as sorofuls, syphilis, cutaneous disease, rheumatism and diarrhoea. In the spring of the year they a.re much troubled with rheumatism, bad colds with coughs and diarrhoea on account of exposure to the cold and dampness. They a.re in the habit on a sunny day of squatting on the damp ground and pass·ing the day in amusing themselves by gambllngwi th os.rds and other games. During the next year there was an unusual amount of sickness, particularly among the womenend children, but not many deaths. An epi- demic of measles, scarlet fever and mumps attacked the Reservation, and poor hospital facilities almost totally counteracted the work of the physician. 2 The poorly lighted hospital buildings had been built of green lumber, as were the other early buildings at the Agency, and the boards cracked as they dried, 3 leaving large openings in walls and roof lwilliam c. McKay to William Logan, June 30, 1862. 34th Cong., 3d Sees., (Ser. 1167) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 2, Vol. II, 440. Many also suf- fered from ophthalmia. 2William c. McKay to William Logan, August 1, 1863. 38th Cong., 1st Seas., (Ser. 1182) H. Ex. Doc. l, Vol. III, 196. 3william c. McKay to William Logan, June 30, 1862. 37th Cong., 3d Sess., (Ser. 1157) H. Ex. Doe. 1, pt. 2, Vol. II, 440. us and making it impossible to preserve the equable temperature necessary for the care of the siok. Superintendent Huntington urged that appropriations be made for new buildings, and he added: Medical treatment of Indians living in their own camps, covered with filth and vermin, exposed to cold and damp, fed upon improper diet, and worst of all, in the absence of the physician, following the presiriptions of the Indian doctors, is utterly useless. The Indians, in general, were poor nurses, and some oases, which under proper conditions would not have been severe, were fatal for want of attent~on, cleanliness, food and clothing. Tea, sugar and rice were issued to the sick for their own foods were not suitable for conva.lescenca.2 It was difficult for Dr. McKay to make the Indians follow his directions, and they required constant watching in the administering of medicines, for many of them had not given up their superstitious habits. However, he worked among them until he gained the confidence of many, by proving that his medicine and treatments were beneficial to them and that he did not cure by charms. His medical services were free to them, and this appealed to some, for the medicine men demanded payment for their ministrations in advance, and often their demands were high. Occasionally 1J. W. Perit Huntington to William P. Dole, September 12, 1863. 38th Cong., 1st Sess., (Ser. 1182) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. III, 169. 2John Smith to A. B. Meacham, September 1, 1871 42d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1505) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. III, pt. 1, 726. Also, William c. McKay to William Logan, June 30, 1862. 37th Cong., 3d Sess., (Ser. 1157) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 2, Vol. II, 440. ' . . . . . 236 the medicine man took everything from a dying person who had no family or friends. However, if the patient did not live, the native doctor usually restored the fee, so he would not be marked for revenge by the dead man.ts family. The medicine man was not only a doctor but also a priest, and re- tained his hold on the ignorant Indians through fear and superstition. It was the custom for the medicine men at the dancing festivals to lacerate their own flesh with sharp knives, making deep outs. They would scoop up the blood that gushed out, drinl(lhf1 it to appease their blood-thirsty 11Te- man-1-mus" or "familiar spirit11 that raged within them. 1 The power of "Te- man-i-mus" was not confined to men alone, for some women also possessed it. Aa Alonzo Gesner expressed it, this power was "free to all who could catch it. 112 Although many of the more educated Indians in later years re- . quested the removal of the Indian ''doctor" from the Reservation, 3 yet through innate fear of his power, they dared not refuse his request for food or other articles. 4 He was a hindrance to the elevation of his people, for he wa.s extremely conservative and opposed civilization and education. 1naniel Lee and J. H. Frost, ~ Years 2:!!. Oregon, (New York: J. Colford, Printer, 1844), p. 163. 2Alonzo Gesner to J. D. C. Atkins, August 28, 1885. 49th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2879) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XII, 399. 3Dr. George E. Houok to J.C. Luckey, June 30, 1892. 52d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. IT, (Ser. 3088) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XIII, 424. 4Ibid. Z37 He hated progress, and he tried to keep his people ignorant and blindly submissive to him. He made his people believe that he could cast the evil spirit of disease out of a person's body and make it enter the object of his displeasure. The sweathouse was generally used among these tribes, in addi- tion to magic rites and trances of the medicine men. It was a mound-shaped structure about four feet high and five feet in diameter, constructed on the bank of a cold, swift stream. It was made of willow brances and daubed with clay to make the walls solid. A number of large stones were heated red hot, and a naked Indian would crawl in the hut with a vessel of water and the hot stones. He closed the door tightly and poured water on the stones until he was "nearly parboiled" by the hot steam. Then, crawling outside, he would plunge into the cold stree.m.l This treatment was taken for every kind of affliction and would either kill or cure the patient. In 1868 William McKay was transferred to the Umatilla Reser- vation as Agency physioian, 2 and Captain Mitchell found it difficult to secure the services of another physician because the salary was low. He reported this to the Superintendent in 1869: 1Fred Lockley, History of~ Columbia Vallei, I, (Chicagos The s. J. Clarke Publishing Comp&Jl¥, 1928), 100 2 Ibid., P• 74. .. For the salary now allowed, no physician of even ordinary ability can be had, shut out as they would be here from all outside practioeJ removed from that whioh is most desi'rable to a gentleman of edu- cation and ability--society. It is not to be presumed that the service of a competent man can be obtained for $1,000 per annum, in view of these facts, and the necessity for the pre- sence here of a man with at least a reasonable know- ledge of his profession, I would earnestly urge that suoh means as may be necessary be taken to render it possible that this agency be assured ~f the .presence of a physician of reasonable ability. No additional appropriations were made to augment the salary, and in 1885 Gesner complained that the Agency needed a competent doctor for 'White employees, as well as Indian residents.2 Two years later, Agent 'Wheeler estimated that it cost the physician $400 a year to live on the Reservation, so it was apparent that his salary should be increased.3 Confidence in the white physician increased, and more and more of the Indians applied for medicine or treatment for themselves and their families. In 1875 the physician reported that he had treated 1,155 oases, 1William w. Mitchell to A. B. Meacham, September 18, 1869. 41st Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1449) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 4, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 605. 2Alonzo Gesner to J. D. C. Atkins, August 28, 1885. 49th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2379) H. Ex. Doo . 1, pt. 5, Vol. llI, 400. 3Jaaon Wheeler to J. D. C. Atkins, August 23 1887. 50th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2542) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, fol. XI, 288. Note: The salary for the physioain remained at $900 until 1900. Statistios, 56th Cong., 2d Seas., (Ser. 4101) H. E.x. Doo. 5, Vol. XXVII, 697. .. 239 nearly double the number of Indians known to be on the Reservation. 1 Most of the cases treated were of the Wasco or Tenino tribes, for the Warm. Springs and John Days were farther from the Agency, and it was sel• dom convenient to call for the physician. These people frequently pro- cured medicines for the more common ills, but in severe oases invariably called in their Indian doctors.2 An unusual mortality, both from violence and disease, during 1876 seemed to frighten many of the natives, and some of them were in- clined to relapse into their old superstitions, calling upon medicine men to cure their ills. 3 The physician's successful treatment of scro- fulous troubles, diseases of the eye, ear and skin, and malarial disease, however, turned many of them age.in away from the incantations of their priests within the next few yea.rs.4 During the summer of 1877 an epidemic of a typho-malarial char• aoter struck the Reservation, attacking both whites and Indians. The Agent and several of the employees became seriously ill, and some of the 1statistics. 44th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1680) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 618-619. ~·, John Smith to Edward P. Smith, August 23, 1875, 857. 2John Smith to H. Price, August 14, 1883. 48th Cong., 1st Seas., Vol. II, (Ser. 2191) H. Ex. Doe. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XI, 192. 3John Smith to J. Q. Smith, August 31, 1876. 44th Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. I, (Ser. 1749) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 530. 4George E. Houck to J. c. Luckey, June 30, 1872. 52d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 3088) H. Ex. Doe. 1, pt. 5, Vol. 13, 424. I• Indians were panic-stricken and fled to the mountains. 1 At one time there were not enough white persons to nurse those who were sick. The supply of necessary medicines was soon exhausted, and the Agent was com- pelled to purchase a supply for immediate use. 2 No other serious epidemics attacked the Reservation for several years. In January 1890, however, an epidemic of la grippe spread through the Indian settlements, and although there were no deaths, only a few school children escaped. 3 Since there were no hospital facilities at the Agency, sick children were confined to the dormitories of the school, and their recovery was retarded by the constant noise in and around the buildings. 4 Dr. George E. Houck, Agency physician in 1892, in reporting conditions at the Reservation, urged that a hospital be erected, in which patients could be confined for treatment, away from the evil influences of their medicine men.5 Quoting from his report: lJohn Smith to E. A. Hayt, September 1, 1877. 45th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1800) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt 5, Vol. Vl!I, 575. 2Ibid., p. 576. The supply invoiced to them the preceding February hadnot arrived. ,J~ c. Luckey to T. J~ Morgan~ August 23, 1890. 51st Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2841) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XII, 211. 4c. H. Walker to J. c. Luckey, July 14, 1891. 52d Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2934) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XV, 385. 6George E. Houck to J.C. Luckey, June 30, 1892. 52d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 3088) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XIII, 424. Dr. Houck believed that much could be accomplished in the practice of surgery and gynaecology among the natives. .. .. The prevalence of sorofulous diseases among these Indians is great and this disease cannot be successfully treated at their homes. Eye troubles are difficult to cure and many are blind through not being able to receive proper care. Infant mortality could be diminished and many lives saved, could the patient be cared for properly, which is now absolutely impossible.I 241 In this SBDW3report he attacked the method of slaughtering beeves for the schools. The wild animals were killed on the range, often after they had run until over-heated and were then dressed on the hide. Dirt and filth often adhered to the meat. He requested that a slaugh- terhouse be built for each school wherein all meats could be properly killed and dressed.2 There was a great deal of sickness among the children at the Simnasho school during the winter months of 1892. Nearly all the stu• dents had measles, and many were ill with pneumonia and la grippe. One child, Josie 0-huo-ox-ly, died from pneumonia. 3 An epidemic of measles spread through the Agency school also, and at one time twenty-three girls out of thirty-three were in bed.4 Those who did not recover rap- idly were allowed to go home, and one of these, a little girl, died.5 1Ibid. 2Ibid. 3 Ibid., 4Ibid., 6Ibid. F. c. T. H. Sampson to J. c. Luckey, September 1892, 425. Walker to J.C. Luckey, July 1, 1892, 425. .. 24~ During 1893 there were several deaths among the school children, eight of the pupils succumbing to consumption. 1 Superintendent Mann of the Agency boarding school believed that the unusual a.mount of illness justified some explanation in his a.onual communication to the commission- er. About five-sevenths of the pupils enrolled are representatives of the Wasco tribe, and there are com- paratively few of those who do not either have scroful- ous sores or bear evidence of having had such in the past. Seven of the nine who died were Wasoos. Very little scrofulous trouble manifests itself among either the Pi Ute or Warm Spring pupils of the school. I have also reason to believe that the measles epidemic of March and April 1892 is in a measure respon- sible for the weakly consitutions of many of the pupils. The crowed and poorly ventilated dormitories, school- rooms, and sitting rooms are another disease breeding source. A lack of hospital accommodations or quarters where sick pupils could have been isolated during the epidemic of la grippe and pneumonia of last January has, no doubt oost the lives of several pupils as a result of infeotion. 2 In 1897 the new consolidated school was built and a hospital building was provided for the Agency school. It was poorly equipped at first, and no nurse was employed, so the building was used for other purposes,3 seemingly more important at the time, and the children were 1F. R. Mann to J.C. Luckey, July l, 1893. 53d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 3210) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XIV, 278. Indian 1899. 326. 