A GRAMMAR OF YAKIMA ICHISHKIIN /SAHAPTIN
by
JOANA WORTH JANSEN
A DISSERTATION
Presented to the Department of Linguistics
and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
Doctor of Philosphy
June 2010
11
University of Oregon Graduate School
Confirmation of Approval and Acceptance of Dissertation prepared by:
Joana Jansen
Title:
"A Grammar of Yakima IchishkiinlSahaptin"
This dissertation has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for
the Doctor of Philosophy degree in the Department of Linguistics by:
Scott DeLancey, Chairperson, Linguistics
Eric Pederson, Member, Linguistics
Spike Gildea, Member, Linguistics
Janne Underriner, Member, Linguistics
Robert Davis, Outside Member, Romance Languages
and Richard Linton, Vice President for Research and Graduate Studies/Dean of the Graduate
School for the University of Oregon.
June 14,2010
Original approval signatures are on file with the Graduate School and the University of Oregon
Libraries.
© 2010 Joana Worth Jansen
111
in the Department of Linguistics
Joana Worth Jansen
An Abstract of the Dissertation of
for the degree of
to be taken
IV
Doctor of Philosophy
June 2010
Title: A GRAMMAR OF YAKIMA ICHISHKIIN /SAHAPTIN
Approved: _
Dr. Scott DeLancey
Yakima Ichishkiin/Sahaptin is spoken in the Yakama Nation, located in the
Pacific Northwest of the United States in what is now south central Washington State.
The Ichishkiin and Nez Perce languages comprise the Sahaptian Family, classified as a
member of the Plateau branch of Penutian. Ichishkiin speakers of a number of related
dialects, including Yakima, live in the southern plateau region along Nch 'iwana, the
Columbia River, and its tributaries. The dialects are mutually intelligible, with slight
differences in phonology, morphology, lexical items and orthographic representation. The
fieldwork supporting this work was done in and around Toppenish, Washington with
elders of the Yakama Nation. There are few fluent speakers, but there is great interest in
language learning, teaching, and revitalization.
Sahaptin is a synthetic to polysynthetic language with rich verbal morphology.
The phonemic inventory is similar to other Pacific Northwest languages and consists of a
large set of consonants and small set of vowels. Stops and affricates are voiceless with a
vplain and glottalized series. Grammatical relations are indicated with case-marking, verb
agreement, and second position enclitics. Syntactic alignment is primarily nominative -
accusative but there are also ergative and absolutive patterns. Word order is flexible,
serving discourse/pragmatic functions. The language has a direct/inverse alternation in
which the coding of participants depends on person and topicality hierarchies. Verbs are
morphologically complex. A verb stem can be fully composed of bound morphemes that
include lexical prefixes, motion prefixes, and stems that indicate a change of state or a
location or direction.
This dissertation is intended to support speech community members and scholars
in language preservation and academic goals. The second and third chapters, covering the
sound system and an overview of the grammar, constitute a condensed pedagogical
grammar. Subsequent chapters offer more in-depth information about major aspects of
the language. Appendices include texts and classroom materials as well as a case study of
a college-level Ichishkfin course that uses materials collected in a language
documentation project as teaching tools.
This dissertation includes previously published and unpublished co-authored
material.
CURRICULUM VITAE
NAME OF AUTHOR: Joana Worth Jansen
PLACE OF BIRTH: Milwaukee, Wisconsin
DATE OF BIRTH: October 12, 1967
GRADUATE AND UNDERGRADUATE SCHOOLS ATTENDED:
University of Oregon, Eugene
Eckerd College, Saint Petersburg, Florida
DEGREES AWARDED:
Doctor ofPhilosophy in Linguistics, June 2010, University of Oregon
Master of Arts in Linguistics, June 2004, University of Oregon
Bachelor of Arts in Philosophy, 1991, Eckerd College
AREAS OF SPECIAL INTEREST:
Languages of the Pacific Northwest
Language Preservation and Revitalization
Morphosyntax
Verb Stem Structure of Native North American Languages
PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE:
Graduate Teaching Fellow, Department of Linguistics, Northwest Indian
Language Institute, World Languages Academy, American English Institute,
University of Oregon, Eugene, 2001-2002, 2006-present.
Instructor and Coordinator, Northwest Indian Language Institute Summer
Institute, University of Oregon, Eugene, 2003-present.
