i EXAMINING THE EFFECTIVENESS OF COLLEGE- OR UNIVERSITY SEXUAL ASSUALT PREVENTION PROGRAMS: A LITERATURE REVIEW by BARAK SABASTIAN STRINGER A THESIS Presented to the Conflict and Dispute Resolution Program and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science March 2018 ii THESIS APPROVAL PAGE Student: Barak Sabastian Stringer Title: Examining the Effectiveness of College- or University Sexual Assault Prevention Programs: A Literature Review This thesis has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Science degree in the Conflict and Dispute Resolution Program by: Merle Weiner, LL.M, J.D. Chairperson Diane Baxter, M.A., Ph.D Member and Sara D. Hodges Interim Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School Original approval signatures are on file with the University of Oregon Graduate School. Degree awarded March 2018 iii © 2018 Barak Sabastian Stringer iv THESIS ABSTRACT Barak Sabastian Stringer Master of Science Conflict and Dispute Resolution Program March 2018 Title: Examining the Effectiveness of College- or University Sexual Assault Prevention Programs: A Literature Review The purpose of the current review was to examine the effectiveness of college- or university sexual assault prevention programs. Further, the current paper reviews prevalence rates, factors that may contribute to the high rates of sexual assault on college- or university campuses. The paper also explores colleges- and universities’ efforts to increase men’s participation in sexual assault prevention programs as well as recommendations for further improvement. Sexual assault continues to be a problem on college campuses. Although colleges- and universities have recently implemented new prevention programs and strategies, there continues to be a need for change on college- and universities campuses to reduce sexual assaults, victimizations, and perpetration. There also needs to be more evaluation of the current programs in order to determine their effectiveness. v CURRICULUM VITAE NAME OF AUTHOR: Barak Sabastian Stringer GRADUATE AND UNDERGRADUATE SCHOOLS ATTENDED: University of Oregon, Eugene University of Mississippi, Oxford DEGREES AWARDED: Master of Science, Conflict and Dispute Resolution, 2018, University of Oregon Bachelor of Science, Criminal Justice, 2014, University of Mississippi vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First, I thank God for giving me the strength to persevere through this process and the challenges faced. I am also grateful for my family and friends who played an essential role in encouraging me to finish strong. I would also like to acknowledge Professor Merle Weiner for her leadership and guidance. I am grateful for Dr. Diane Baxter for her assistance in the completion of my thesis. Lastly, I would like to acknowledge Kata Bahnsen-Reinhardt, the CRES faculty and staff, Cohort 10 and 11, and the University of Oregon School of Law for their contributions to my development and learning. vii DEDICATION I would like to dedicate this thesis to the victims and survivors of sexual assaults on college campuses. This is a crime that occurs far too often and should never be taken lightly. All college- or university communities should be committed to finding new ways of raising awareness and lowering the number of sexual assaults that occur on college- or university campuses. Therefore, I have chosen to write a literature review examining the effectiveness of college- or university sexual assault prevention programs. I hope that my thesis can offer some type of insight that can be used to combat heinous crimes such as sexual assaults. viii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................... 1 Background ............................................................................................................ 1 Statement of Problem ............................................................................................ 4 II. LITERATURE REVIEW ....................................................................................... 10 Primary Educational Prevention Programming ..................................................... 11 Sexual Assault Risk Reduction Programming ....................................................... 12 Sexual Assault and Alcohol Education .................................................................. 12 III. FACTORS THAT HINDER MEN’S PARTICIPATON ...................................... 13 Rape Culture ......................................................................................................... 16 Rape Myths ............................................................................................................ 18 IV. DISCUSSION ........................................................................................................ 22 Gaining Men’s Attention: Where Do We Go from Here? .................................... 22 Future Recommendations for Increasing Men’s Participation ............................. 23 Future Recommendations for Sexual Assault Research ....................................... 25 REFERENCES CITED ................................................................................................ 31 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION - BACKGROUND “But no matter how much evil I see, I think it’s important for everyone to understand that there is much more light than darkness.” ― Robert Uttaro Attending college can be life changing for young adults. Newman and Newman (2009) noted that the college experience offers individuals the opportunity to achieve autonomy, self-resiliency, and even intellectual growth (p. 15). Although this experience presents many opportunities, students can still find themselves at risk, especially since “young adulthood is the peak period of both victimization and perpetration” (Greene & Davis, 2011, p. 1464). The evolution of social media, combined with the lack of parental supervision creates an environment that is easily susceptible to mischievous behavior. These risks are heightened even more when you calculate in the experimentation with alcohol. Although alcohol consumption and partying are often labeled as college norms, they too often contribute to the high prevalence of sexual assault on college campuses across the United States (Gilmore, Maples-Keller, Pinsky, Shepard, Lewis, & George, 2016, p. 3). Sexual assault is defined as “any type of sexual encounter without a person’s consent” (Oregon Department of Justice, 2017). However, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) broadens the definition of sexual assaults to include the following acts: • Completed or attempted forced penetration of a victim. • Completed or attempted alcohol/drug-facilitated penetration of a victim. 