2Ibid. 3The building was used during the year for a sewing room and employees• quarters. Sam B. Davis to James L. Cowan, August 17, 56th Cong., 1st Sess., pt. 1, (Ser. 3915) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XVlII, . . .. again confined to dormitories or sent home to recover from illness, un- til proper hospital equipment could be installed. The Census One of the duties which rather naturally befell the Reservation physician, was the enumerating of the Indian population as he made his rounds during the year. Early figures were obtained by the Agent from chiefs of each tribe, and in most oases were hardly more than rough es- timates. There was some aversion, too, among the Indians at first to a census, for some said that Dr. Marcus Whitman had taken one and inmedi• ately a great number of the Indians sickened and died. 1 Figures are given for the year 1858, which show a total of 1,300 Indians apportioned among the various tribes as follows: 2 Tribe Number Wasoo 450 Tigh 450 Deschutes 300 John Day 100 Total 1,300 lR. R. Thompson to Joel Palmer, September 6, 1864. 33d Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 777) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, pt. 1, 492. 2There is a discrepancy in early census reports regarding the allocation of the Reservation Indians to various tribes. This is at- tributable to absenteeism and the diff iculties encountered by employees in contacting each family during the year. Some reports ehow no Warm Springs Indians. for the lines are not sharply drawn between some of these tribes. 2l44 All these Indians, however, did not oome on the Reservation. In 1862 a statement was prepared by the Agent showing the population and wealth of the tribes on the Reservation for the previous years 1 Tribe Number Individual Wealth Wasco 475 $14,000 Deschutes 350 7,000 John Day 120 3,000 Tygh 450 11,000 There is a great disorepanoy between the census for 1862 and that for 1870, whioh shows only 654 persons on the Reservation. This is partly attributable to absenteeism at the time of enumeration. 2 Four years later, in 1874, the physician endeavored to make another actual oount, supplementing his information with that obtainable from head men and others. His report shows: 1statistics. 37th Cong., 3d Sess., (Ser. 1157) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 2, Vol. II, 504. 2Felix Brunot to Board of Indian Commissioners, November 20, 1871. 42d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1505) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. III, pt. l, 533. .. Tribe Wasco Tenino Warm Springs Total Number 320 56 304 6801 These were divided into 256 males, 209 females and 215 children, a total of 680. So far there were but fewhalf-breeds among the Indians, and these oould all be accounted for by marriage. In 1879 John Smith reported that increase was noticeable in the Wasoo and Tenino tribes,2 and two years later he mentioned that although the Warm Springs numbered nearly as many as the Wascos, yet they still barely held their own. 3 They were less civilized end were not inclined to avail themselves of the physician's servioe, seeming to prefer their own doctors, and "hence losing numbers that might otherwise be s&ved." He added, "Diseases brought by white men ce.n be suocessi'ully treated only by white men."4 1John Smith to Edward P. Smith, September 8, 1874. 43d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1639) H. Ex. Dao. l, pt. 6, Vol. VI, 631. 2John Smith to E. A. Hayt, August i2, 1879. 46th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 1910) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IX, 241. 3 John Smith to H. Prioe, August 17, 1881. 47th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 2018) H. Ex. Doe. 1, pt. 5, Vol. X, 210. 4Ibid. In 1882 the population of the Reservation had increased to 835. 1 Many of the Indians who had been absent from the Agency, living along the river with the renegades, had returned. This gain of 270 over the census report of the preceding year, 4 was principally amng the Warm Springs tribe. The following year fifteen Paiutes left, the Reservation, either removing to Yakima Reservation or running off to their former country.3 The population statistics in the appendix show a steady in• orease, with some 1·ew exceptions, during the years, and at the turn of the century the native population had grown to ~63. 1There were five mixed bloods. John Smith to H. Price, Au- gust 24, 1882. 47th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2100) H. Ex. Doe. 1, pt. 5, Vol. n~ . 204-205. 2John Smith to H. Price, August 17, 1881. 47th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2018) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. X, 210. 3John Smith to H. Price, August 14, 1883. 48th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2191) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XI, 191. .., CHAPTER XI LAW AND IT'S ENFORCEMENT The lack of control over the Indians, especially during fish- ing seasons, was a never-failing souroe of difficulty for the Warm Springs Agents. Until the supplementary treaty of 1865 was negotiated, wherein the Indians pledged themselves not to leave the Reservation with- out passes, the natives could leave the Agency at will, remaining away as long as they desired. During fishing seasons there was a general exodus of families to villages along the Columbia River, where they were thrown into constant association with white people of the lower type. Father Mesplie of The Dalles' Catholio Mission described an evil effect of this mingling of whites and natives, in a letter to the Indian Agent in 1864. Be wrotes Within the last two years, the worst of all has been liquor. This has cast these unfortunate people into a deplorable condition and without being a witness no one can form an idea of the Indian when intoxicated. There are scenes most horrible to beholi and capable of exciting pity in the most hard-hearted. This menace was unfortunately not confined to the area arounp. The Dalles. Discoveries of gold in the vicinity of the Reservation brought in many enterprising indiViduals with limited capital who estab- 1c. Mesplie to R.R. Thompson, August 6, 1854. 33d Cong •• 2d Sess., (Ser. 777) H. Ex. Doc. 1., Vol. I., pt. 1, 439. lished themselves at trading posts. They contended that the Agent could not interfere with them since they were not on the Reservation, yet 11the evil consequence which results from their presence is as keenly felt, 11 wrote Superintendent Rector in 1861, "as if the traders were firmly established in the Agent's house and acting under authority of law.' 111 Other men came in under the pretense of taking claims, and lo- cated at convenient points from where t hey could sell whiskey to the In- dians.2 This evil was to prove a serious influence in the lives of the people, for among these adventurers were "many bad men and a great deal of bad whiskey, 113 neither of which would promote the well being of the Indian, or his advancement in civilization. Article VIII of the treaty of 1855 attempted to prevent in- temperance providing: • . , , that if any one of them shall drink liquor to excess or procure it for others to drink, his or her proportion of the annuities may be withheld from him or her for such time as the President may determine.4 1william H. Rector to William P. Dole, September 25, 1861. 37th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 1117) S. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. I, 766. Note: The law only provided that it was an offense to dispose of whiskey or other liquor "in the Indian country", and a person could legally vend his liq- uor within a few yards from the boundary of the Reservation. 2R. R. Thompson to Joel Palmer, September 6, 1854. 33d Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 777) H. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. I, pt. 1, 492. 3william H. Rector to William P. Dole, September 25, 1861. 37th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 1117) S. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. I, 766. 4stats. XII, Art. 8, 963. &49 This did not entirely cover the situation, for the Indians in most oases procured their liquor from white persons . CoI!Dilissioner Edward P. Smith commented in some detail on this condition in his annual re- port to the Secretary of Interior in 1874, as follows, The only statutes under which Indians are mentioned and controlled are substantially those enacted in 1834 known as the Trade and Intercourse Laws, whose main purpose was to regulate traffic in furs and prevent sale of ammunitions and intoxicat- ing liquors and intrusion upon an Indian Reservation.l The theory prevailed at that time that the Indian tribes were related to the American Govermnent as independent nations which would naturally provide their own laws, and that it was only necessary to keep them as far as possible from all white settlements, where they might obtain whiskey and gunpowder, and to keep them peaceable through distri- bution of annuities in cash and bl8Jlk:ets. 2 Indians in the Indian country were not punishable by any law for crimes committed against the persons or property of each other; these were left to penalties of tribal usage, generally involving personal vengeances or pecuniary satisfaction for wrongs committed. Sometimes flagrantly troublesome offenders who may have been guilty of the grossest crimes were subjected to the farce of 1Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, E. P. Smith, November l, 1874. 43d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1639) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. VI, 424. , a few weeks' or months' arbitrary imprisonment in an Agency guard- house or military fort. 1 250 But although he might not be punished for the commission up- on his countrymen of any of the higher classes of crimes, yet the laws related to forgery, bigamy and other offences against public justice and morality were expressly extended over him, He might kill an Indian wo- man without excuse or provocation and he thereby violated no Federal law; but if he married her instead of killing her--having a former wife liv- ing, he was subject to arraignment, trial and punishment by the courts of the United States for biganJ¥. 2 The only means of enforcing law and order among the tribes was in the use of the "bayonet" by the military or by some force which the Agent might have at his command. All Indian tribal government had broken down, and the chiefs only held a nani.nall!.neadship, depending for its continuance upon the consent of the tribes. Quoting from Cormnission- er Smith's report of 1874: lnstatement Showing the Methods of Conducting Business in the Office of Indian Affairs. The Land Divisioni Law." 45th Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1850) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. U, 488-489. 2Ibid. In my judgment whatever of failure has attended the management of Indian affairs in the past has been largely attributable to this fundamental failure to reoognize and treat the Indian as a man capable ot oivilization and therefore a proper fubjeot of the Government and amenable to its laws. 251! No penalties were provided for depredations OOJil?litted by white men upon Indians, other than that of putting them out of the country. Nor was there any provision whereby an Indian could become an American citizen without obtaining consent of both his tribe and the American Government. 2 Ala a result many Indians who would otherwise have gone out to work for themselves, stayed with the mass of their tribes. By Article VII of the treaty, the tribes promised not to com- mit any depredations on citizens of the United States, nor to make war on other Indians except in self defence; and to sul:mit all differences to the Government of the United States or its Agent, for decision and to abide thereby.3 I 1 .Annual Report of Commissioner of Indian Affairs, E. P. Smith, November 1, 1874. 43d Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. I, (Ser. 1639) H. Ex. Doe. l, pt. 5, Vol. VI, 424. 2By act of Congress, approved March 3, 1875. Indians who have abandoned or may hereafter abandon their tribal relations are authorized to e.nter Homesteads and may receive patents for the lands so entered with a restriction upon the power of alienation. Stats. XVIII, 420. 3ste.ts. XII, Art. 7, 963. 252 A council of head men investigated cases arising on the Reser- vation , and their decisions were presented to the Ji.gent for approval. Fines usually required payment of horses for damages . Laws ~ere passed to govern the tribes, al though there was a clannish antipathy against l submitting to the guidance or rules established by another band. By 1879 , ho\'rever, the l_aws passed had practical application to the ,vhole Reservation for during the winter the "!arm Springs agreed to be governed 2 thereby. The three great vices of the Indians on the Reservation were drinking , gambling and polygamy, and the agents and their employees worked through the years to effect a cure. A law was passed before 18'72 prohibiting polygamy, as well as forbidding gambling and other vices, but there were alcrays sane lawbreakers emong the residents. The desire to purchase whiskey led inevitably to stealing and murder, and during 1861 some white men were killed in the vicinity of Barl o~' s Gate and Tygh Valley.3 1John smith to Edward P . Smith, September 8 , 1674. 43d Cong. , 2d Seas . , vol. I { Ser. 1 639) II. ,x. Doc. 1, pt . 5, Vol. VI , 631. 2 John Smith to ..... . A. Rayt, .,_ugust 22, 1879. 46th Cong. , 2d Sess ., Vol. I (Ser. 1910) n. Ex. Doc. l, pt . 5, Vol. IX, 241 . ¾illiam H. Rector to William P. Dole ,September 24 , 1861. 37th Cong., 2d ~ess . (Ser. 1117) s. x. Doc . l, Vol . I, 765. Agent Dennison of The Dalles began an immediate investigation of the affair which resulted in the discovery of three bodies and in• formation that other muders had been committed in the vicinity and the bodies seoreted.1 He reported the facts to Captain Whittlesey of Fort Dalles, who detailed a detachment of dragoons to accompany Agents u:>gan and Dennison in their$earoh for the murderers. 2 They called upon the chiefs, obtaining information which implicated several Indians, one of whom was shot while endeavoring to escape. Some of the others escaped, but two were arrested by soldiers and employees at the Reservation. Demand was made upon Chief Huckup for the arrest and deli very of the Indians who had escaped, and he complied, producing all those who were in any way connected with the outrages.3 In their confession the Indians said that they had oonunitted the murders for the purpose of securing money to buy whiskey. 1Ibid., P• 764. 