Graduate Teaching Fellow, Center for Applied Second Language Studies,
University of Oregon, Eugene, 2002-2005.
VI
Vll
GRANTS, AWARDS AND HONORS:
Margaret Wiese Graduate Research Award, Yakima Places, Legends and
Narratives, University of Oregon Graduate School, 2008.
Graduate Summer Research Award, Pedagogical Grammar Workgroup, Center
on Diversity and Community (CoDaC), University of Oregon, 2007.
Graduate Award for Leadership and Service, Office of the Dean of Students,
University of Oregon, 2007.
Endangered Languages Fund, Documenting Yakima Sahaptin, 2006.
Individual Graduate Studentship Award, Yakima Language Documentation and
Grammar, Endangered Language Documentation Programme, 2005-2006
Risa Palm Graduate Fellowship, College of Arts and Sciences, University of
Oregon, 2005.
Jacobs Research Fund, Towards a Grammar ofYakima Sahaptin with Initial
Focus on Verb Stem Morphology, 2004.
PUBLICATIONS:
Jansen, Joana and Virginia Beavert. In press. Combining the goals oflanguage
documentation and language teaching. In Building Communities Making
Connections, ed. Susana Rivera-Mills and Juan Castillo. Cambridge
Publishing.
Jansen, Joana and Virginia Beavert. Accepted for Publication.. Yakima Sahaptin
Bipartite Verb Stems. International Journal 0.[American Linguistics.
Hood Cisar, Sally and Joana Jansen. 2005. Second language teachers from six
states unite. In Professional Development in Language Education Series,
Volume Four: Communities 0.[Supportive Professionals, ed. Tim Murphey
and Kazuyoshi Sato, 91-103. Alexandria, Virginia: TESOL.
Vlll
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The deep gratitude and respect I hold for my language teachers exceeds my ability
to express it. They have shared their language and lives with me. Virginia Beavert's
dedication to her language is an inspiration, and this grammar would not exist without
her. Her skills as a linguist and language teacher enrich our work. I am humbled to have
had the good fortune of spending time with her; it has been an honor and a true joy.
Language teachers at the Yakama Nation have welcomed me into their
community; I am ever learning that this work revolves around relationships. Levina
Wilkins's wisdom, stories, and laughter enhance this grammar. Anita Lewis's legend-
telling and recollection of her childhood was a warm addition. My heartfelt thanks goes
to Language Program staff and apprentices and those who have been in my linguistics
classes: you are my teachers, and I am honored to know you. Rose Miller and Lottie Sam
met with me over a series of work sessions to determine how this dissertation could
support them in their classrooms; I hope that in some measure it does. Ichishkiin
Language Program staff and elders at the Confederated Tribes of Warm Springs and the
Confederated Tribes ofthe Umatilla Indian Reservation have also shaped this work.
My faculty advisor Scott DeLancey provided invaluable support and insights as I
was writing. He introduced me to Northwest languages and their speakers, and has
always acknowledged the importance ofand supported my work in language preservation
and teaching. lanne Underriner showed me a different way to do descriptive linguistics,
and through the Northwest Indian Language Institute (NIL!) made possible much of my
IX
time with Yakama teachers. I thank Spike Gildea for keying in on the questions I need to
ask and Eric Pederson for encouraging me to write to a broader audience. Robert Davis's
detailed input on pedagogy, clarity and style improved this work.
Many people have read and commented on sections of this work and have had
numerous conversations with me about Ichishkiin, language description, collaboration
and pedagogical materials. Noel Rude and Sharon Hargus's help and willingness to delve
into fine points of grammar are gratefully acknowledged. I also thank Bruce Rigsby for
his words of encouragement and his generosity. Dissertation buddies Gwen Hyslop and
Racquel Yamada were essential to the process, as were colleagues Mamie Atkins, Judith
Fernandes, Jesse Blackburn Morrow and Tim Thomes.
There is nothing like developing Ichishkiin classroom materials to show you weak
spots in your analysis and writing. My fellow GTF's Roger Jacob and Greg Sutterlict
have encouraged me to include culturally rich examples as well as everyday language.
VO second year students have reminded me to be a language learner as well as a linguist.