2 • Completed or attempted alcohol/drug-facilitated acts in which a victim is made to penetrate a perpetrator or someone else. • Completed or attempted forced acts in which a victim is made to penetrate a perpetrator or someone else. • Unwanted sexual contact. • Non-contact unwanted sexual experiences. However, the penal codes defining sexual assault vary state to state. For example, Oregon Penal Code 163.305-163.479 defines sexual assault as: • Having sex or deviate sex, or penetrating the vagina, anus or penis of another person with any object other than the penis or mouth of the offender, without consent. • Intentionally propelling any dangerous substance at a victim without the victim’s consent to arouse or gratify a person’s sexual desires. • Having sex or deviate sex with an unmarried person under the 18 years of age. • Forcing another person to have sex, or having sex (or having or causing deviate sex for sodomy) with any of the following: a person under 12 years of age, a person under 16 years of age who is a sibling, of whole or half blood, or the offender’s child or spouse’s child, or a person incapable of consent due to mental defect, mental incapacitation, or physical helplessness. • Penetrating the vagina, anus, or penis of another person with 3 any object other than the penis or mouth of the offender, either by force or to a victim under 12 years of age or incapable of consent due to mental defect, mental incapacitation, or physical helplessness. The punishment for these crimes vary in severity based on various factors such as the type of sexual misconduct, age of victim, and any other mitigating factors. Across the United States, women are the most common victims of sexual assaults. The CDC estimated that approximately 18.3% of women are raped at least once in their lifetime. The CDC also estimated that approximately 13% of females encounter sexual coercion while approximately 30% encounter unwanted sexual contact such as groping and kissing (2012). These statistics are almost identical to the sexual assault rates on college campuses. In 2007, Krebs, Lindquist, Warner, Fisher and Martin conducted a Campus Sexual Assault Study that noted approximately 19% of college women had been sexually assaulted (p. 303). Their study also determined that rape (occurring at 13%) was the main form of sexual assault. According to Fisher, Diagle, and Cullen (2009), 2.8% of college women had been raped within a 6-month period (p. 5). Although 2.8 seems relatively low, when projected over the average time spent as a college student (5 years), it can be argued that 25% of women will be the raped at some point in their college career. However, in 2012, the CDC noted that rape was reported at an alarming rate of 37.5% on college campuses. The CDC also noted that sexual coercion and unwanted sexual touching were reported at alarming rates of 11% and 27%, respectively. The effects of these violent crimes often have “devastating short-term and longer-term sequela in a variety of domains” (Vladutiu, Martin, & Macy, 2011, p. 66). For example, many victims of sexual assault have experience physical health issues such as fatigue, 4 chronic illness, sleep disturbance, sexually transmitted diseases, and even unwanted pregnancies. Some victims also experience psychological problems such as stress, depression, short attention span, and even suicide (Vladutiu, Martin, & Macy, 2011, p. 67). In efforts to bring awareness to college campuses, and to reduce the rate and consequences of sexual assault, higher learning institutions have become the main targets for sexual assault prevention programs (Ferguson & Malouff, 2016, p. 1187). However, even though sexual assault prevention programs have been initiated nationwide, their effectiveness is being challenged, especially since the number of sexual assaults have risen over the years. STATEMENT OF PROBLEM College campuses have become microcosms that foster sexual assaults. In fact, Moynihan, Banyard, Cares, Potter, Williams, and Stapelton (2015) noted that "colleges and universities are high-risk settings for sexual assault and relationship violence, particularly for women and 1st year students" (p. 113). Although many sexual assaults involve common variables such as the consumption of alcohol, a known perpetrator, and low reporting rates, certain additional risk factors are specific to the college population. These common risks are: very high-rates of alcohol consumption, student athletes, and gender stereotypes and rape myths. There is a unique correlation between alcohol consumption and sexual victimization. According to Palmer, McMahon, Rounsaville, and Ball (2010), at least 90% of all college students consume alcohol and 40% engage in "heavy drinking" (p. 1565). This type of behavior has been associated with a wide range of consequences such as missing class to physical injury and even death. However, one of the more salient 5 consequences of alcohol use on college campuses is the occurrence of sexual assault (as cited in Palmer et al.). Hertzog and Yeilding (2009) noted 57% of college men and 41% of college women used drinking as means to facilitate sexual interactions (p. 61). The use of alcohol can be very problematic and harmful, especially when there are differing alcohol expectancies present. Alcohol expectancies have been described as "outcome expectancies held by an individual that impact alcohol consumption resulting in the behaviors or emotions expected" (Palmer et al., 2010, 1568). For example, a heavy drinking victim with positive alcohol expectancies may not view herself at risk and would be less likely to use "protective strategies to mitigate the effects of intoxication". Conversely, perpetrators who consume high volumes of alcohol and hold positive alcohol expectancies are less likely to engage in protective strategies "as they would be expecting and seeking the positive effects of alcohol that include expectancies about alcohol and sexual situations” (Palmer et al., 2010, p. 1569). As a result, the combination