2Ibid. Notes Two of the victims were Jarvis Briggs and his seventeen year old ion who had camped at Baitlow Gate on their return trip from the gold mines of eastern Oregon. It was discovered that the In- dians had been instigated in this crime .by some unscrupulous whites who knew that Briggs had driven a herd of beef cattle to the mines for sale and would undoubtedly have a quantity of gold dust with him. Deputy Sheriff John M. Marden and a posse from The Dalles set out after the four suspected Indians. One of them hid in a tepee and was *hot by Marden when he refused to come out. The other three were tried and hung "from the limb of a tree in the west end of the city." Lulu D. Crandall Col- lection, Scrapbook, XXV, 3, Fort Dalles Historical Society, The Dalles Oregon. 3william H. Rector to W. P. Dole, September 25, 1861. 37th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 1117) s. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, 763-764. .. . . Superintendent Rector direoted Agent Logan to make Chief Huck• up a present of' a horse and some clothing for his service in discovering, arresting and delivering these criminals to justioe.l He had been robbed of all his property by the Snakes during t heir raids upon the Reservation and was very poor. On July 30, 1865 Agent Logan was drowned when the Steamer Brother Johathan, overloaded with gold, struck a rook and foundered near Crescent City, California. 2 John Smith was appointed on June 11, 1866 to succeed him, and he immediately assumed charge of the Agency. Smith and his employees struggled to break down existing cus- toms and beliefs in their endeavor to raise the standards of the natives. Within the first two years polygamy, which had been practiced by the con- federated tribes without limit, was almost entirely abandoned, and gemb• ling was limited.3 The Indians seemed anxious to imitate the manners 1 ~., P• 764. 2J. w. Perit Huntington to D. N. Cooley, September 17, 1865. 39th Cong., 1st Seas., (Ser. 1248) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. II, 646. Also J. W. P. H'lDltington to D. N. Cooley, October 15, 1866. 39th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 1284) H. Ex. Doo. l, Vol. II, 76. Note, only nineteen of the 200 on board were saved. Fred Lockley, History of the Columbia River Valley, !(Chicago: The s. J. Clarke PublishingCompany, 1928), P• l20. 3 John Smith to J. W. P. Huntington, July 20, 1868. 40th Cong., 3d Sess., (Ser. 1366) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. II, 578. 4John Smith to J. W. P. Huntington, July 26, 1867. 40th Cong., 2d Seas., (Ser. 1326) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. III. Also John Smith to A. B. Meacham, July l, 1869. 41st Cong., 2d Seas., (Ser. 1414) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 3, Vol. III, 763-764. 266 and customs of the white people, and many of them assisted the Agent in eradicating these vices from all the different tribes. 1 Polygam;y The practice of polygamy was a vice not alone confined to thia Reservation, and in 1879 Commissioner Hayt recommended that proper marri• age laws be passed for Indian tribes. He specified that the Agent should be required to marry all Indians living together upon his Reservation, giving them a certificate of such marriage. He also urged that after the beginning of the following year no Indian be permitted to marry more than one wife, also that white men living with Indian women should be com- pelled to marry them or to quit the Reservation.2 As chief magistrate the Agent performed the ceremonies, af't~r the parties had first applied to the head ohief and council for per- mission.3 The old system of buying and selling wives was slowly out- 1John Smith to J. w. P. Hun~ington, Juay 20, 1868. 40th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 1326) H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. III. Also John Smith to A. B. Meacham, July l, 1869. 41st Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 1414) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 3, Vol. III, 763-764. 2E. A. Bayt to Carl Schurz, November 1, 1879. 46th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1910) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. 9, 77. 3 ~·, John Smith to E. A. Hayt, August 22, 18791 241. l lawed and the abandoning of wives in distress and sometimes even to starvation was prevented. 1 256 Alon~o Gesner spoke of the prevalence of polygamy among the Warm Springs tribe as late as 1885. By that time it had been somewhat checked, but there was seemingly no veneration for the marriage relation- ship. He required the people to get a divorce in a regular way, by court trial, and when the divorce was granted, a just proportion of either real or personal property was given to the woman. "Men are not so eager to put away their old wives and take younger ones," he said, "if a division of the property must take place before the divorce can be granted."2 It is interesting to note the comments ma.de by A. o. Wright, Supervisor in Charge of the Reservation in 1900, upon this subject. The Indians are learning to have a higher stand- ard of sexual morality than they had ••••• Most of the married couples have been licensed by the agent and married by the missionary. A few near the agenoy and more at We.rm Springs are married by the old Indian method. The difference is that in the old way they part when they cannot agree, while after marriage by the autb• orities, they must get a divorce from the court, which inquires ae closely and is as slow to grant a divorce as most white courta.3 1John Smith to T. B. Odeneal, September 1, 1872. 42d Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1560) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. III, pt. 1, 750. Also John Smith to Board of Indian Commissioners, January 31, 1872~ 2Alonzo Gesner to J. D. C. Atkins, August 28, 1885. 49th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2379) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XII, 401. 3A. o. Wright to W. A. Jones, August 6, 1900. 56th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 4101) H. Ex. Doo. 5, Vol. XXVII, 368. He continueds Girls are generally married early and seem to be pretty well guarded by their parents. There are scarcely any half-breeds, and these can all be ac- counted for by marriages. There is no such prosti- tution of Indian women here as in some places, and as far as the men are concerned, they are virtuous, notwithstanding rhe opportunities when they are off the Reservation. Gambling 2:57 The problem of gambling was not so easily stamped out. In 1886 Jason Wheeler reported that the Indians, particularly the Warm Springs, raced horses on Sabbath afternoons after religious services. The Indians had apparently received the idea from some members of a certain religious sect with whom they were more or less associated in the earlier years of missionary work. These people believed that the Sabbath ended at the conclusion of the religious services, and the balance of the day was to be given up to amusements.2 The Agent had tried to induce them to give up this practice, but some declared they would not attend church if they were not permitted to race horses after- wards. !orse ra.o1ng was not limited to Sunday afternoons, however. The Indians loved the sport, and for a time white men were permitted to bring in horses to raoe, but this was soon abolished. ½:bid. 2Jason Wheeler to J. D. c. Atkins, August 18, 1886. 49th Cong. , 2d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 2467) H. Ex. Doc . l, pt. 5, Vol. VIII, 441. .. 258 The traok was three-quarters of a mile up a hill and three- quarters of a mile baok to the Agency. Those who had bet on horses, often lined the road, whipping their animals to spur them on to wi.n as they passed on the return. Gambling was not limited to horse raoing, for the Indians were inveterate gamblers, using cards or other gambling devices.l Agent Cowan complained of the prevalence of gambling in 1899, saying that most of the younger men show a mania for it. He made an order that any tan- gible property won at cards or other gambling methods was to be re- turned to the rightful owner, and this suppressed the evil to some degree. The greatest difficulty, however, was with young men who had acquired oash, for, he said, they would "seek the brush and indulge in the pracw tioe", 2 and he was unable to entirely stop it. Indian Police During 1869 and 1870 civilian Agents in Oregon were suspended and military officers replaced them in charge of Reservations~ The 1Their favorite gsme was the "Stick Game". The Indians, men or women, lined up on two sides, chanting and singing to confuse those who tried to guess the whereabouts of the stick with the silver ring. Bets often ran as high as saddles and animals. 2James L. Cowan tow. A. Jones, August 16, 1899. 66th Cong., 1st Sess., pt. 1, (Ser. 3915) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XVIII, 326. 3A. B. Meacham to E. s. Parker, September 21, 1870. 41st Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1449) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 512. 259 changes created some embarrassment to the officials for the Indians "stampeded" on every Reservation within the Oregon Superintendency. 1 John Smith explained the dissatis~action of his Indians regarding the transfer in the following words: The soldiers heretofore stationed at this agency were volunteers and meaner than the meanest Indian that ever trod this ground. and they believe that all soldiers are like those with whom they have had to associate. Many of the Indians are therefore stealing away. and it will take considerable time and expense to return them.2 Through the change of policy Captain Jolm Smith was temporar- ily replaced by Brevet Captain William w. Mitchell of the United Sta.tee Arm;r. 3 but in 1871 Smith returned to hie Reservation.4 where he re- 2John Smith to A. B~ Meacham, July 1. 1869. 41st Cong •• 2d Sess., (Ser. 1414) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 3, Vol. III. 604. 31bid., A. B. M.eacham to E. S. Parker, September 20, 18699 596. Note,V.President Calhoun created a Bureau of Indian Affairs in the War Department, March 11, 1824. When the Department of Interior was created in 1849, the Indian Office was transferred to it. Between 1860 and 1870 agitation arose for its retransfer to the War Department, and many of the military Agents replaced civilians. Criticisms and insinuations_ eon- oerning the honesty and efficiency of civilian Agents aroused this agi- tation. Counterclaims were made that the methods used by the army were responsible for much of the irritation existing between Indians and whites. A. B. Meacham to E. s. Parker, September 21. 1870. 41st Cong •• 3d Seas., Vol. I, (Ser. 1449) H. Ex. Doc. 1. pt. 4. Vol. IV. pt. 1. 512. 4John Smith to A. B. Meacham, September l, 1871. 24d Cong •• 2d Sess •• Vol. 1. (Ser. 1505) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. Ill, pt. 1. 724. .. 2£0 me.ined until his death on January 18, 1884.l In the first winter after his return, Smith established a Temperance Society of seventy Indiana,a the first Indian w. c. T. u. in Oregon, and the group held weekly meet- ings in the mission ohurch.3 Although this zealous group grew slowly, and the members worked with serious intent to eliminate the curse of liquor from their tribes, yet the few gross orilll.es committed during the last quarter of the century, were all an outgrowth of drunkenness. In 1874 a homicide occurred, vmioh although not "wholly a.ttri• butable to whisky", wrote the Agent, "certainly would never have occurred without it.n4 The case was not tried until t he following year, and the evidence, which was principally Indian, was so manipulated that the murderer was acquitted. The dying statement of the victim and the at- tending circumstances had rendered it morally certain that the murderer could have been no other person. 6 1Alonzo Gesner to H. Price, August 15, 1884. 48th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2287) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 1, Vol. XII, 195. 2John Smith to T. B. Odeaneal, September 1, 1872. 42d Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1560) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. III, pt. l, 750. 3Letter from Cyrus H. Walker to the Editor of The Oregonian, July 15, 1896. 4John Smith to Edward P. Smith, September 8, 1874. 43d Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1639) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol . VI, 633. 5John Smith to Edward P. Smith, August 23, 1875. 44th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1680) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IV, pt. l, 858. '. . . 2£1 Also in 1880 a man was found dead under circ\.lillStanoes 1Vhich made it seem probable that he had been poisoned with drugged l iquor, dying from the effect of it and exposure to oold. The man whom it was thought sold him the liquor was punished by the United States• District Court, for he had sold liquor to this same Indian previously.1 The following year the problem of liquor again arose, and Agent Smith devoted part of his annual report to a discussion of the evil.2 One Indian oomplained that another Indian had beaten him se- verely over the head. lTh.en the parties were summoned before the council, it was found that both were drunk at the time. They had procured three bottl es of whiskey at The Dalles, and going out into the hills near town, had become beastly drunlc--the stronger and least intoxicated, committillg the assault. He was fined a good horse for his crime, and the former an ordinary horse, for being drunk, with the provision that the fine would be remitted if he informed on the parties furnishing the liquor. The matter was turned over to the United States• M:a.rsShall and District At- torney. The head chief, who was also captain of the newly f ormed Indian police force, was sent with the two witnesses to The Dalles to point out the guilty party. They were also required to go to Portland, Oregon for the trial, for which they were each paid i22.50 as mileage and ex- penses, much more than the fine was. The white man pleaded guilty and 1John Smith to E. A. Marble, August 16, 1880. 46th Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1959) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IX, 271. 2John Smith to H. Price, August 17, 1881. 47th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2018) H. Ex. Doc . 