The Jacobs Fund, the Endangered Languages Documentation Programme and the
Endangered Language Fund supported this research. VO departments and awards funded
travel and consultant time, and I thank the Linguistics Department, the Northwest Indian
Language Institute, the Center on Diversity and Community, and Margaret Wiese.
My sisters Lynn and Cynthia and brother Mark believed in my ability to complete
this. My friends helped me keep it all in perspective. Most importantly, thanks and much
love go to my spouse Steven Levy for his support and patience along the way. He ensures
that I remember that linguistics is just one facet of a well-lived life.
To Virginia, who has been so much more than a collaborator, and to Steve.
x
Xl
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter Page
I. INTRODUCTION .
1.1. Language Background .
1.2. Previous Academic Research on Ichishkiin................ 5
1.3. The Language Situation and Language Revitalization 7
1.4. Language Speakers and Collaborators 10
1.5. About This Grammar 12
II. PHONETICS, PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHy....................................... 18
2.1. Introduction to Ichishkiin Grammar 19
2.2. The Alphabet................................................................................... 28
2.3. The Vocal Tract and the Sounds ofIchishkiin................................................ 35
2.4. Vowels and Diphthongs 39
2.5. Consonants...................................................................................................... 43
2.6. Stress 52
2.7. Glottal Stop Insertion...................................................................................... 58
2.8. Glide Insertion 58
2.9. Deletion ofu and i before w andy................................................................... 60
Chapter
XlI
Page
2.1 O. De-stressed High Vowel Deletion 61
2.11. Verb Stem Classes 63
2.12. Special Forms of Expression and Sound Symbolism 71
III. OVERVIEW OF YAKIMA ICHISHKIIN GRAMMAR...................................... 73
3.1. Introduction 73
3.2. Person Marking............................................................................................... 74
3.2.1. Third Person Prefixes............................................................................. 75
3.2.1.1. Plural Animate/Inanimate Subjects............................................... 77
3.2.2. First and Second Person Pronominal Enclitics 78
3.2.2.1. First Person Singular: =nash 80
3.2.2.2. First Person Plural: =na, =natash, (=natk, =namtk)........................... 83
3.2.2.3. Second Person Singular: =nam 86
3.2.2.4. Second Person Plural: =pam 87
3.2.3. Reflexive and Reciprocal....................................................................... 88
3.3. Tense and Aspect 92
3.3.1. Past Tense 93
3.3.2. Future Tense........................................................................................... 95
3.3.3. Continuous (Imperfective) Aspect......................................................... 96
3.3.4. Habitual Aspect...................................................................................... 97
3.3.5. Present Perfect Aspect 100
Chapter
Xlll
Page
3.3.6. Combined Tense and Aspect Markers 102
3.4. Conditional................................. 103
3.5. Imperative 104
3.6. Directional Suffixes 108
3.7. Negation 113
3.8. Copu1ar Clauses 114
3.8.1. Predicate Nominals and Attributive Clauses 117
3.8.2. Existential Clauses 118
3.8.3. Predicate Locatives 118
3.8.4. Animacy and wa- 119
3.8.5. Tense and Aspect Marking with wa- 120
3.8.6. First and Second Person Subjects with wa- 120
3.8.7. Possessive Clauses 121
3.8.8. Everyday Expressions with the Copula 124
3.9. Transitive Clauses 125
3.9.1. Speech Act Participant> Speech Act Participant.. 130
3.9.2. Speech Act Participant> Third Person 132
3.9.3. Third Person> Speech Act Participant.. 134
3.9.4. Third Person> Third Person 135
3.9.5. Ditransitive Clauses 140
3.1 O. Nouns, Pronouns and Demonstratives 143
Chapter
xiv
Page
3.10.1. Human and Inanimate Numbers 143
3.10.1.1. Number ofTimes 147
3.10.1.2. InclusiveNumbers 147
3.10.1.3. Time 148