of alcohol with positive alcohol expectancies heighten the risk of perpetration. The rise of modern collegiate sports in the 20th century has created a unique culture on campuses. It has often been assumed that sports provide many benefits to those who participate in them. Yet, aggressive male dominated sports have been criticized as fortresses of sexism and the training grounds for aggression against women. In a study of male undergraduates at a large Midwestern university, Frinter and Rubison found that although the population of male athletes was less than 2% of the male student population, “21% of reported sexual assaults, 18% of the attempted sexual assaults, and 14% of the cases of sexual abuse were committed by members of sports teams or sports clubs on campus” (Pappas, McKenry, & Catlett, 2004, p. 294). In a review of police records at 6 twenty different universities, Crosset, Benedict, and McDonald discovered that while athletes accounted for 3% of the male student population, they perpetrated approximately 35% of the physical battering reports (Pappas et al., 2004, p. 294). Pappas, McKenry, and Catlett (2004) noted that sports offer an ideal means for males to develop and display traditional masculine characteristics including, but not limited to, power, strength, and even violence while rejecting traditionally ascribed feminine values (as cited in Hargreaves, 1986, p. 295). Sports, including football, basketball, baseball, hockey, wrestling, and lacrosse, are characterized as hyper-masculine due to their rough nature— where physical domination of an opponent is needed for success. However, what remains unclear is whether an athletes’ participation in sports—in particular, the violent strategies learned in football—contribute to the likelihood that an athlete(s) will be violent (or overly aggressive) in interpersonal relationships (as cited in Coakley 1998; Crosset 1999, p. 297). Over the past decade, authors have documented instances of athlete aggression “directed toward other males outside the sports arena, as well as aggression directed toward women in both intimate and non-intimate partnerships” (Pappas et al., 2004, p. 297). Even though much of the accepted, documented violence occurs in the context of sports competition, not all athlete aggression is limited to sports opponents. Gender stereotypes and rape myths are two major hindrances to combating sexual assaults on college campuses. In contemporary U.S. culture, men and women are subjected to gendered social identities (or norms) early in life. Men are taught at a young age to value traditional masculine ideologies, and that those who exhibit the most manliness will be rewarded with greater social rewards. Values such as toughness, strength, competitiveness, and dominance are internalized through repeated social cues 7 that permeate cultural institutions across America. A product of hegemonic masculinity is the belief that females are inferior to males. Thus, a dichotomous system of gender values produces a culture that marginalizes women and traditional feminine characteristics (Schwartz, 2005, p. 36). This is also categorized as sexism. Consequently, sexism can encourage people, especially men, to perpetrate a sexual violent crime (Stewart, 2014, p. 482). As a result, rape often goes unrecognized, especially since rape myths legitimized the sexual brutality against women. Stewart (2014) asserted that “rape myth acceptance is an ideology that promotes and justifies sexual assault” (p. 482). Bloom (2016) further explained that rape myths are commonly held beliefs that justify male sexual aggression towards woman (p. 27). Unfortunately, rape myths encourage victim-blaming. As a result, people blame the victim (Stewart, 2014, p. 483). Hayes, Lorenz and Bell (2013) noted that there are three commonly held rape myths that exist across various nations: 1) Women consistently lie about being victims of sexual assault; 2) Women of minority races are rape casualties; 3) Men commit sexual assault because of wild sexual cravings. These myths are typically used to shift the blame from the perpetrator to the victim (p. 205). Unfortunately, this adds to the dispositions that reinforce sexual assault. PURPOSE OF STUDY Although colleges strive to address sexual assault on their campus, their efforts are sometimes ineffectual, especially since there are no practices or policies that colleges or universities must follow (Vladutui, Martin, & Macy, 2011, p. 66). As a result, most students have limited education on the subject (White House Task Force on Sexual Assault on Campus, 2014). Sexual assault programs aim to restructure the knowledge, attitude and behavior of students about sexual assault. However, the effectiveness of 8 these programs are based on the composition of the audiences that attend. Senn, Eliasziw, Barata, Thurston, Newby-Clark, Radtke, and Hobden (2015) discovered that males rarely attend sexual assault prevention programs (p. 2327). In fact, most prevention programs only target women (Stewart, 2014, p. 485). This raises many concerns since men are the major perpetrators of sexual assaults on college campuses (O’Connell & Marcus, 2016, p. 377; Logan-Greene & Cue, 2011, p. 5). Stewart (2014) noted that men “are rarely targeted for primary prevention of sexual violence, [albeit] they are the primary contributors to a culture of hegemonic masculinity that supports sexual violence” (p. 484). Therefore, it is important to target men and gain their participation in sexual assault prevention programs. This work intends to challenge the traditionally held beliefs that sexual assault prevention programs are primarily for women. It aims to promote the importance of targeting and incorporating men into primary sexual assault prevention programs. In accomplishing this, I examined and addressed the constraints that hinder men’s participation in sexual assault prevention programs. Thus, the key objectives of this work are: • Review existing factors that hinder men’s participation in sexual assault programs. • Explore tactics that can be incorporated into sexual assault prevention programs to increase men’s participation. • Highlight the importance for addressing sexual assault on college campuses. Through an examination of gender differences in supporting rape myths and stereotypic gender roles, this work will build the following ideology: The expression of 9 gender roles affects female sexual victimization, and institutions should consider it first when developing sexual assault prevention programs. In attempting to investigate and examine existing literature on the topic of sexual assault prevention, this research will evaluate the current state of sexual assault prevention programs on college and universities campuses. It will also address the factors that hinder and limit male participation in sexual assault programs such as rape myths and gender roles. Lastly, this research will also explore strategies that colleges and universities can incorporate to increase male participation in sexual assault prevention programs. 