1, pt. 5, Vol. X, 211. was fined ten dollars and liberated after one night's imprisonment. During 1882 there was a great deal of drunkenness among the Indians at the fisheries, but Smith was unable to have a single liquor dealer arrested. Persons at The Dalles said that they oould inform on the parties, but it would not pay them to do so, for after they had paid their expenses to Portland and baok as witnesses, they were always "out" at least ten dollars more than they had reoeived.l Agent Smith compained that the punishment was not sufficient for a man oould plead guilty to such charges every few months and still make money from his illicit traffic. He was informed that only a nomin- al fine was imposed for the first offense--but it seemed that it was hardly worth the time and money involved to hunt offenders and have them punished. 2 Smith concluded his remarks with the following: I have more hopes in the furnishing to each Indian agent a set of Sewall's plate of the human stomach and showing the terrible effects of intoxi- cating liquors upon the human system. A somewhat noted temperance lecturer, Hon. Levi Lealand, exhibited these plates to a number of Indians at this agency, and it seemed to strike them with a kind of superstitious dread. They realized for the first time what the internal effects of such liquors were.3 1John Smith to H. Prioe, August 24, 1882. 47th Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. II, (Ser. 2100) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 5, Vol. XI. 205-206. 2John Smith to H. Price, August 17, 1881. 47th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2018) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 5, Vol. X, 211. 3Ibid. . . 263 In 1890 Agent Luckey eohoed the remarks made by John Smith nine years earlier when he said. regarding two oases of selling liquor to Indians in The Dalless One of the parties has often been arrested for the same offense. This tillle he was fined 1100. It is getting to be a matter of common remark, and is even published in the newspapers that it costs on an average of $125 to prosecute a whisky case. and the party convicted is either fined a nominal sum (usually $10) or else reprimanded and told to go home and do so no more. The parties most benefitted in such cases seem to be the deputy marshals. who get mileage, et cetera, hence the more cases the better for them, 'While the traffic goes on. The kws may be sufficient, £Ut their administration may well be considered a fa.roe. The contest between officers of the law and evil white per• sons continued through the years, but before the end of the seventies reenforoements entered the com.bat in the newly formed native police. In 1877 Commissioner Hayt recommended the establishment of Indian police, which had been tried with success in Canada. 2 He also suggested that competent Indians be promoted to command as reward for faithful service. Although organization of the new force was begun after the commissioner's recommendation in 1877,3 instructions were not 1J. C. Luckey to T. J. Morgan, August 23, 1890. 51st Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2841) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 6, Vol. XII, 211. 2An.nual Report of Commissioner of Indian Affairs, E. A. Hayt, November 1. 1877. 45th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1800) H. Ex. Doc. 1. pt. 5, Vol. VIII, 297-299. 3Annual Report of the Secretary of Interior, November 15. 1879. 46th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I,(Ser. 1910) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IX, 13. .. 264 received at the .Agency until January 1, 1879.1 Initial instruotions authorized a force of three members, but this was increased to ten with- in the first eight months.2 There was some difficulty in finding efficient and dependable men, for Congress provided a salary of only five dollars a month for privates and eight dollars for officers, and the class of men needed, would, if not so employed, earn a muoh greater amount by working for themselves. 3 Their salaries were to be augmented by donations of ra- tions, but the Warm Springs' police did not receive full rations,4 and part of the time, the Agents reported that they received nothing at all.5 During the first year the police were not often called to ac- tive service. However, early in the winter the military raided the rene- gade camps along the Columbia River, and the police, with additional TOlunteers from the Agency, assisted in returning a number of the John Day Indians with their ohief, He-ha-ney, who had left the Reservation about nine years before.6 There was some insubordination among the John llbid., John Smith to E. A. Hayt, August 22, 1879, 241. 2Ibid. 3Ibid., Annual Report of the Secretary of Interior, 13. 4P. Gallagher to D. M. Browning, August 20, 1896. 54th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 3489) H. Ex. Doo. 5, Vol. XIII, 282. 5J. c. Luokey to T. J. Morgan, August 23, 1890. 61st Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. II, (Ser. 2841) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XII, 210. 6John Smith to E. A. Bayt, August 23, 1879. 46th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1910) H. Ex. Doo. l, pt. 5, Vol. IX, 240-241. 266 Days shortly after this, but it was promptly quelled by the police and the volunteer assistants. The return of these renegades was only temporary, for in the spring, He-ha-ney left, taking most of the John. Days and some of the Warm Springs with him, going across the Columbia River, ostensibly to make a home on the Yakima Reservation. 1 During 1880 there were two suicides of Indian women arising out of domestic troubles. Of the twenty crimes punished by the Indian council during the year, most of them arose from domestio disputes.2 In the decade of the eighties there were two murders of Indian medicine men on the Reservation. In 1883 a drunken native doctor was strangled by the son of a man whom he had boasted of killing.3 Three years later another tragedy occurred.4 In June 1886 a medicine man was called in to "make medicine" over a sick child, whom it was said he had "shot" with his medicine, and he alone could cure. The father was led to believe that the doctor was not trying to cure hie child, and that the child was going to die. During the night the Indian doctor 2John Smith to E. A. Marble, August 16, 1880. 46th Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 1959) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IX, 269- 270. 3John Smith to H. Price, August 14, 1883. 48th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2191) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XI, 192. 4Jason Wheeler to J. D. C. Atkins, August 18, 1886. 49th Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. I, (Ser. 2467) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. VIII, 441. 266 was killed, and he was found the following morning with his throat cut from ear to ee.r. Nearly four days were spent investigating the orime and the suspects, and during this investigation the firm belief of the Indians in the power of the medioine men was clearly shown. Indian Court of Offenses An Indian Court of Offenses was instituted in 1885.1 It con- sisted of three members appointed by the Indian Office for a term of one year, subjeot to removal at a:n.y time. Polygamists were not eligible to appointment, and members of the court reoeived no compensation. The court held at least two regular sessions each month, and special sessions were held when requested by three reputable members of the tribe and approved by the Agent. The regulations enumerated the fol- lowing offenses as cognizable and punishable: The "Sun Dance", the 11Soalp Dance", the 'twar Dancen, and all other so-oalled feasts assimilating thereto; plural marriages, hereafter oontraoted or entered into by any member of the Indian tribe under the supervision of an Indian agent; the usual practices of so-called "medi- cine men"; stealing and wilfully abusing property; the sale of women; the sale or use of liquors. 2 The three judges chosen were the captain and two non-com- missioned officers of the police force. 3 Generally their decisions were lBureau of Education Special Report, 1888. 48th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 2264) S. Ex. Doo. 95, Vol. II pt. 2, 608. 2Ibid., Regulations, Nos. 494-499, 117. 3Jason Wheeler to J. D. C. Atkins, August 18, 1886. 49th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I, (Ser. 2467) H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. VIII, 441. .. ' . 2.67 wel l -rendered and satisfaotory to their people. It was difficult, how- ever, to secure the respeot and confidence of the people for the judges at first, because they were accustomed to a head chief and councilmen. The oourt was difficult to maintain at the outset, for the Indians mixed up rules and regulations with the old time laws and codes of Oregon. Jason Wheeler complained in 1887 that the court had become a farce and should be dispensed with, unless the laws of the State of Oregon could be made the code for governing. 1 Agent Luckey desoribed the procedure for a trial, at which the Agent was usually present: The charge is preferred and the accused given an opportunity to defend themselves. Witnesses are examined for and against, the questions usually being put by the judges as there are no so-called lawyers to appear in behalf of accused or State. At the oonolusion of the trial the judges render their decision which is referred to the agent for approval or otherwise. It is the aim to have records kept but it is not always practioable.2 He also urged that salaries be paid to judges to enable them to devote more time and thought to their duties. At this time the police were issued no rations, and the salary paid them was not suffic- ient to enable them to support themselves and their families and devote the neoessary time outside of their police duties to sit upon a oourt of 1Jason 'Wheeler to J. D. c. Atkins, August 23, 1887. 5oth Cong., 1st Sesa., Vol. II, (Ser. 2542) H. Ex. Doo . 1, pt. 5, Vol. XI, 279. 2J. C. Luckey to T. J. Morgan, August 23, 1890. 61st Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. II , (Ser. 2841) H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 5, Vol. XII, 212. I 268 offenses. He reoommended that a regularly organized oourt be developed, and a paid secretary be employed.l Lt. E. E. Benjamin found no established oourt when he took charge of the Agency in 1894, so he constituted himself a summary court and administered justice after informal hearings. 2 He mentioned the previously existing court as a Police Court, for it was formed of the three principal officers of the police force. Reoords had not been kept by the Agents or judges of oases coming before the body, and Ben- jamin urged that a regularly established court be for.med.3 The fol- lowing year a new court was organized, and "three good and painstaking Indians" were chosen as judges. They were respected men who could de- vote their time to court work. Agent Gallagher who sucoeded Benjamin, commented on the ex- cellence of the new court, as "the best I have seen in an experience of ten years."4 He continued: They do not hesitate to punish severely when it is necessary, in which respect they are unlike Indian courts encountered in the past. Attention is given to their duties and they afford no trouble to the agent. lrbid. 2E. E. Benjamin to D. M. Brofflling, August 15, 1894. 53d. Cong., 3d Seas., Vol. II, (Ser. 3306) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XV, 271-272. 3rbid., 212. 4P. Gallagher to D. M. Browning, August 20, 1896. 54th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II , (Ser. 2389) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XIII, 281-282. The decisions of the court are binding and are abided by, as but one appeal from a decision has been made to me since my arrival.1 2S9 A year later James Cowan reiterated the comments me.de by Gal- lagher concerning the efficiency of the court. He added that the men were entirely familiar with their duties and that in deciding cases they were governed by justice and right. 2 The police and the court worked harmoniously together, both organizations endeavoring to preserve and maintain order upon the Res- ervation. The police were well trained, efficient and obedient. 3 They were all young men, except the captain, and with one or two ex- ceptions spoke English fluently. In 1894 an accident brought up the problem. of prorlding for · the widow and children of a policeman killed in line of duty. 4 Be·- side t he routine work, it had been necessary for the men to patrol the northern boundary of the Reservation for sheep and cattle were trea- passing upon the Indian lands. This portion of the Reservation had been a resort for horse thieves and other outlaws from the neighboring 2James L. Cowan tow. A. Jones, August 16, 1897. 55th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 3641) H. Ex. Doo. 6, Vol. XIII, 262. 3P. Ge.llagher to D. M. Bro1Vlling, August 20, 1896. 64th Cong., 2d Sees., Vol. II, (Ser. 3489) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XIII, 282.. 4E. E. Benjamin to D • .M. Bro"Wlling, August 15, 1894. 53d Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. II, (Ser. 3306) H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 6, Vol. XV, 271. 270, counties, for it was mountainous, wooded country. In an attempt to arrest two outlaws camped on the Reservation, Private Carpolis was wounded. The criminals were delivered to oi vil authorities, but Carpolis died, leaving a wife and several minor child- ren. Lieutenant Benj8Illin brought this matter to the attention of the Indian Department, asking that some provision be made to care for such families. The inauguration of Indian control over matters of law and order seemed to have a beneficial effect upon the natives of the Reser- vation. In 1900 Supervisor Wright praised the Indians for their ad- vance in civilization and understanding of proper conduct. Re wrote: These Indians are quite law abiding, as far as they know what the law is. They do not fight. There haw been no complaints of assaults and no worse re- sults of some quarrels than a crop of lawsuits. When a wild people have got to the point that they take their revenge in annoying law suits, it shows that they do not take it in worse ways •••• There is little theft, but no more than is us- ually found on Indian reservations. The free issue of some small articles by the agents seems to have made them think there was some sort of co.Dmlon property in them, and the old freedom in using one another's horses and other property still survives, a.a the oases in court show.1 1A. o. Wright to W. A. Jones, August 6, 1900. 