3.10.1.4. Days of the Week 150
3.10.1.5. Ages 150
3.10.2. Kinship Terrns...................................................................................... 151
3.10.3. Animacy and Nouns 153
3.10.4. Case Marking 158
3.10.4.1. With, Accompanying: Associative -in 161
3.10.4.2. Of, Possessor: Genitive -(n)mL 162
3.10.4.3. For the Purpose or Benefit of: Benefactive -ay 165
3.1 0.4.4. By Means of, With: Instrumental -ki 166
3.10.4.5. Located At, In, On: Locative -pa 174
3.10.4.6. To, Towards a Destination: Allative -kan 176
3.10.4.7. From, Origin ofMotion: Ablative -knik 177
3.10.4.8. To, Into: Dative -yaw 179
3.10.5. Independent Personal Pronouns 183
3.1 0.6. Demonstratives 192
3.11. Interrogatives 199
3.11.1. YeslJ\lo Questions 199
Chapter
xv
Page
3.11.2. Content Questions 200
3.11.3. Indefinite Pronouns 208
3.12. Morpheme Index 209
IV. THE VERB 212
4.1. Overview of Verb Structure 212
4.2. The Verb Theme 217
4.2.1. Distributive 217
4.2.2. Manner Prefixes 218
4.2.3. Causative and Applicatives 223
4.2.4. Inchoative 224
4.2.5. Purposive and Desiderative 225
4.3. The Verb Stem 227
4.3.1. Independent Stems 229
4.3.2. Lexical Prefixes 232
4.3.3. Dependent Posterior Roots 240
4.3.4. Bipartite Stems 244
4.3.5. Bipartite Construction 1: Change of State 247
4.3.6. Bipartite Constructions 2-4: LP + LD Stem 248
4.3.6.1. Bipartite Construction 2: Caused Motion 250
4.3.6.2. Bipartite Construction 3: Motion/Location of an Entity 251
Chapter
XVI
Page
4.3.6.3. Bipartite Construction 4: Manner of Motion 251
4.4. Additional Types of Stems........... 252
4.4.1. Stems with Motion Prefixes 253
4.4.2. Stems with Causative Prefixes 256
4.4.3. Stems with Transitivizing Prefix 260
4.4.4. Tripartite Stems........................... 262
V. NOUNS 267
5.1. Review of Number and Case 267
5.2. Nominalizing Morphology 269
5.2.1. Action Nominalizer -t 269
5.2.2. Agent Nominalizer -fa 271
5.2.3. Patient Nominalizer -sh 272
5.2.4. Instrument Nominalizer -(t')awaas 273
5.2.5. Thing or Place for, Pertaining to: -pama 273
5.2.6. Legend Animal-yay 275
5.2.7. Additional Nominalizing Suffixes 276
5.3. Noun to Verb Derivation 278
5.4. Nominal Suffixes 279
5.5. Noun Phrases 287
Chapter
XVll
Page
VI. TRANSITIVITY AND GRAMMATICAL RELATIONS 293
6.1. Overview of Transitivity 293
6.2. Intransitive Clauses 295
6.2.1. Introduction 295
6.2.2. Absolutive Prefix a- 297
6.2.3. Copular Clauses 303
6.2.4. Possessive Clauses. 304
6.3. Transitive Clauses 310
6.4. Valence-Altering Constructions...................................... 314
6.4.1. Causative 315
6.4.2. Applicatives 315
6.4.3. Reflexive and Reciprocal....................................................................... 319
6.4.4. Passive 321
6.4.5. Differential Object Marking 322
6.5. Ditransitive Clauses 323
6.6. Grammatical Relations 332
6.7. Word Order 334
VII. INVERSE ALIGNMENT AND VOICE 338
7.1. Introduction 338
7.2. The Grammatical Coding of the Inverse Category 344
Chapter
XVlll
Page
7.2.1. Local SAP/SAP 345
7.2.2. Mixed SAP/3 348
7.2.3. Non-local, Singular A 351
7.2.4. Non-local, Plural A 354
7.2.5. Summary of Formal Properties ofInverse Clauses 358
7.3. The Inverse Voice: Conditioning Factors 359
7.4. Sources of Transitive Morphology 369
VIII. ADDITIONAL WORD AND MORPHEME CLASSES 374
8.1. Introduction 374
8.2. Adjectivals 374
8.2.1. Adjectives 378
8.2.2. Adjectivals Derived from Verbs 381
8.2.3. Adjectivals Derived from Nouns 383
8.2.4. Quantifiers 384
8.2.5. Colors 385
8.2.6. Comparative, Superlative, 'Too', 'Very' 386
8.3. Adverbials ; 387
8.4. Modal Enclitics 391
Chapter
XiX
Page
IX. CLAUSE COMBINING 395
9.1. Introduction 395
9.2. Subordinator ana- 396
9.3. Complement Clauses 404
9.3.1. Nominalized Clauses 407
9.3.2. Direct Discourse 413
9.4. Coordination, Juxtaposition and Particles in Narrative 414
X. COMBINING THE GOALS OF LANGUAGE DOCUMENTATION AND
LANGUAGE TEACHING 421
10.1. Introduction 421
10.2. Collaborative Linguistic Research and Language Documentation 424
10.3. Knowing Teaching Contexts 426
10.4. Developing a Yakima Class at the University of Oregon 428
10.5. Using Language Documentation Materials in the Classroom 430