10 CHAPTER II LITERATURE REVIEW Sexual assault is a pervasive problem on college and university campuses. In fact, Gidycz, Orchowski, Probst, Edwards, Murphy, and Tansil (2015) noted that between 12% and 20% of undergraduate women report experiencing rape (p. 783). Karjane, Fisher, and Cullen (2005) discovered in one study that during a 9-month academic year, approximately 35 of every 1,000 college women experienced an attempted or completed rape (as cited in Gidycz et al., 2015, p. 785). Many colleges and universities have developed a wide range of prevention programs that offer prevention workshops and awareness programs. Moreover, U.S. federal law requires that all colleges and universities receiving federal funding must implement some type of violence prevention programming (Gidyz et al., 2015, p. 786). In this study, I reviewed sources from 2007 to 2018. Twenty articles were peer- reviewed articles from Academic Search Premier, PsycINFO, MEDLINE. The articles were found by a search using the key terms: rape, sexual violence, sexual assault prevention programs, rape myths, rape culture, sex roles, gender identity, college, campuses, sexual violence, sexual assault, sexual harassment, and sexual aggression. A list was created to highlight existing protection programming for college-aged populations. The most common recommendations were (1) primary educational prevention programming, (2) sexual assault risk reduction programs, (3) sexual assault and alcohol education, (4) self-defense, (5) elemental, and (6) protective behavioral programming. Other researchers suggested bystander workshops and PTSD 11 programming. For the purposes of this study, I examined three of the most common recommendations. PRIMARY EDUCATIONAL PREVENTION PROGRAMMING Primary educational prevention programming on college campuses generally take two forms. The first form aims to change “student’s perception of, knowledge about, and attitudes toward sexual assault and consent” (Holtzman & Menning, 2015, p. 141). This form also aims to alter “social norms that support sexual assault” and to change the bystander culture (Holtzman & Menning, 2015, p. 141). The second form seeks to teach students physical defenses that can be used to combat a sexual assault attack. However, most primary educational prevention programs are of the first sort; they rely heavily on lectures, discussion and/or videos to inform students about the prevalence of sexual assaults, risk factors, and protective strategies. Unfortunately, researchers have discovered that these programs are unsuccessful at producing long-term attitude changes. According to, Gidycz et al. (2015) primary educational prevention programming “fails to provide participants with the skills to reduce risk for sexual assault” (p. 780). Moreover, Holztman and Menning (2015) noted that primary educational prevention programs do not generally change behaviors or reduce incidences of sexual assaults (p. 145). In fact, after the completion of a study testing the efficiency of a 9-week primary educational prevention program, it was discovered that participants’ attitudes typically reverted to pre-programs levels (Holtzman & Menning, 2015, p. 145). Therefore, primary educational prevention programs seldom achieve their goal of changing attitudes or reducing incidences of assault. 12 SEXUAL ASSAULT RISK REDUCTION PROGRAMS Risk reduction programs are rarely addressed in national- and federal- initiatives (Holtzman & Menning, 2015, p. 147). For example, when the White House Task Force to Protect Students from Sexual Assault produced its first report, Not Alone, risk reduction programs and approaches were notably absent. However, despite this lack of publicity, it has been well-documented that risk reduction programs are effective in decreasing sexual assault among women (Gidycz et al. 2015, 781). In fact, risk reduction programs aim to provide college students with skills—contextual awareness, verbal response, and physical techniques—to reduce their risk of sexual violence Holtzman & Menning, 2015, p. 150). It is speculated that sexual assault risk reduction programs that aim to prevent victimization are vital pieces of the prevention puzzle. Gidycz et al. (2015) noted that sexual assault risk reduction programs operate under the belief that “women can reduce their risk for violence by assessing dating and social situations for riskiness, acknowledging risky situations, and acting quickly when risk is detected” (p. 781). Unfortunately, most risk reduction programs are aimed at women. Although risk reduction programming for college women is essential to addressing sexual assaults on college campuses, it has been speculated that “providing sexual assault programing only to college women makes it seem as if women are solely responsible for preventing sexual assaults (Gidycz et al., 2015, p. 781). This creates the attitude that women are solely responsible for prevention. SEXUAL ASSAULT AND ALCOHOL EDUCATION One of the most noticeable negative consequences of alcohol use on college campuses is the occurrences of unwanted sexual experiences or assault (Palmer, Thomas, 13 McMahon, Rounsavile, & Ball, 2010, 1565). In fact, the “prevalence of experiences among college women is striking with reports as high as 31% occurring within the first year” (Palmer et al., 2010, 1565). Parkhill and Abbey (2015) noted that approximately 1/2 of sexual assaults involve alcohol use (p. 531). However, researchers have discovered that “sexual assaults and alcohol use often co-occur, with 50% - 70% of sexual assaults involving alcohol use. This is rather alarming since 1 out of 4 women do not believe that alcohol is a rape drug (Hertzog & Yeilding, 2009, p. 