56th Cong., 2d Sess., (Ser. 4101) H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XXVII, 368. CHAPTER XII CONCLUSION It is evident from a study of the history of these Indians, that the Warm Springs, together with other Oregon tribes, did not bene- fit greatly from the Government system of colonizing and reser-vations. It is true that they received the advantages of education e.nd medical service furnished by the Government in accordance with treaty stip- ulations, and some protection from their enemies; but the value of these advantages may be questioned. There was no real security, £or the two great disputes that affected the daily lives of these Indians--that of fishing rights and Reservation boundaries--remain unsettled. · In June 1940 both cases are scheduled for a hearing in the Federal Court at Washington, D. c. Many changes and improvements ha.ve been made on the Reser- vation since 1900. Modern brick buildings have replaced the old school building$ neat modern frame houses have been built for all employees; a brick building is being constructed to replace the old office; and good roads have been made across the Reservation. These are not hard surfaced roads, but they are kept in good repair. The highway from Madras to Warm Springs, however, is an excellent pa-red road so the Res- ervation is now easily accessible. The periodic visitation of the Mormon crickets continues. During the spring of 1941 the C-owrnment endeavored to destroy these pests by dusting poison over the infected e.reas from an autogyro plane. The effectiveness of this method had not been determined, however, at the time this was written. But in spite of the improvements the Reservation remains almost the same. The Indians reside part of the yee.r on their land and e.re free to leave the Reservation to work or fish. A visiter does not see the old tepees or lodges now, for all residents are living in houses; and t he natives have all assumed modern dress. Some of the older women cling to their shawls and long, full, printed skirts; but the younger In- dians dress as our own young people do--in the latest mode. Automobiles have replaced wagons and modern farming machinery has replaced the prim- itive methods in use before 1900. So, perhaps, the savages have been satisfactorily civilized and the great desire and aim of our Government has been realized. APPENDIX • BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Government Publioations House a.nd Senate Doouments Serial 480 H. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. I, 29th Cong., 1st Sess. 587 S. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. I, pt. 1, 31st Cong., 2d Seas. 595 H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, pt. 1, 31st Cong., 2d Sess. 611 S. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, pt. 1, 32d Cong., 1st Sess. 612 S. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. II, pt. 2, 32d Cong., 1st Sess. 613 S. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. III, pt. 3, 32d Cong., 1st Sess. 636 H. Ex. Doc. 2, Vol. II, pt. 3, 32d Cong., 1st Sess. 658 S. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, 32d Cong., 2d Sess. 673 H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, pt. 1, 32d Cong., 2d Sess. 690 S. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 1, Vol. I, 33d Cong., 1st Sess. 710 H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, pt. 1, 33d Cong., 1st Sess. 746 S. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. I, 33d Cong., 2d Seas. 751 S. Ex. 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Doo. 1, Vol. II, 39th Cong., 1st Sess. 1279 H. Ex. Doe. 3, Vol. V, 39th Cong., 2d Sees. 1284 H. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. II, 39th Cong., 2d Sess. 1287 H. Ex. Doo. 6, Vol. V, 39th Cong., 2d Sess. 1326 H. Ex. Doo. 1, Vol. III, 40th Cong., 2d Sess. .• r' Serial 1366 H. Ex. Doc. 1, Vol. II, 40th. Cong., 3d Sess. 1414 H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 3, Vol. III, 41st Cong., 2d Sees. 1418 H. Ex. Doc. 146, Vol. VII, 41st Cong., 2d Sess. 1449 H. E.x. Doc. 1, pt. 4, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 41st Cong., 3d Sess~VoLI. 1450 H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 4, Vol. IV, pt. 2, 41st Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. II, 1470 H. Ex. Doc. 2, Vol. I, 42d Cong., 1st Sess. 1506 H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. III, pt. 1, 42d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I. 1506 H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 6, Vol. III, pt. 2, 42d Cong., 2d Sees. 1560 H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. III, pt. 1, 42d Cong., 3d Sees., Vol. I. 1678 H. Ex. Doc. 98, Vol. III, 42d Cong., 3d Sess. 1601 H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 43d Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. I. 1607 H. Ex. Doo. 122, Vol. IX, 43d Cong., let Sess. 1639 H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. VI, 43d Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. I. 1680 H. Ex. Doc. l, pt. 5, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 44th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. I. 1685 H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. VIII, 44th Cong., 1st Sess. 1709 H. Ex. Doo. 354, Vol. II, 44th Cong., 1st Sess. 1749 H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IV, pt. 1, 44th Cong., 2d Sese., Vol. I. 1800 H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. VIII, 45th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I. 1835 s. Miso. Doos. 53, 59, Vol. III, 45th Cong., 3d Sess. 1843 H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 2, Vol. II, 45th Cong., 3d Seas. 1850 H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 6, Vol. IX, 45th Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. I. 1903 H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 2, Vol. II, 46th Cong., 2d Sess. 1910 H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. IX, 46th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I. 1959 H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 6, Vol. IX, 46th Cong., 3d Sees., Vol. I. 2018 H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 6, Vol. X, 47th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II. 2091 H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 2, Vol. II, 47th Cong., 2d Seas. 2100 H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 6, Vol. XI, 47th Cong., 2d Sees., Vol. II. 2106 H. Ex. Doo. 5, Vol. XVII, 47th Cong., 2d Sesso 2182 H. Ex. Doe. 1, pt. 2, Vol. II, 48th Cong., 1st Sess. 2191 H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XI, 48th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. IL 2264 S. Ex. Doo. 94, Vol. II, pt. 2, 48th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II.. 2287 H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 1, Vol. llI, 48th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol.II. 2379 H. Ex. Doc., pt. 5, Vol. XII, 49th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II. 2448 S. Ex. Doc. 60, Vol. I, 49th Cong., 2d Sess. 2467 H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. VIII, 49th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I. 2510 S. Ex. Doc. 70, Vol. 7, 50th Cong., 1st Seas. 2542 H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XI, 50th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II. 2623 S. Report 2707, Vol. V, 50th Cong., 2d Seas. 2637 H. E:.c. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XI, 50th Cong., 2d Seas., Vol. II. 2686 S. Ex. Doc. 67, Vol. IX, 51st Cong., 1st Sess. 2725 H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XII, 51st Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II. 2840 H. Ex. Doc. 1~ pt. 5, Vol. XI, 51st Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. I. .. 275 Serial 2841 H. Ex. Doo. 1. pt. 5, Vol. XII, 51st Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. IL 2934 H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XV, 52d Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II. 2953 H. Ex. Doo. 69, Vol. XXXIII, 52d Cong., 1st Sess. 3088 H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XIII, 52d Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. n. 3163 S. Ex. Doc. 113, Vol. IV, 53d Cong., 2d Sess. 3210 H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XV, 53d Cong., 3d Sess., Vol. II. 3306 H. Ex. Doo. 1, pt. 5, Vol. XV, 53d Cong., 3d Seas., Vol. II. 3382 H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XV, 54th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II. 3489 H. Ex. Doo. 5, Vol. XITI, 54th Cong., 2d Sass., Vol. II. 3641 H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XIII, 55th Cong., 2d Sess. 3767 H. Ex. Doo. 3, Vol. XV, 55th Cong., 3d Sess. 3915 H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XVIII, 56th Cong., 1st Seas., pt. 1. 3916 H. Ex. Doo. 5, Vol. XIX, 56th Cong., 1st Sess., pt. 2. 4015 H. Ex. Doo. 736, Vol. CXVIII, pt. 2, 56th Cong., 1st Sess. 4101 H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XXVII, 56th Cong., 2d Seas. 4102 H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XXVIII, 56th Cong., 2d Sess. 4103 H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XXIX, 56th Cong., 2d Sess. 4104 H. Ex. Doc. 5, Vol. XXX, 66th Cong., 2d Sess. 4241 S. Ex. Doc. 340, Vol. XXII, 57th Cong., 1st Sess. 4254 s. Ex. Doc. 452, Vol. xxxv, · s7th Cong., 1st Sess. 4575 S. Report 2145, Vol. VI, 58th Cong., 2d Sess. 5534 H. Ex. Doc. 1529, Vol. CXXIV, pt. 1, 60th Cong., 2d Sess. 5535 H. Ex. Doc. 1531, Vol. CXXV, 60th Cong., 2d Sess. Statutes at Large Statutes at Large, IX, 323, 437, 586. Statutes~ Large, X, 330, 1027, 1122, 1143, 1225. Statutes at Large, XII, 951, 963. Statutes at Large, XIV, 751. Statutes at La.rge,XVIII, 420, 449. Statutes at La.rge,XXVI, 355. Statutes at Large, XVIII, 86. Bureau of Indian 4f'fairs' Publications Bulletin• of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Washingtons ing Office. - Government Print- Bulletin Number 3. "United States Indians, Historical Refer- 4. 5. ence~~ 1923. "Indian Art and Industries~~ 1922. "List of Indian Tribes in the United States, also Remnants of Tribes." 7. . "Indian Religion," 1922. 8. "Indian Missions of' the United States," 1922. .. . . 276 "Educating the Indians," 1921. Bulletin Number 9. 11. 12. "Indian Servi.oe Health Activities," 1922. "The American Indian and Government Indian 14. 20. 24. Administration," 1922. "Indian Wars and Local Disturbances in the United States, 1782-1898." "Indian Citizenship." "Indian Reservations," 1923. Early Labors of Missionaries of American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions in Oregon Commencing in 1836. 41st Cong":, 3d Sess., S. Ex. Doo737, Washington: Govern.m.Emt Printing Office, 1871. Laws, Regulations of Indian Bureau, Washington: Government Printing Office, 1850". Regulations of Indian Department with Appendix, Containing Forms Used • . Revised edition, Washingt~ Government Printing Office,-raa4. Regulations of Indian Office~ Appendix, Containing Forms~· Revised edition, Washington: Government Printing Office, 1894. Mieoellaneous Government Publications Anderson, J.P., "Indian War in Washington and Oregon" (Speech in House of Representatives), Congressional Globe, XXV, (Appendix), Washington: John c. Rives, 1856, 1189-1192. Boas, Franz. Chinook Texts, Washington: Government Printing Press, 1894. , Handbook of American Indian Lan~e.ges, Bureau of American ---~E"!"thn~ ology Bulletin 40, Vfashington: Government Printing Press, 1922. Hodge, Frederick Webb, Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, I-II, Washington: Government Printing Office, 191"5:" Kappler, C. J, Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, II, Was~i.ngton: Government Printing Office";-1903. Also listed under Serial 4254. Martin, R. J. and Corbin, E., Climatic Summary of the United States, Washingt~ns Government Printing Office:-r~. Mooney, James, "Smohalla and His Doctrine," Fourteenth .Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1892-1893, Washington: Government Printing Office, 1896, PP• 189-190. 'l37 Heitman, Francis B., Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Arr.rry from Its Organization-;-september 29,'"""T7Wto March 2, l903, Washingtons~overmnent Printing Office, 1903. - - , "The Ghost Dance, 11 Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of ---.American Ethnology, II (1892-1893), Washington: Government- Printing Office, 1896, 728. Richardson, James D., Messages and Papers of the Presidents, IV, Wash- ington: Bureau of National Literatureand Art, l9l0. Royce, Charles, C., "Cessions of Land by Indian Tribes to the United States," First Annual Report of the Bureau of .American Ethnology:, Washington: Government PrintI'iig~fice, 1881, p. 261. Schmeckebier, Laurence. v., The Office 2£ Indian Affairs, Its History, Activities and Organization, Service Monograph of the United States Government,"To. 48, Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins Press, 1927. Thurston, Samuel R., (Speech in House of Representatives), Congressional Globe, XIX, pt. 1, 272, 582, Washingtons John C. Rives, 1860. , (Speech in House of Representatives), Congressional Globe, ---- nx, pt. 2, 1089, Washington: John c. Rives, 1850. Yarrow:, Dr. H. c., "A Further Contribution to the Study of the Mortuary Customs of the North American Indians," First Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington: Government Print- ing Office, 1881, pp. , 189-190. Newspapers, Idaho Statesman,~, Boise, Idaho, August 24, 1867. Journal, The, The Dalles, Oregon, January 23, 1859. August 19, 1859. December 16, 1859. Mountaineer, The (Daily) , The Dalles, Oregon, . January 9, 1866. March 9, 1866. April 5, 1866. April 10, 1866. April 13, 1866. April 16, 1866. Mountaineer,.!'.!!! (Weekly), The Dalles, Oregon, October 12, 1866. October 19, 1866. November 9, 1866. November 30, 1866. December 14, 1866. February 8, 1867. June 6, 1867. June 29, 1867. August 8, 18710 May 13, 1873. June 28, 1873. Optimist, The, Tygh Valley, Oregon, April 25, 1907, Oregonian,~. Portland, Oregon, August 25, 1862. October 28, 1864. February 8, 1867. March 29, 1867. April 16, 1867. November 4, 1874. June 3, 1875. July 10, 1877. July 17, 1877. September 28, 1877. October 10, 1877. December 14, 1877. December 22, 1877. Dec81llber 26, 1877. June 7, 1878. June 21, 1878. June 26, 1878. February 24, 1880. February 28, 1880. April 17, 1880. October 11, 1882. Je.nuary 12, 1883. M~y 22, 1883. October 23, 1883. October 18, 1884. February 14, 1886. November 26, 1895. June 15, 1896. July 15, 1896. M•Y. 16, 1901. November 17, 1901. 