62). Still, alcohol has been “consistently associated with risk of unwanted sexual contact or sexual assault” (Palmer et al., 2010, p. 1566). Moreover, it has been reported that 47% of college men who had reported sexual assaults were consuming alcohol at the time of the assault (Palmer et al., 2010, p. 1566). Conversely, college women who have experienced unwanted sexual contact consume more alcohol than college women who have not experienced unwanted sexual contact. Krebs, Lindquist, Warner, Fisher, and Martin (2009) noted that college women who get drunk are most likely to be victimized (p. 304) In fact, the most prevalent form of inebriated sexual assault occurs when college women willingly consume alcohol (Krebs et al., 2009, p. 305). Thus, it is important for sexual assault prevention programs to address the consequences and dangers of consuming alcohol and/or engaging in episodic heavy drinking. Unfortunately, most sexual assault prevention programs do not target alcohol use. This is very problematic, especially since research has demonstrated that “alcohol is a risk factor for being victimized” (Gilmore et al., 2015, p. 4). Lonsway, Banyard, Berkowitz, Gidycz, Katz, Ross, Schewe, Ullman, Edwards (2009) also discovered that despite research that has correlated a link between alcohol and sexual 14 assaults, there is a disconnection between those working to educate students on drugs and alcohol and those trying to prevent sexual assaults (p. 8). 15 CHAPTER III FACTORS THAT HINDER MEN’S PARTICIPATION IN COLLEGE- OR UNIVERSITY SEXUAL ASSAULT PREVENTION PROGRAMS In 2010, Voller and Long (2010) noted that 58% of men “reported that they had committed some form of sexual assault, ranging from forced rape sexual assault contact to complete rape” (p. 458). Barone, Wolgemuth, and Linder (2007) state that men commit 99% of sexual assaults toward women and sometimes toward other men (p. 586). As previously stated, most primary prevention programs rarely target men, albeit they are they “primary perpetrators and contributors to a culture of hegemonic masculinity that supports sexual violence” (Stewart, 2014, p. 484). In one survey of 26 universities, researchers discovered that of the 21 institutions with prevention programs, “only two included prevention programs aimed at changing male behavior” (Piccigallo, Liley, amd Miler, 2012, p. 511). Although the number of institutions implementing programs aimed at men have increased over the years, they still represent a small minority of the total number of prevention programs aimed at reducing sexual violence (Piccigallo et al., 2012, p. 511). Therefore, institutions must develop new strategies to engage men’s participation in sexual assault prevention programs. They must recognize that prevention programs targeting men is a necessity—it is a complement to sexual assault prevention programs (Stewart, 2014, p. 484). In order for institutions to engage men’s participation in prevention programs, they must identify the factors that hinder men’s participation. However, Earnshaw, Pitpitan, Chaudoir (2010) noted that reactions to rape are very complex, involving attitudes, attributions to fault, and emotions (p. 3823. Additionally, Earnshaw et al. 16 (2010) state that there are “gender differences in college students’ attitudes, attribution of fault and emotions” (p. 384). For example, past research has consistently found that men attribute more fault to female rape survivors than do women (Earnshaw et al., 2010, p. 384). Thus, institutions must target the ideologies and behaviors “that contribute to an environment that allows sexual assault to occur” (Stewart, 2014, p. 482). Several ideologies have been empirically correlated with environments that foster sexual violence. Yet, the most common ideologies that prevail in environments fostering sexual violence are rape culture and rape myth. RAPE CULTURE Across the U.S., college- and university students—men and women—engage and maintain rape culture. Unfortunately, rape culture provides a thriving ground for sexual violence such as rape (Brenner, 2013). Geraldi and Turner (2017) defined rape culture as a pervasive issue that allows “rape and sexual assault to be excused, legitimized, and viewed as inevitable” (p. 117). Further, Gruber (2016) described the critiques of rape culture, which included brutal sexual assault jokes about sex, women’s general inequality, casual sex, and even catcalling (p. 2). Additionally, Sills, Pickens, Beach, Jones, Calder-Dawe, Benton-Greig, and Gavey (2016) noted that rape culture is connected to and enabled by a myriad of everyday social and culture practices. In short, rape culture has normalized sexual violence for men and women (p. 937). There are several factors than enhance rape culture where women are not perceived as individual beings, but rather as items utilized for a personal goal such as sexual pleasure (Rentschler, 2014, p. 67). Harberston, Scott, Moore, Wolf, Morris, Thrasher, and Tian (2015) noted that within rape culture, sex is the objective and women 17 are often the means (p. 584). Giraldi and Turner (2017) ascribe this ideology to men’s belief in gendered stereotypes and hegemonic masculinity (p. 119). In fact, they argue that men are socialized to believe that “hegemonic masculinity is the best way to prove their manhood. Corprew and Mitchell (2014) concur suggesting that these ideologies are often reinforced through peer groups (p. 550). As a result, men perceive themselves more dominant—socially, physically, and intellectually—than women. The reinforcement of hegemonic masculinities often causes the reinforcement of gender binaries, which define the natural roles and social characteristics that are assigned to each gender. Giraldi and Turner (2017) summarized that impact of hegemonic masculinities in the following statement: Alternatively, gender stereotypes empower men by foregrounding hegemonic masculine characteristics and establish societal conventions to regulate anything outside of the norm, such as labeling non-conformists as weak or homosexual. Ellis, Sloan, and Wykes (2013) support this notion of hegemonic masculinity and maintain that these norms have been institutionalized in both the public and private spheres. The “boys will be boys” ideology promotes the idea that men's sexuality is more natural, acceptable, and uncontrollable than women's which exempts men from culpability of acquaintance rape and other sexually aggressive 18 behaviors (Miller & Marshall, 1987). Sexually assaulted women continue to bear the burden of blame and tend to be reluctant to report offenses for fear of society's backlash and devaluing of their experiences (Burnett et al., 2009). McMahon (2010) argues that college students, along with the larger society, typically consider women responsible for the sexual violence acted out against them (Boyle, 2015; Burnett et al., 2009; Fraser, 2015; Nurka, 2013; Tieger,1981). The concept of hegemonic masculinity may well promote the perception in social media that the activities some college men engage in are just for fun. It is after all just “boys being boys” and what is the real harm of that? (p. 117) Ultimately, women live in a world that “ignores and marginalizes them, all the whole empowering men” (Giraldi & Turner, 2017, p. 118). RAPE MYTHS Rape myths have been empirically associated with environments that foster sexual assaults (Stewart, 2014, p. 483). They are often used promote and justify sexual violence against women. Rape myths are "false beliefs about rape, rape victims, and raptist, which creates a climate hostile to rape victims" (Earnshaw, Pitpitan, & Chaudoir, 2010, p. 385). Stewart (2014) described rape myths as prejudicial and stereotyped beliefs (p. 482). Examples of rape myths (and their respective truths) include but are not limited to: 19 Myth: Rape is sex. Fact: Rape is experienced by the victims as an act of violence. It is a life- threatening experience. One out of every eight adult women has been a victim of forcible rape. (National Victim Center and Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center, 1992) While sexual attraction may be influential, power, control and anger are the primary motives. Most rapists have access to a sexual partner. Gratification comes from gaining power and control and discharging anger. This gratification is only temporary, so the rapist seeks another victim. Myth: Women incite men to rape. Fact: Research has found that the vast majority of rapes are planned. Rape is the responsibility of the rapist alone. Women, children and men of every age, physical type and demeanor are raped. Opportunity is the most important factor determining when a given rapist will rape. (National Victim Center and Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center) Myth: Rape trauma syndrome is a transient problem. Most healthy people will return to a normal state of functioning within a year. Fact: Surviving a rape can lead a woman to a better understanding of her own strength, but rape is a life changing experience. Rape has a devastating effect on the mental health of victims, with nearly one-third (31%) of all rape victims developing Rape-related Post-traumatic Stress Disorder (RR-PTSD) some time in their lifetimes. More than one in ten rape victims currently suffer from RR-PTSD. (National Victim Center and Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center) Myth: Sexual assaults are rare deviations and affect few people. After all, no one 20 I know has been raped. Fact: Sexual assaults are very common. Most likely, someone close to you has been profoundly affected by sexual assault. Not only are victims reluctant to discuss their assaults but many succeed in totally blocking the assault from conscious memory. However, the trauma remains and may come to the surface at another crisis or when the opportunity to discuss it with a sympathetic person arises. An estimated 155,000 women were raped each year between 1973 and 1987. (U.S. Department of Justice, 1991) Myth: If the victim did not physically struggle with or fight the assailant, it wasn’t really rape. Fact: A “freeze” response is a normal response to trauma, rendering a victim unable to physically fight back. Furthermore, offenders are not looking for a fight and they use many forms of coercion, threats and manipulation to commit sexual violence. Many victims do not fight back because they are afraid or feel compelled to cooperate. Alcohol and other drugs are often used to incapacitate victims. (National Victim Center and Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center) Myth: Most perpetrators are strangers to the victim. Fact: Most rapes are committed by someone that the victim knows: a neighbor, friend, acquaintance, co-worker, classmate, spouse, partner or ex-partner (WSUSL, 2017; UMD, 2005). These beliefs produce harmful behavior such as victim blaming, which reduces the likelihood that a survivor will report their sexual assault (Stewart, 2014, 482). Rape 21 myths are also used to refute individual susceptibility to commit a sexual assault. Thus, rape myths "encourage responsibility for rape to be placed on survivors of assault" and "decrease perceptions that survivors deserve help be blaming them for the rape" (Earnshaw et al, 2010, p. 386). McMahon, Postmus, Warrener, and Koenick (2014) argued that rape myths are the main reason men do not participate in sexual assault prevention programs (p.79). Studies have also shown that high rape myth attribution is associated with high incidences of sexual assault on college- or university campuses (Rothman & Silverman, 2007, p. 285). Earnshaw et al. (2010) noted that "men display rape myth acceptance attitudes more than women." Since rape myth acceptance attitudes are intertwined with gender identities, it is "therefore expected that men would hold stronger rape myth acceptance attitudes than women [on college- or university campuses]" (Earnshaw et al., 2010, p. 388). Therefore, men who have a higher degree rape myth acceptance are less likely to participate in sexual assault prevention program. In fact, they are more likely to delineate themselves from any efforts that aim to spread awareness (and prevention) because they do not perceive their own behaviors as potentially sexually aggressive (Brown & Messman-Moore, 2010, p. 505). 