278 December 20, 1914. June 5, 1936. July 17, 1938. April 17, 1939. April 30, 1939. January 28, 1940. April 2, 1940. April 14, 1940. Oregon Journal,!!:!.!, Portland, Oregon, January 6, 1862. January 7, 1862. January 8, 1862. J'lme 3, 1875. June 16, 1901. May 3, 1903, May 31, 1907. Pioneer, The.,Me.dras, Oregon XXVI, No. 14. Times, The, The Dalles, Oregon, February 23, 1881. Times-Mountaineer,~, The Dalles, Oregon, Union,~, Yreka, California, January 9, 1886. October 6, 1888. December 20., 1890. May 9, 1891. April 16, 1873. April 22, 1873. Miscellaneous Primary Sourcea 2.79 Allen, A. J., Ten Years in Oregon, Travels and Adventures of Dr. E. White and Lady, Ithaca, ~r. y. : .Andrus, Gatm.tlett andCompany' 1850. - Bland, Thomas Augustus, Life of Alfred B. Meacham, "The Tragedy of the Lava Bedfl," (A leoturedelivered by Alfred B. Meacham, May 24, 1874), Washington: T. A. and M. C. Bland, 1883. "Burial Customs in Oregon," A Letter from a Gentleman Who Traveled Through That Region at an Early Date, The American .Antiquarian and Oriental Journal, IV (October 1881-0otober 1882), pp. 33b-33l. 2BQ Davenport, T. W., "Recollections of an Indian Agent," Oregon Historical Quarterly, VIII (March 1907), p. 122. Diary of Wilkes in the Northwest, edited by Edmonds. Meany, Seattle: -University ot'washi.ngton Press, 1926. Reprinted from the Washington Historical Quarterly, 1925-1926. Fremont, Brevet Captain J. c., Report of the Exploring E:xPedition to the Rilley Mountains in the Year lW, and to Oregon and Worth- em C ifornie. in theYears--ral"3=mi4,-w.i"snfngtoni Gires and $eaten, 1845. - - - - Lee, Daniel and Frost, J. H., ~Years~ Oregon, New York: J. Col~ ford, 1844. McKay, William C. to Earhart, E. P., (Letter), July 27, 1869. Scrap- book, Oregon Historical Society, Portland, Oregon. Meacham, A. B., Wif:9: and Warpath; ~ ~ Royal Chief ~ Chains, Boe ton: John P. Dae an~ompany, 1875. fil!! National Register, LXIX .(Auguat 1845-Maroh 1846), 407, Baltimore: Jeremiah Hughes, 1846. , LDC (.March-September 1846), 135, Baltimore: ----....----,...----=--Jere mi ah Hughes, 1846. Report of Governor Grover to General Schofield on the Modoo War and Reports of Major General John F. Miller~'cr"Generai John E. Ross ~ the Governor, Salem, Oregon: Mart V. Brown, 18747 Riddle, Jeff C., The Indian Histoz of the Modoc War and the Causes ~ ~ ~ ~. San Franc sco: -Y-arnell anaCompany,"° l9l4. Thwaites, Reuben Gold, Original Journals of the Lewis and Clarke Ex- pedition, 1804-1806, VII, New YorE"Dodd, Meadand Company, 1905. Walker, Cyrus H., to Hines, George H., (Letter), March 26, 1911. Scrap- Book, Oregon Historical Society, Portland, Oregon. Secondary Sources An Illustrated History of Central Oregon Embracing Wasco, Sherman, Gil- lie.m, Wheeler, Crook, Lake and Klamath Counties, Spokane, W'asn- ingtons Historical Publishing Company, 1905. 281 Bancroft, Hubert Howe., History of Oregon., I-II, San Francisoos The His- tory Company., 1886., 1888. Baboook, Omar L., (Letter~March 3., 1939. Superintendent of Umatilla Indian Reservation, Pendleton, Oregon, and form.er Superinten- dent of Warm Springs Reservation, Warm Springs, Oregon • ------- ., ( Letter i Apri 1 7, 1939. Berreman., Joel V • ., "Tribal Distribution in Oregon.," unpublished M.A. thesis., School of Sociology, University of Oregon., 1933. Brady., Cyrus To1VI1send., Northwestern Fights and Fighters., Garden City., N. Yi Doubleday, 1913. -- Carey, Charles H., A General History of Oregon Prior to 1861., I-II, Portland, Oregon: Metropolitan Press, 1935. - Clarke., s. A. Pioneer Days of Oregon History, I, Portland, Oregon: J. K. Gill Company., T§os.- Coan, C. F., "The Adoption of the Reservation Policy in the Pacific Northwest," The Ore£on Historical Quarterly., XXIII, No. 1 (March 1922), PP• 3•38. Dowell, B. F., Brief of B. F. Dowell Concerning Indian War Claims, 189?, No city or puhlisher given. Elliott, J. W., (Letter), October 13, 1938. Superintendent of Warm Springs Indian R~servation, Warm Springs, Oregon. Essig, Henry L., History of Entomology, New York: The Macmillan Com- pany, 1931. - Fuller, George W., A History of the Pacific Northwest, New Yorks Alfred A. Knopf, 1931. Gaston., Joseph, The Centennial History of Oregon, I (1811-1912), Chioagoa The S. J:-Clarke Publishing Company, 1912. Greene, J. Enrts, "Our Dealings with the Indians," Proceedings of the Amerioan .Antiquarian Society, XI (April 1896-April 1897), 23-42. Hines, Reverend Gustavus, Oregon, Its History, Condition and Prospects, Buffalo: George H. Derby and Company, l85l, p. 1597 Hines, Reverend Harvey Kimball, Illustrated History of the State of Ore- ~' Chicago, The Lewis Publishing Company.,!893.° - - .. 2;82 , Missionary History of the Pacific Northwest, Portland: ----H=-. """K""'.-Hines, l899. - -- Hoopes, Alban W., Indian Affairs and Their Administration, 1849-1860, Philadelphia: University? Pennsylvania Press, 1932.:. -- Howard, o. o., "Close of the Piute and Bannock War," Overland Monthly, XI (January-June 1888), PP• 101-106. , "Indian War Papers: Results of the Piute and Bannock War," -----,0~~-e-rland Monthly, XI (January-June 1888), PP• 192-197. Indian Rights Association, Thirty-second Annual Report of the Executive Committee, p. 45, Philadelphia: Wm. F. Fell Company"; 1914. _____ __,......, ______ , Forty-fifth Annual Report of~ Executive Conmrlttee, p. 21, Philadelphia: Wm. F. Fell Company, 192:8. Judson, Katherine B. , Early Days .!:: Oregon, Chio ago: A. C. MoC lurg and Company, 1916. --------:-----=--' M&{hs ~ Legends 2.£. the Pacific Northwest, Chi- cago: A. c. Mee urg and Company, 1910. Kelly, Isobel T., "Ethnography of the Surprise Valley Paiute," Univer- sity of Cali¥ornia Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology,XXXI, No. 3., pp. 67-209, Berkeley: University? California Press, 1932. Kinney, J.P., A Continent Lost--A Civilization Won (Indian Land Tenure in .Amerioa), Baltimore: The Johns Hopki'iiilPress, 1937. Kip, Lawrence, The Indian Council at Walla Walla, May and~ 1855, (A Journal), edited by F. G. Young, Eugene: Star Job Printer, 1897. Latham, R. G., "Indians of the Oregon Territory," Edinburgh New Philo- sophical Journal, XXXIX, 167. - Lewis, Albert Buell, "Tribes of the Columbia Valley and the Coast of Washington and Oregon," Memoirs of the American Anthropolo- gical Association, I, pt. 2, 179:Ioo, Lancasters The New Era Printing Company, 1906. Lookley, Fred, H:istory of the Columbia River Valley, I, 100, Chicago: The s. J. clarke°))u--i5'rishing Company, 1928. Lyman, Horace s., History of Oregon, New Yorks The North Pacific Publish- ers Society, 1903.- MaoLeod, William Christie, The Amerioan Indian Frontier, New Yorks Alfred A. Knopf, 1928':" 283 McKenney, Thomas L, and Hall, James, The Indian Tribes of North America, Edinburgh: John Grant, 1934.- Molson, Mrs, W. Markland, Basketry of~ Pacifio Coast, Portland: J. K. Gill and Company, 1896. Morgan, Lewis H., 11Indian Migrations,tt North .Amerioan Review, CCXXVI (January 1870), 33-82. Nesmith, J. w., "Reminiscences of Indian Wars," Oregon Historical Quar- terly, VII, 211, 221. Nye, William, "A Winter Among the Piutes, '' Overland Monthly, VI1 (Jan- uary-June 1886), pp. 293-298. Paullin, Charles o., Atlas of the Historical Geography of the United Sta~es, Carnegie Institute of Washington and Amerioaii' Geograph- ical Society of New York, 1932. Peterson, Ethel, "Oregon Indians and Indian Policy, 1849-1871, 11 un- published M. S. thesis, Department of History, University of Oregon, 1934. Sapir, Edward, Wishram J~, Together with Wasco Tales and Myth•, .Ameri- can Ethnological Society, II, 1909. Saylor, Fred H., 11 Leg»nd of the Mineral Springs, 11 Oregon Native Son, II (May-March 1900-1901), p. 419. Scott, Harvey, History~ Early Oregon, Cambridge: Riverside Press, 1924. Seymour, Flora Warren, The Story of the Red Man, New York, Long:mans. Green and Company, 1929. - - - - Spence, Lewis, Mzths ~ Legends of the North Amerioa.n Indians, Boston: David D. Niokerson and Company, 1925. Strong, W. D., Schenck, w. E., and Steward, J. H., "Archaeology of' the Dalles-Deschutes Region," University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Etbnology-;-xxfx, No. 1, !930. Tilden, Anita, (Letter), October 22, 1938. Librarian of the Office of Indian Affairs. 284 , (Letter), December 14, 1938. -------- Verrill, A. Hyatt, The .American Indian, New York: D. Appleton and Com- pany, 1927 .- Victor, Mrs. Frances Fuller, 11The Oregon Indians," Overland Monthly, (October and November 1871) pt. 1, pp. 344-433. ------------,---_,..._..,, ~ Early Indian Wars of Oregon, Compiled from the Oregon Arohives and other Original Sources with Muster RoITs:-Salem: F. c. Bake-;;--state Printer, 1894. - Wissler, Clark, The American Indian; An Introduction to the Anthropology of ~ New World, New York: D. C. MoMurtrie,'"'T9Ir.' Winthrop, Theodore, The Canoe and the Saddle, edited by John H. Williams, Taooma.s JohnH. Williaiiie',1913 • ... JAME S BU C HAN AN, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, TO ALL AND SINGULAR TO WHOM THESE PRESENTS SHALL COME, GREETINGa Whereas a treaty was made and ooncluded at Wasco, near the Dalles of the Columbia river, in Oregon Territory, on the twenty-fifth day of June, eighteen hundred and fifty-five, between Joel Palmer, superintendent of Indian affairs for the said territory, on the part of the United States, and the following-named ohiefs and headmen of the confederated tribes and bands of Indians residing in Middle Oregon, they being authorized thereto by their respeotive bands, to wit, Symtustus, Locks-quis sa, Shick-a-me, and Kuck-up, chiefs of the Ta-ih or Upper De Chutes band of Walla-Wallas; Stocket-ly and Iso, chiefs of Wyam or Lower De Chutes band of Walla-Wallas; Alexis and Talk-ish, chiefs of the Tenino band of Walla-Wallas; Yise, chief of the Dook-spus or John Day•s River band of Walla-Wallas; Mark, William Chinook, and Cush-Kella, chiefs of the Dalles band of the Wasooes; Toh s imph, chief of the Ke•hal-twal-la band of the Wascoea, and We.1-la.-ohin, chief of the Dog River band of the Wasooesi which treaty is in the words and figures following, to wit~ Articles of agreement and convention made and concluded at Wasoo, near the Dalles of the Columbia river, in Oregon Territory, by Joel Palmer, superintendent of Indian affairs, on the pa.rt of the United States, and the following named chiefs and headmen of the confederated tribes and bands of Indians, residing in Middle Oregon, they being duly authorized thereto by their respective bands, to wits Symtustus, leeks• quis-sa, Shiok-a-me, and Kuck-up. chiefs of the Taih or Upper De Chutes band of Walla-Wallas; Stocket•ly and Iso, chiefs of the Wyam or Lower De Chutes band of Walla-Wallas; Alexis and Talk•ish, ohiefs of the Tenino band of Walla-Wallas; Yise. chief of the Dock-spus or John Day•s River band of We.lla-Ylalle.s; llark, William Chinook, and Cush-Kelle., chiefs of 2.86 the Dalles band of the Wascoes; Toh-simph, chief of the Ki-gal-twal-la band of Wasooes; and Wal-la-ohin, chief of the Dog River band of Wascoes • .ARTICLE I. The above named confederated bands of Indians cede to the United States all their right, title, and claim. to all and e,-ery part ·of the country claimed by them, included in the following bound- aries, to wits Commencing in the middle of the Columbia river, at the Cascade fall•, and running thence southerly to the summit of the Cascade moun- tains; thence along said s\lllJD..it to the forty-fourth parallel of north latitude; thence east on that parallel to the slmDllit of the Blue moun- tains, or the western boundary of the Sho-eho-ne or Snake country; thence northerly along that summit to a point due east from the head waters of eaid creek; thence down said stream to its junction with the Columbia river; and thence down the channel of the Columbia river to the place of beginning. Provided, however. that so muoh of the country described above as is contained in the following boundaries, shall, un- til otherwise directed by the President of the United States, be set apart as a residence for said Indiana, which tract, for the purpoaea contemplated, shall be held and regarded as an Indian reservation, to wit, Commencing in the middle of the channel of the De Chutes riv- er, opposite the eastern termination of a range of high lands, usually known as the Mutton mountains; thence westerly to the summit of said range, along the diTide to its connection with the Cascade mountains; thence to the summit of said mountains; thence southerly to Yount Jef- ferson; thence down the main branch of De Chutes river, heading in this pee.le, to its junction with De Chutes river; and thence down the middle of the channel of said river to the place of beginning. All of which traot shall be set apart, and, so far as necessary, surveyed and marked out for their exclusive use; nor shall any white persons be permitted to reside upon the same without the concurrent permission of the agent and superintendent The said bands and tribes agree to remove to and settle upon the same within one year after the ratification of this treaty, with- out any additional expense to the United States other than is provided for by this treaty; and, until the expiration of the time specified, and the said bands shall be permitted to oooupy and reside upon the tracts now possessed by them; guaranteeing to all white citizens the right to enter upon and occupy as settlers any lands not included 1D said reservation, and not actually enclosed by said Indiana: Provided, however, that prior to the removal of said Indiana to said reservation, and before any improvements contemplated by this treaty shall have been oomm.enoed, that if the three principal bands, to wits The Was- copum, Tiah, or Upper De Chutes, and the Lower De Chutes bands of Walla- Wallas shall express, in council, a desire than some other reservation 287 may be selected for them, that the three bands named may select each three persons of their respective bands, who, with the superintendent of Indian affairs, or agent, as may by him be directed, shall proceed to examine; and if another location can be selected, better suited to the condition and wants of said Indians, that is unoccupied by the whites, and upon which the board of commissioners thus selected may agree, the same shall be declared a reservation for said Indians instead of the tract named in this treaty: Provided, also, That the exclusive right of ta.king fish in the streams r\llllling through and bordering said reser- vation is hereby secured to said Indians; and at all other usual and aooustomed stations, in common with citizens of the United States, and of erecting suitable houses for curing the same; also the privilege of hunting, gathering roots and berries, and pasturing their stock on unclaimed lands, in comm.on with citizens, is secured to thems And provided, also, That if any band or bands