22 CHAPTER IV DISCUSSION - GAINING MEN'S ATTENTION: WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE? Men should be actively involved in the prevention of sexual assaults on college- or university campuses. Men can accomplish this by participating in sexual assault prevention programs. Further, institutions can accomplish this by incorporating male- centered programs within the scope of their sexual assault prevention programs. Researchers have demonstrated that male-directed programs are successful at "changing attitudes of male participants regarding rape myth acceptance and interpersonal violence as well as increasing empathy towards victims (Piccigallo, Lilley, & Miller, 2012, p. 520). In a study examining how men's attitudes- and behaviors were affected by participating in the Men's Project (a male-directed sexual assault prevention program), researchers, Baron, Wolgemuth and Linder (2007), found that "participants gained a new awareness of gender, an understanding of LGBT issues and homophobia, and information about sexual assaults" (p. 587). In one testimony, a participant described a deeper understanding of the privilege they have as men: I gained a...reminder of the privilege that I had grown up with and that I had continually had in life, and that was something that was hard to cope with at first because I hadn't really come to grips with how prevalent it was. I feel like that was a big part of the Men/s project to me...learning how to use that in a positive way as opposed to letting it kind of be a chain 23 (Barone et al., 2007, p. 588). Piccigallo et al. (2012) discovered similar results in their study that explored the paths related to men's involvement in prevention programs and groups. In their key findings, they discovered that men, who were approached in a non-confrontational fashion by other men, "reported that their knowledge related to sexual assault, their empathy toward sexual assault survivors, and their motivation to actively engage in prevention of sexual violence all increased" (Piccigallo et al., 2012, p. 523). In both studies, researchers determined that prevention programs aimed specifically at men, were successful at changing men's behavior and attitudes towards women, rape myths, and sexual violence. Due to these findings, men should be actively involved in the participation of sexual assault prevention programs. However, institutions must determine which strategies work best (for their respective campuses) in gaining and increasing men's participation in sexual assault prevention programs. FUTURE RECOMMENDATIONS FOR INCREASING MEN'S PARTICIPATION If we are to decrease the number of sexual assaults occurring on college or university campuses, institutions must create opportunities to engage men, "a group whom a deficiency of specific programmatic efforts currently exist" (Baron et al., 2007, p. 588). Thus, there is a need to explore and develop new strategies and programs that get college men actively involved in sexual assault prevention programs. In pursuance of this, institutions can look upon previous or current research to determine the features that have been successful at increasing (and engaging) men's participation in sexual assault prevention programs. Although these features may vary depending on the climate of the college or university, some key features have been strongly correlated with men's 24 participation in sexual assault prevention programs. For instance, Paul and Gray (2011), Barone et al. (2007), and Piccigallo et al. (2012) highlighted five key features that have been effective at gaining men's participation and changing their behaviors and attitudes: The first feature asserts that perceiving men as partners, not perpetrators, increases men’s willingness to participate in sexual assault prevention programs. Since men usually become “defensive to any appeals that encourage them to see their own behaviors” as dangerous or violent, it is important for men to know that participating in sexual assault prevention programs makes them allies, not the targets of discussion (Brown & Mess- man-Moore, 2010, p. 590). The second feature suggests that prevention (and even intervention) discussions should empower fair sharing of sentiments, thoughts, and convictions. The third feature affirms that sexual assault should be characterized as a personal issue. In Piccigallo et al. (2012) study, they found that one of the main reasons for men’s participation in their sexual assault prevention group was a personal connection to the issue, “such as knowing someone who had been assaulted” (p. 520) The fourth feature proposes that sexual assault programs should be single-gendered. Research has shown that men are more willing to participate, engage, and open up and explore topics of sexual assault in environments that are nonthreatening and single gendered (Barone et al, 2007, p. 592). The fifth feature encourages sexual assault prevention programs to incorporate more male presenters. Piccigallo et al. (2012) found in their meta-analysis of sexual assault prevention programs that the best way to get college men involved in prevention programs was to have men to talk to other men (p. 521). It was “one of the most effective components of their programming” (Piccigallo et al., 2012, p. 521). Incorporating men into sexual assault prevention programs must be a joint effort. 25 However, institutions can use these five features as building blocks to create strategies, policies, and programs that encourage men’s participation in sexual assault prevention programs. Researchers have insisted that the quality and level of interaction in the sexual assault prevention programs are more significant than the presentation of material (Berkowitz, 2007, p. 10). Therefore, institutions must put a greater emphasis on changing the quality and increasing the components of sexual assault prevention programs aimed at college men. Additionally, institutions must revaluate and update current sexual assault policy and protocols. These policies should be applicable to all demographics, with a great emphasis on men. Institutions must recognize that sexual assault is a reoccurring problem. Institutions must also recognize it as an important issue and should strive to reduce incidences of sexual assault. As individuals—men or women— should never be places at risk for victimization as they pursue a higher education. FUTURE RECOMMENDATION FOR SEXUAL ASSAULT RESEARCH Sexual assault prevention programs are necessary in preventing sexual violence. However, prevention programs efforts to incorporate men have been minimal at best. Therefore, future sexual assault research should look at how to involve more men in such programs and particularly how to increase their voluntary participation. However, this will not successfully happen unless colleges and