of Indians, residing In""and c1afming aiiy""'portion or portions of the country in this article, shall not accede to the terms of this treaty, then the bands becoming parties hereunto agree to receive such part of the several and other payments herein named as a consideration for the entire country, described as aforesaid, the whole number of Indians residing in and claiming the en- tire country aforesaid, as consideration and payment in full for the tracts in said country claimed by them: And provided, also, That where substantial improvements have been made by any members of the bands being parties to this treaty, who are compelled to abandon them in con- sequence of said treaty, the same shall be valued, under the direction of the President of the United States, and payment made therefor; or, in lieu of said payment, improvements of equal extent and value, at their option, shall be made for them on the tracts assigned to each, respectively. ARTICLE II. In consideration of, and payment for, the coun- try hereby ceded, the United States agree to pay the bands and tribes of Indians claiming territory and residing in said country, the sev- eral sums of money following, to wit: Eight thousand dollar& per ·annum for the term of five years, commencing on the first day of September, 1856, or as soon thereafter as practicable. Six thousand dollars per annum for the term of five years next succeeding the second five; and, Two thousand dollars per annum for the term of five years next succeeding the third five. All of whioh several sums of money shall be expended for the use and benefit of the confederated bands, under the direction of the President of the United States, who may from time to time, at his discretion, determine what proportion thereof shall be expended for suoh objects as in his judgment will promote their well-being and ad- 288 vanee them in civilization; for their moral improvement and education; for building, opening and fencing farms, breaking land, providing teams, stock, agricultural implements, seeds, and; for clothing, provisions, and tools; .for medical purposes, providing mechanics and farmers, and for arms and ammunition. ARTICIE III. The United States agree to pay said Indians the additional sum of fifty thousand dollars, a portion whereof shall be applied to the payment for such a.rtioles as may be advanoed them at the time of signing this treaty, and in providing, after the ratifi- cation thereof and prior to their removal, suoh articles as may be deemed by the President essential to their want; for the erection of buildings on the reservation, fencing and opening farms; for the purchase of teams, farming implements, clothing and provisions, tools, seeds, and for the payment of employees; and for subsisting the Indians the first year after their removal. ARTICLE IV. In addition to the considerations specified, the United States agree to erect, at suitable points on the reservation, one sawmill and one flouring mill; suitable hospital buildings; one school house; one blacksmith shop, with a tin and a gunsmith shop there- to attached; one wagon end plo~hmaker shop; and for one sawyer, one miller, one superintendent of farming operations, a farmer, a physician, a school teaoher, a blacksmith, and a wagon and ploughmaker, a dwelling house and the requisite out buildings for each; and to purchase and keep in repair, for the time specified for furnishing employees, all nec- essary mill fixtures, mechanics' tools, medicines and hospital stores, books and stationery for schools, and furniture for employees. The United States further engage to secure and pay for the services and subsistence, for the term of fifteen years, of one farmer, one blacksmith and one wagon and ploughmaker; and for the term of twenty years, of one physician, one sawyer, one miller, one superintendent of farming operations, and one school teacher. The United States also engage to erect four dwelling houses, one for the head chief of the conf'ederated bands, and one each for the Upper and Lower De Chutes bands of Walla-Wallas, and for the Wascopum band of Wasooes, and to fence and plough for each of the said chiefs ten acres of land; also to pay the head chief of the confederated bands a salary of five hundred dollars per annum for twenty yea.rs, com• mencing six months e.f'ter the three principal bands named in this treaty shall have removed to the reservation, or as soon thereafter as a head chief should be eleoteds ~provided, also, That at any time, when by the death, resignation, or removal of the chief selected, there shall be a vacancy, a:a1 a successor appointed or selected, the salary, the dwelling, and improvements shall be possessed by said suooeasor so long as he shall oooupy the position as head chief; so also with reference to the dwellings and improvements provided for by this treaty for the head chiefs of the three principal bands named. 289 ARTICLE V. The President may, from time to time, at his dis- cretion, oause the whole, or suoh portion as he may think proper, of the tract that may now or hereafter be set apart as a permanent home for these Indians, to be surveyed into lots and assigned to suoh Indians of the confederated bands as may wish to enjoy the privilege, and lo- cate thereon permanently. To a single person over twenty-one years of age, forty acres; to a family of two persons, sixty acres; to a family of three and not exceeding fiw, eighty acres; to a family of six per- sons and not exceeding ten, one hundred and twenty acres; and to each family over ten in number, twenty a.ores for each additional three mem- bers. And the President may provide such rules and regulations as will secure to the family, in case of the death of the head thereof, the possession and enjoyment of suoh perm.anent home and the improvement thereon; and he may, at any time, at his discretion, after such person or family has made location on the land assigned as a permanent home, issue a patent to such person or family for such assigned land, condi- tioned that the tract shall not be aliened or leased for a longer term than two years, and shall be exempt from levy, sale or forfeiture; which condition shall continue in force until a State constitution, embracing such lands Within its limits, shall have been formed, and the legislature of the State shall remove the restrictions: Provided, however, That no State legislature shall remove the restrictions here- in provided for without the consent of Congress: And provided, ~' That if any person or family shall, at any time, neglect or refuse to occupy or till a portion of the land assigned and on which they have lo- cated, or shall roam from place to place indicating a desire to abandon his home, the President may, if the patent sh&ll have been issued, re- voke the sem.e; and if not issued, oanoel the assignment; and may also irithhold from such person, or family, their portion of the annuities or other money due them, until they shall have returned to such per- manent home, and resumed the persuits of industry; and in default of their return, the tract may be declared abandoned, and thereafter as- signed to some other person or family of Indians residing on said res- ervation. ARTICIB VI. The annuities of the Indians shall not be taken to pay the debts of individuals. ARTICIB VII. The confederated bands acknowledge their de- pendence on the government of the United States, and promise to be friend- ly with all the citizens thereof, and pledge themselves to oonmrlt no depredation on the property of said citizens; and should any one or more of the Indians violate this pledge, and the fact be satisfactorily proven before the agent, the property taken shall be returned, or in de- • fault thereof, or is injured or destroyed, compensation may be made by the government out of their annuities; nor will they make war on any other tribe of Indians except in self-defence, but submit all matters of difference between them and other Indians to the government of the United States, or its agents, for decision, and abide thereby; and if any of the said Indians commit any depredations on other Indians, the 290 same rule shall prevail as that prescribed in the case of depredations against citizens; said Indians further engage to submit to and observe all laws, rules, and regulations, which may be prescribed by the United States for the government of said Indians. ARTICLE VIII. In order to prevent the evils of intemperance among the said Indians, it is hereby provided, that if any one of them shall drink liquor to excess, or procure it for others to drink, hi& or her proportion of the annuities may be with held from him or her for such time as the President may determine. ARTICLE IX. The said confederated bands agree that whenso- ever, in the opinion of the President of the United States, the public interest may require it, that all roads, highways, and railroads shall have the right of way through the reser:vation herein designated, or which may at any time hereafter be set apart as a reservation for said Indians. This treaty shall be obligatory on the contracting parties as soon as the same shall be ratified by the President and Senate of the United States. In testimony whereof, the said Joel Palmer, on the part of the United States, and the undersigned, chiefs, headmen, and delegates of the said confederated bends, have hereunto set their hands and seals, this twenty-fifth day of June, eighteen hundred fifty-five. JOEL PALMER, (L. S.) Superintendent of Indian Affairs, o. T. Wasco. Mark, William Chinook, Cush Kella, Lower De Chutes. Stook-etley, Iso, Upper De Chutes. Sim.tustus, Looksquissa, Shick-ame, Kuck-up, his x mark. (L. s.) tt " " " " " n tt 11 " 11 n " " " " ,Alexsee, Talekish, Tenino. Dog River Wasco. Walachin, Tah Symph, Ash-na-chat, Che-wot-nleth, Te-oho, Sha-qually, Louis,, Yise, Stenlite,, Ta-oho, Penop-teyot, Elosh-kish-kie,, .Am. Zelle, Ke-ohac, Tanes Salmon, Ta-Kos, David, Sowal-we, Postie, Yawan-shewit, Own-aps,, Kossa,, Pa-wash-ti-mane Ma-we-nit,, Tipso, Jim, Peter, Na-yoct, Wal-ta.com, Cho-Ka.1th, Pal-sta, Mission John. Le Ka-ya, La-wit-ohin I Low-las, Thomson, Charley, Copef'ornie., Wa-toi-mettla, Ke-la, Pa-ow-ne,, Kuok-up, ,, his x mark " tt " tt 11 " II II " " II '1 " It II " " II " ti 1t It II " II II II ll II ti u " II " It " n tt " " " tt tt 2'.91. (L. s.) II tt " " It II II " II ,, ti It II " " tt " " tt ti ti It ft II II " tt " ti " " II " ti " 11 " " " ,, II 11 " r Poyet, Ya-wa-olax, Tam-cha•wi t, Was-oa-oan, · Talle Kish, Waleme Toaoh, Site-we-loch, Ma-ni-neot, Pich-Kan, Pouh-que, Eye-eya, Kam-Kus, Sim-yo, Kas-La.•ohin, Pio-sho-she, ?lop-pa-man, Sho-es, Ta-mo• lits, Ka-lim, Ta-yes, Was-en-was, E-yath Kloppy, Paddy, Sto-quin, Charley-man, Ile-oho, Pate-oham, Yan-ohe-woo Ya-toch-le.-le, Alpy, Pich, William, Peter, Ischa ya, George, Jim, Se-ya-las-ka, He.-lai-Kola, Pierro, Ash-lo-wash, Paya-tiloh, Sa.e-pa.-waltoha, Shalquilkey, Wa-qual-lol, Sim-Kui-Kue, Waoha-chiley, Chi-Xal-Kin, Sque.-Yash, Sha Ka, Kee.ui-sene, his x mark tt It " " II tt " II II II II It It ti ti II " II " II tt " It II ti " II ti II It It tf tt It " It ti " It It It n It " It It It It It 29& (L. S.) II It II " " ti It ti It It " " It " II It It " " " fl " It " " " II " It It ti " " tt " It It " " ,, II It It It tt " tt tt ft Che-chis,, Sche-noway, Soho-ley,, We-ya-thley,, l>a-leyathley, Keya.th,, I-poth-pal,, s. Kolps,, Vfa.limtalin,, Tash Wiok,, He.watch-can,, Ta-wait-ola,, Patocb Snort, Taohins, Comochal,, Passayei, Watan-cha, Ta-wash, A-nouth-shot,, Hanwake,, Pata-la-set,, Tash-weict,, \'fescha-matolla., Chle-m.ochle-me,, Quae-tus, Skuilts, Panospam. Stolameta, Tam.ayechotote, Qua-lo sh-kin, Wiska Ka, Che-lo-the., Wetone-yath, We-ya-lo-oho-wit, Yoka-nolth, Wacha-ka-polle, Kon-ne, Ash-ka-msh, Pasquai, lVasso-kui, Quaino-sath, Cha-ya.-tema, Wa-ya.-lo-chol-wit, Flitoh Kui Kui, Walcha Kas, We. tch-tla, Enias, his x mark tt tt " " " tt It tt 11 n It "' 2:93, (L. S.) ft. tt " " It " " " tt " " tt " " n " " " tt " tt tt n tt " " It tt " " " " n It It tt " " " n "' " " n " " • r.e: t Signed in presence of-- Wm. C. McKay, Secretary of Treaty, o. T. R.R. Thompson, Indian Agent. R. B. Metcalfe, Indian .Sub-Agent. c. Mespotie. - John Flett, Interpreter, Dominick Jondron, His x mark, Interpreter. Ma.thew Dofa, his x mark, Interpreter. And whereas, the said treaty having been submitted to the Sesate of the United States for its constitutional action thereon, the Senate did, on the eighth day of March, eighteen hundred and fifty-nine, advise and consent to the ratification of the seme by a resolution in the words and figures following, to wit: "IN EXECUTIVE SESSION, SENATE, UNITED STATES, "March 8, 1859. "Resolved, (two-thirds of the senators present concurring,) That the Senate advise and consent to the ratification of the treaty between the United States and tho Chiefs and Headmen of confederated tribes and bands of Indians, residing in Middle Oregon, signed the 25th day of June, 1855. "Attest: "ASBURY DICKINS, Secretary." Now, therefore, be it known that I, JAMES BUCHANAN, Presi- dent of the United States of .America, do, in pursuance of thea:l.vice and consent of the Seate as expressed in their resolution on the eighth of March, eighteen hundred and fifty-nine, accept, ratify and confirm the said treaty. In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United States to be hereto affixed, and have signed the same with my hand. 295 Done at the city of Washington, this eighteenth day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and . fifty-nine, and of the independence of the United States; the eighty-third. JAMES BUCHANAN. By the President~ IEIVIS CASS, Secretary of State. 296 Year 1868 18698 18708 18716 1872 18738 1874 1875 1876 1877 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 1883 1884 1e8s 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 297 CIVILIZATION Indi ans Wearing Families en a ed in Afale Indians Civilized Dress ric. Civil Laboring in Wholl Partl Pursuits Civil Pur sui ta 200 all all 35 600b 500 600 680 36 125 256 48 457 380 35 26 300 415 100 154 479 i25 200 479 90 45 236 203 700 135 40 45 132 78 205 700 109 40 80 137 73 208 700 119 40 80 140 75 200 600 231 30 105 125 153 700 159 35 130 150 5 200 700 157 35 150 710 143 75 170 725 130 80 180 104 800 123 168 162 acomplete statistics not available for some years. ~umb er refers to Indi ans, not families. • Year 1891 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 1900 298 Indians wee.ring Male Indians oivilized dress ric. laboring in Whol Partl Pursuits civil ursuits 819 100 210 287 201 819 100 220 287 201" 819 100 220 287 201~ 400 514 400 300 600 345 ~66 300 650 295b 475 230 670 289 475 365 675 287 480 370 680 288 485 375 680 283 485 375 &This includes both agricultural and other civilized pursuits. boverestime.ted last year. AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION ( Grain) Statement 5!