universities first address the pervasive problem of underreporting of sexual assaults. Over the past decade, research has shown that sexual assaults are underreported (Krivoshey, Adkins, Hayes, Nemeth, & Klein, 2013, p. 142). Moreover, sexual assaults are “the least reported of all crimes” (James & Lee, 2015, p. 2448). It is estimated that 95% of rapes that occur on college campuses go unreported (Kirvoshey et al., 2013, p. 26 142). However, sexual assaults not reported to the police (or proper authorities) pose many problems: First, if a sexual assault is not reported to the police, it goes undetected. This allows “perpetrators to remain from apprehension, which may result in additional sexual assaults or crimes and victims” (James & Lee, 2015, p. 2450). Moreover, victim of sexual assaults may not be able to receive help or assistance from police or other support services such as psychological counseling, legal services, or/and medical services (James and Lee, 2015, p. 2450). Nevertheless, this is not an assertion that victims of sexual assault do not tell anyone. In fact, Moore and Baker (2016) noted that “approximately 70% of survivors will inform someone of their victimization” (p. 6). Further, James and Lee (2015) noted that victims are more likely to tell a friend or a roommate, rather than disclosing to university authorities or police (p. 2450). This typically happens because of psychological barriers including guilt, shame, fear of being blamed for victimization, embarrassment, concern of others discovering one’s victimization, fear of reprisal from perpetrator or others, self-blame, ambiguity regarding the assault, thinking that it is “ not serious enough” or that the police are biased, and beliefs that the victimization is personal and not criminal (Moore & Baker, 2016, p. 5; James & Lee, 2015, p. 2451). Unfortunately, these are not the only barriers that exist to reporting victimization. There are also barriers to seeking out campus-sponsored sexual assault services. In examining the sexual victimization of college women, Nasta et al. discovered that “the majority of victims and nonvictims were aware that psychological and health services were available to victims of sexual assault, only 22% of victims sought out campus-based psychological services” (Moore & Baker, 2016, p. 5). Nasta et al. also discovered that participants were 27 unwilling to utilize resources offered through the university because of concerns with confidentiality and feelings of fear, embarrassment, and guilt (Moore & Baker, p. 5). Prior research has identified characteristics of the victim that contribute to whether a sexual assault is reported or not. In examining previous literature, Moore and Baker (2015) discovered that a victim’s “age, income level, education, race, and the victim’s characterization and memory of the incident” greatly contributed to whether or not a victim reported a sexual victimization (p. 3). In one study, using a sample of college women, “Fisher and colleagues found that older, lower, less educated African-American women were more likely to report than younger, higher income, more educated white women” (Moore and Baker, 2015, p. 3). It is worth noting that “many of these characteristics associated with victims who [do not] report are characteristic typical of college women in [general: young, white,] and of high socioeconomic status” (Moore and Baker, 2015, p. 3). However, when examining the characteristics of the victim, the characteristics of the incident must be examined as well. In reviewing a study that analyzed the reporting of sexual victimization to the police and others, Moore and Baker (2015) noted that the “seriousness of the crime, the relationship between the victim and the offender, the location of the offense, and consumption of alcohol were the primary characteristics associated with a victim’s decision to report” (p. 4). Thus, future research must not only focus on getting college men involved in sexual assault programs, but getting victims involved as well. Sexual assault is a prevalent public health problem. In fact, sexual assault occurrences have been increasing over the years, especially on college- and university campuses (Moore & Baker, 2016, p. 1). To increase current knowledge, institutions, legislators, and community organizers 28 must encourage new professionals to enter the field of sexual assault research. New research must be explored to evaluate the strategies, policies, and programs that are most effective in engaging and increasing college men’s participation in sexual assault prevention programs. Going forward, sexual assault research, as it relates to college- and universities campuses, should focus on either incorporating/addressing the following themes and topics into their research and/or sexual assault policies and programs: • Likelihood of Reporting • Barriers to Reporting • Bystander Prevention Intervention • Comprehensive Sexual Assault Programs: • Varied Teaching Methods • Sufficient Dosage of Sexual Assault Programs • Theory Drive Sexual Assault Programs • Practical Sexual Assault Programs • Socioculturally Relevant Sexual Assault Programs • Program Length • Addressing Barriers to Self-Protection • Psychological Effects of Sexual Assault • Sociodemographic Factors • Emphasis on Violence • Hypermasculinity • Substance Use and Abuse • Prior Sexual Abuse 29 • Prior Sexual Perpetration • Penal Codes Addressing Sexual Assault • Government Reform Addressing Sexual Assault • Accessibility of Personal Safety and Self-Defense Training • Continued Evaluation of Sexual Assault Programs • Investigation and Judicial Processes Involving Sexual Assault • Increase Awareness of the Pervasiveness of Sexual Assault • Dispel Common Myths About Rape. • Explore Societal Foundations that Make Acquaintance Rape a Reality • Increase Understanding of the Relationship Between Oppression and Sexual Assault • Improve Institutional and Public Accountability. • Develop a University Process for Handling Complaints of Sexual Assault • Develop a Comprehensive Sexual Assault Policy • Clarify Roles in Support Network and Coordinate Response Mechanisms. • Disseminate and Deliver First-Responder Training and Information. • Designate Personnel to Deliver Coordinated Prevention Education. • Deliver Evidence-Based Peer-Involved Prevention Education. 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