£ .Annual .Agrioul tural Produotion. ~-~ Year Wheat Corn Bu. Bu. 1866 3 • .342 3'4!1 31 s 1867 6, 400 460 180 Heavy froata 1868 14.604 1.048 990 1869 2,000 20 Drought 1870 120 Drought 1871 1,637 337 soo 1872 6,000 1,000 874 50 1873 14,000 1,300 800 25 1874 5,020 300 610 Drought-crickets 1875 4,000 200 500 5 Drought-crickets 1876 8,050 100 200 62 1877 5,000 100 600 30 1878 1.000 100 1,000 115 1879 10,000 200 2,070 150 1880 10,000 500 1,576 175 1881 11,000 400 1,675 200 1882 s.ooo 600 830 75 Drought-crickets 1883 5,600 300 126 10 75 Drought 1884 4,000 200 l,0'70 50 1886 6,000 500 1,000 300 2,032 1886 6,,000 200 500 50 1,500 1887 3,000 150 300 30 1,015 1888 8,000 200 600 100 1,500 1889 500 50 160 26 Drought 1890 1,000 60 350 100 1891 3,000 50 600 150 1892 1,000 50 700 200 1893 1,000 50 700 200 1894 1,000 500 800 1895 2,000 100 2,800 800 SOOi ~ear I T;~) CQI:XI. (Bu.) I ~ats Bu.) I B~ei fa~ ~ea~he~ & ~( Bu.~ Tons) I §ondi tions 1896 4,800 7,000 900 1897 2,860 300 5 asoa 1,400 ' 1897 2,100 300 2,740a 1,194 Drought 1899 4,000 400 4,aooa 3,000 1900 5,000 400 2,800 3,022 Aoats and barley and eye included in these figures. AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION (Vegetables,et cetera) Statement .91.. Garden Production 1866-19008 Year Potatoes Turnips Melons Pumpkins Peas Other Butter 1866 930 1867 1,025 1868 1,260 1869 1870b 480 1871 615 187 2c1,000 1873 2, 650 1874 1,000 1875 1,000 1876 1877 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 1883 1684 1885 1,000 1886 1,000 1887 900 1888 1,500 1889 1890 Squash 13 600 480 450 250 1,300 3,150 2,500 2,000 1,000 2,000 3,000 8 Fi gure s given in bush els . br,10 fi gurea given. 90 128 0 valuo or· vegetables gi.ven as ~850. Vegetables Uade 3,000 Lbs. 590 a 2,oood 2,000 2,125 2,760 3,090 3,395 1,730 20 Lbs. 1,125 25 l,163 25 1,620 100 2,440 150 150 2,500 50 310 25 1, 615 30 dNo segregation made for vegetables for several years. iOl • 302'. Year Pote.toes Turnips Melons Pumpkins Pee.s Other Butter Squash Vegetables Made 1891 1,075 150 1892 1,150 200 1893 l,150 200 1894 2,900 200 1895 1,550 300 1896 3,060 300 1897 1,975 200 1898 1,650 300 1899 1,500 350 1900 2,800 &No segregation made for vegetables for the laat ten years. 3'03, STOCK Statement of stock owned~ Indiana~~-~ inclusive Year Horses Mules Cattle Sheep Swine Poultry ' 1864 2,000 160 1865a 1866 1,667 200 86 1867 1,550 313 2 121 1868 1,948 350 2 122 1869a 1870&. 1871 2,610 230 26 1872 3,213 10 750 3 70 1873 3,913 96 3 70 1874 6,000 700 50 1875 6,800 10 750 1876 3,000 10 750 1877 3,500 12 800 1878 3,500 12 800 1879 3,600 10 475 76 16 1880 3,900 10 525 100 20 1881 4,200 10 575 125 25 1882 5,762 10 698 135 58 500 1883 5,800 10 500 300 50 500 1884 6,000 10 500 350 30 500 1885 5,000 5 1,000 1,100 50 600 1886 6,500 5 1,100 1,800 60 700 1887 6,000 5 1,300 1,800 75 800 1888 6,507 1,400 2,500 500 1,000 1889 7,007 1,500 3,900 500 1,000 1890 7,006 1,500 4,000 200 1,000 ~o figures given. 3Q4 Year Horses Mules Cattle Sheep Swine Poultry 1891 1,006 2,500 4,500 150 1,500 1892 6,006 4,000 4,800 1,000 3,000 1893 6,006 4,000 4,800 1,000 3,000 1894 10,303 1,000 5,000 200 500 1895 7,050 1,100 6,200 120 750 1896 8,000 1,500 6,000 200 500 1897 7,002 1,360 7,300 200 900 1898 6,502 1,500 8,000 200 800 1899 5,502 1,600 6,000 250 860 1900 5,503 1,600 1,500 250 860 Year 1858 1859 1860& 1861a 1862 1863 1864 1866 1866 1867 l86Sb 1869 1870 1871 1872 1873 1874° 1875 1876 1877 1878 1879 1880 305 Statement of Land Under Cultivation, 1858-1900 --- -- Acres Cultivated Acres Broken Acres Families Living on and Govt. Indians Govt In iane Fenced Cultivati Land Allotted 40 36 40 50 60 60 50 57 57 30 15 32 32 12 12 6 10 150 356 198 70 250 265 360 350 375 25 435 60 665 70 550 100 26 725 800 850 500 800 800 20 800 40 800 50 1,200 1,610 300 2,000 600 &No figures given. bzoo Indians farming during 1868. 0 600 Indians farming tu.ring 1874. 306 Year Acres Acres Families Living on and Govt. Fenced Cultivati Land Allotted 1881 12 2,500 500 1882 14 1,826 100 10,000 1883 12 2,000 174 12,000 1884 20 2,000 100 2,500 1885 55 2,446 36 465 4,000 1886 2,500 495 5,500 1887 3,000 1888 52 1,800 60 6,000 1889 52 1,500 25 6,000 1890 50 1,200 20 6,500 111 1891 50 1,250 50 6,550 111 1892 60 1,440 200 7,500 1893 1,440 200 7,500 80 1894 5,090 300 6,510 112 1895 4,011 700 7,000 148 1896 6,000 1,000 15,000 150 1897 5,652 1,600 8,700 162 1898 6,072 1,095 9,200 165 1899 6,465 393 10,000 172 1900 6,466 10,000 172 Note: Reports are not available for some years. This is usually attributable to changes in agents. 307 # INDIAN INCOME Year Income from. Se.le of Rations Furs .Agric. products Pursuits to Government eto. 1870a 1871a 1872 $ 475 $12, 325 1873 1874a 550 1875 50 50 1876 50 50 1,000 1877 50 50 500 1878 60 40 300 1879 67 33 250 1880 62 31 7 350 1881 62 31 7b 400 1882 60 30 10 l,500° ;l.883 56 44 1,000 40 • 400 1884 63 37 1,000 1885 80 20 400 124.95 1,565 1886 80 20 4,000 140.27 1,584 1887 80 20 300 1888 67 ~:s 84.80 1,780 1889 66 34 96.0l l,256 1890 66 34 200 3,616.43 166.66 2,098 ~o figures given. bin addition there were twenty-five Pe.iutes and six appren- tices dre.'Wing rations, also the boarding department ot the school was supplied with food. 0 $400 ot this obtained from sale ot robes. 308 Year % subsistenoe Income from obtained b of oivi hunting rations Furs .Agrio. products a.Amt • ursuits to Government,etc. 1891 80 20 $6,614 113.2 1,542 1892 80 20 6,38So 115.6 1,926 1893 80 20 6,3860 115 1,926 1894 33 67 5,720" 101 2,030 1895 46 64 6,683 100 1,873 1896 40 60 2,600 60 1,275 1897 54 65 2,24~ 190 2,250 1898 60 40 3,6~ 227 2,357 1899 65 35 8,977 197 2,332 1900 65 36 9,484 212 2,511 aFrom 1/10 to 1/2 of this income arose from sale to settlers outside the reservation. 309 L.'WIAN HOUSES BUILT Statistics for years 1866 to 1900a Year Rouses Ocou ied Houses Built Duri Year Lo Frame Lo Frame B Indians For In 1866 19 20 1867 27 26 1868 27 36 1869 20 20 1s1ob 1871° 18 36 l l 1872 21 43 1873 72 1874b 1875 70 12 1876 70 6 1877d 76 6 1878 80 4 1879 85 6 1880 7 80 3 &From tables included in annual reports of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 'bilo figures given. ans cFrame houses occupied by Indians as followss Wasoos, 18J Deschutes, 7; Teninos, 11; Total 99. Log houses as followss Wasoos, 13; Deschutes, 2; Teninos, 3 Total 18. d14 agency buildings altogether in 1877. 310: Year ,~uses Oocu ied Frame Indians 1881 7 85 5 1882& 22 68 3 2 5 10 1883 22 75 7 7 1884b 100 5 1885 115 15 1886 125 10 1887 8 1888 143 1889 148 5 1890 150 2 1891 156 6 1892 170 15 1893 170 1894 100 4 2 1895 112 6 1896 122 10 1897 133 ll 1898 140 7 1899 145 5 1900 149 4 &7 log and 3 frame barns built by Indians. ~o differentiation ma.de between log and frame buildings in statistics. considered as being mostly frame houses. Note: Discrepancies in figures may be accounted for in the fact that counting houses on the reserve necessitated covering the entire area on foot or horse, just as in census taking. Also some new houses were not reported for the Indians did the work without assistance. LUMBER MILL PRODUCTION Year M. Ft . Lumber Sawed Wood Cut Fencing Made Cords 1862 30 1863 280 1864 80.469 1865 25 to 30 1866 62.738 18678 1868b 5.7 1869a 187()Q 1871 16 1872 8.6 1873 30 lfl74 75 150 1875 52 300 1876 33.39 1877 40 1,soo 1878 45 2,000 1879 50 1880 20 1881° 50 1882 183 2,500 1883 139 20 2,000 1884 233.5 25 1,500 1885 225 130 2,000 18868 18878 1888 100 200 320 1889 75 300 400 1890 50 300 300 8 No etati sties available. bFour Canoes sold for ~160 in 1868. • Year 1891 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897e. 1898b 1899 1900 .. . M. rt. Lumber Sawed Wood Cut 100 200 200 100 18 300 75 20 20 a11.ooo feet sold in addition to this. ~o statistics available. {Cords) 500 500 600 500 400 100 215 320 320 ~a Fencing Made 500 1.000 1.000 10.000 2.000 2.100 2.soo 800 • SCHOOL STATISTICS Year! School Schoo11Accomo Average Number Numbe Cost of Schools Popula dation Atten Months Teach Religious tion8 Brd Da ance Sessio ers Society 1871 Agency Day 100 17 1 1872 100 34 12 2 vl,275 1873 (2 Bldgs.) 75 1 1874 215 2 1875 1 1,000 1876 45 11 2 1, 007 1877 23 12 1 1,000 1878 90 25 50 25 10 830 1879 138 20 60 36 9 l , 300 1880 142 80 55 8½ 1, 497 $1,500 1881 126 20 60 36 9 l , 585 188 2 Wr m. Spgs. Dayb 50 16 4-J- 2 860 "' Agency Day 150 60 29 11 2 1,746 1883 Simnasho Brd. 140 30 20 16 12 3 2, 060 Agency Day 20 60 21 11 l 2 1,130 1884 Simnas.lio Brd. 150 30 20 27 lLf 4 3,839 .Agency Brd. 30 28 2 3 584 1885 Simnasho 3rd 213 30 20 32 11 3 4, 013;78 Agency 30 10 40 10 4 4,927 3a 1886 Sim.via sh o Brd . 111 30 10 30 11 5 4, 742.SO 1887c Agency 82 50 10 42 11 5 4. , 791.16 1888 Simnasho 150 30 20 11 1 4 , 013.78 \'lrm. Spgs. Brd. and Day 30 10 11 3 .ll.,927. 32 1889 Simnasho 48 :>O 23 9 5 5,602.17 'i'!rm. Spgs . Brd. 57 60 29 9 6 8,776.15 --------- 8 School population or enrollment. ~,arm Springs settlement of Simnasho . In 1880 the Agency s~½ool was spoken of ae the Warm Springs BoarQing and Day S~½ool. c."10 atati sti cs avuilnble for this year . 313 314 Year School School Aocomo AVff. ro• No. Cost of Sohoole Popula. da.tion Attend Months Teachers Go • Re. Soc. tiona Br Da oe Session 1890 Simnasho 62 75 52 10 8 $6,333.91 Wrm.Spgs. 80 75 80 10 8 9,093.77 1891 Simna.sho 56 75 47 9 8 8,926.27 Wrm.Spgs. 70 60 51 10 8 10,428.66 1892 Simnasho 75 5:S 9 8 10,901.23 Wrm.Spgs. 224 60 63 10 8 11,220.87 1893 Simnasho 66 75 50 10 8 8,978.17 Wr:m. Spgs. 65 60 54 10 8 9,829.41 1894 Simnasho 75 44 10 10 8,221.74 Wrm.Spgs. 60 38 10 9 8,009.22 1895 Simnasho 9 1896 Simnasho (Day) 23 30 14 8 3 4,038.02 1897 Simnasho (Day) 30 11 10 3 1,620.77 1898 Wrm.Spgs. 124 160 71 8 18 16,710.22 1899 Wrm.Spgs. 175 118 10 18 19,872.17 1900 Wrm.Spgs. 127 150 97 10 20 19,867.49 &school population or enrollment. 315 RELIGIOUS STATISTICS Ye No.Church No. Mission No. Churc Marriages Divorces Members aries Buildings 1879 2 11.500 1880 77 1881 .. 1882a 1883 l l 1884 l 1885 l l 1886a 1887 2 l 1888 79 2 l 1,000 tl,761 1889 81 2 l 2,026 1890 80 2 1 1,400 3 3 1891 86 2 l 1,070 8 6 1892 94 5 l 6,550 8 4 1893 94 5 1 6,560 1894 128 4 2 4,000 18 1895 131 4 2 3,300 28 l 1896 135 4 2 3,448 15 1 1897 148 4 3 3,265 8 5 1898 150 4 3 3,186 6 s 1899 164 4 5 3,000 7 4 1900 130 3 3 3,100 9 •No etatiatics available. 316 Yea No. Chur ch No . Mission No . Church .Amount Contr i - i!tarri ages Divorces Member s a r ias Buildings buted by Rell- ous Sooiet Educe- Ot her tio~ Purposes 1891 86 2 1 $1, 070 8 6 1892 94 5 1 6 , 550 8 4 1893 94 5 1 6,550 1894 128 4 2 4 , 000 18 1895 131 4 2 3,300 28 l 1896 135 4 2 3, 448 15 1 1897 1'16 4 3 3,265 8 5 1898 ) 50 '1 3 3,185 6 3 1899 154 4 5 3, 000 7 4 1900 130 3 3 3, 100 9 UEDICAL STATISTICS Year Births Deaths No. Indians Reoeiving Medical Treatment 1874 9 7 1875 14 15 1,136 1876 s 17 1,269 1877 25 20 1,200 1878 15 16 1879 21 16 1880 21 16 • 1881 20 1S 1882 13 15 758 1883 19 so 600 1884 40 25 1,049 1886 35 50 1,495 1886 15 14 1,495 1887 15 23 518 1888 31 26 483 1889 25 2S 1890 28 22 1,004 1891 7 11 396 1892 19 30 252 1893 12 13 187 1894 so 25 216 1896 23 22 1896 14 18 1897 27 19 1898 21 18 1899 23 17 1900 52 57 318 POPULATION Year Wasco Warm Springs Tenino John Day Tygh Des Chutes Total 1854 300 150 500 300 1 , 250 1855 402 402 1856a 1857& 1858 460 100 450 300 1 ,300 1859 475 120 450 350 1, 395 1860& 1861 475 120 450 360 1,395 1862 384 391 291 1 ,066 1863a 1864 1.066 1865 388 39 291 1.010 1866 1.010 1867 317 13 347 249 926 1868 334 370 13 258 975 1869 1.025 1870 244 229 95 4 67 654b 1871 288 289 39 Paiute, Mixed 616 1872 288 289 49 616 1873 288 289 49 616 1874 320 304 56 680 1875 520 304 56 6 686 1876 263 187 50 5 505 1877 264 193 51 608 1878 211 216 73 500 1879& 1880 218 215 76 18 27 4 563 8wo figures gi 'fen. brncluding 9 Snakes and 16 Pit River Indians. 319 Year Wasco Warm Springs Tenino John Day Paiute Mixed Total 1881 223 216 11 18 27 4- 565 1882 254 430 77 49 25 5 835 1883 250 425 75 49 10 5 814 1884 261 427 74 52 5 11 830 1885 235 396 70 61 69 11 842 1886 248 418 76 50 67 859 1887 248 411 74 60 75 10 868 1888 252 411 70 50 70 853 1889 252 413 71 52 67 855 1890 277 430 79 57 80 20 943 1891 900 1892 260 432 82 59 86 919 1893 1894 400 600 114 1,014 1895 364a 505 76 945 1896 1897 358 513 93 959 1898 356 512 94 962 1899 360 512 96 968 1900 347 516 100 963 Year 1870a 1871& 1872& 1873 1874 1875a 18769. 1877a 1a1aa 1879a 1a8oa 1881a 1882 1883 1884a 1885 1886° 1887 1888 1889 1890 32.0 CRillINAL STATISTICS No. Indians killed No. Indians punished Whiskey sellers durin durin prosecuted Indiana Court of Ind. Off Civil 2 l 1 5b l 24b 2 2 9 4 l 10 5 6 6 1 2 2d 10 2 8No statistics. bcases not segregated and e.seigned to Indi8.!l. or civil courts. 0 crimea committed by white persona numbered 7 against Indians personally and 4 against Indian property. done suicide and 1 killed by an unknown party. • fl/Ill 321 Year No. Indians killed Whiskey tellers duri prosecuted Indians 1891 16 1892 12 1 1893 1894 1 1895 18 1896 10 1897 5 1898 4 1899 G 1 1900 l LIST OF WARM SPRINGS AGENTs1 1848--1900 Name Title Began Newelle., Robert Agent August 17, 1848 Parrish, J. L. If December 18, 1849 Wampole, Elias It September 24, 1860 Walker, Elkane.h fl March ll, 1862 Garrison, J. M " March 22, 1853 Parris h, J. L. .. January 11, 1854 ' Olney, Nathan ti November 2 , 1854 Dennison, A. P. u February 3, 1857 Logau, William .. June 13, 1861 Smith, John .. November 4, 186b Mitchell., w. W. Capt. Bvt." Jime 21, 1869 Smith, John " May 7, 1871 Ge1:ner, Alonzo ft March 1, 1884 Wheeler, Jason .. October 1, 1885 Dougherty, w. w. " J&.nuary 1., 1888 Heth, Henry Spec. Agt. September 8, 1888 Butler, Daniel if. .Agent September 17, 1888 1tetter from. J. W~ Flliotta May 23, 1941. 322.' Terminated December 17, 1849 September 23, 1850 March 10, 1852 March 21, 1853 January 10, 1854 November 1, 1864 February 2, 1857 June 12 > 1861 November 3, 1865 June 20, 1869 (suspended) Uay 6., 1871 January 18, 1884 (died) September 30, 1865 December 31, 1887 September 7, 1888 September 8, 1888 July 16, 1889 /WI~ • Name Title Luckey, James C .Agent. Rogers, William P. Capt. " Benjamin, E. E. Lt. Farber, c. w. Lt. Gallagher, Peter Cov,an, James L. " " " n Began July 17, 1889 Order revoked August 10, 1893 November l, 1894 June 13, 1896 December 19, 1896 Terminated August 9, 1893 October 31, 1894 Jmie 12, 1896 (died) September 18, 1896 June 30, 1900 r,m Ill/I~ i • Typed by Ma:rcia Miller Thyra Jean Currie r11rm11 8 /I/Iii~/~~ 38 I I!~ ill/ I/Ii .aa 1111111 il tii 11 r~1r,im"1,1~~m, t11111~ 11111111 3 5025 03476 3488 c~, \ 339~9~}