10.5.1. Grammar and Pronunciation Activities 430
10.5.2. Place-Based Learning 432
10.5.3. Communicative Approaches 433
10.5.4. Using Legends in Classroom Teaching 436
10.6. Meeting Goals of Classroom Teaching and Language Documentation 437
Chapter
xx
Page
APPENDICES '" 440
A. ABBREVIATIONS 440
B. SPILyAy KU K'AxNU 'COYOTE AND PRAIRIE CHICKEN' 443
C.S1KNI 'YELLOWBELL' 468
D. WAPAAS 'GATHERING BASKET' 482
E. TANAWIT ANAHUYMf 'THE BEAR'S CAVE' 485
REFERENCES 494
XXI
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1.1. The Yakama Nation.............................................................................................. 2
1.2. Sahaptian Languages and Dialects........................................................................ 3
2.1. Places of Articulation..... 36
2.2. Stress Assignment................................................................................................. 56
3.1. Teaching Case Endings......................................................................................... 172
4.1. Ichishkiin Verb Structure...................................................................................... 216
4.2 SteIn Types.......................... 246
XXll
LIST OF TABLES
~k P~
2.1. The Alphabet................................................................. 30
2.2 Orthography Comparison....................................................................................... 31
2.3. Consonants............................................................................................................ 38
2.4. Vowels 39
2.5. Example Words: Vowels and Diphthongs 41
2.6. Example Words: Consonants with English Counterparts..................................... 44
2.7. Example Words: Consonants with Non-English Sounds...................................... 47
2.8. Example Words: G1otta1ized Consonants 49
2.9. Sound Changes in Word Formation...................................................................... 51
2.10. Selected Stress-Stealing Prefixes and Suffixes................................................... 55
2.11. Strong Roots........................................................................................................ 57
2.12. General Tendencies for N-Verbs and Affixes 68
2.13. SelectedN-Verbs 69
3.1. First and Second Person Clitics 81
3.2. Reflexive Verb Paradigm...................................................................................... 90
3.3. The Inflectional Suffix Complex 112
3.4. Transitive Clause Paradigm 127
3.5. Inverse And Direct 3Sg>3 Clauses 136
Table
XXlll
Page
3.6. A Paradigm Of Ditransitive ni- 'Give' 141
3.7. Numbers 144
3.8. Kinship Terms....................................................................................................... 154
3.9. Nouns Referring to Humans with Irregular Dual and Plural................................ 157
3.10. Noun Case Endings 160
3.11. Personal Pronouns.................................................................. 186
3.12. Differences Between Clitics and Pronouns......................................................... 191
3.13. Referring to Something Close 195
3.14. Referring to Something Farther Away................................................................ 195
3.15. Additional Case Forms of 'This' and 'That' 196
3.16. Questions with tun 'What' 202
3.17. Questions with shin 'Who' 204
4.1. Selected Lexical Prefixes 236
4.2. Selected Change of State Stems.......... 247
4.3. Selected Locative/Directive Stems 249
5.1. Additional Nominalizing Suffixes 276
5.2. Properties of Nominal Suffixes 287
6.1. Third Person Intransitive Verb Prefixes 296
6.2. First and Second Person Clitics 296
6.3. First and Second Person Clitics Indicating Possession 304
6.4. Transitive Clause Paradigm 311
Table
XXIV
Page
6.5. Use ofClitics and Verb Prefixes in Transitive Clauses 313
6.6. Constituent Order in Transitive Clauses 334
7.1. Comparison of Direct/Inverse in Local Scenarios 348
7.2. Comparison of Direct/Inverse in Mixed Scenarios 350
7.3. Comparison of Direct/Inverse in Non-local Scenarios 354
7.4. Summary of Formal Properties ofInverse Clauses 359
8.1. Modal Enclitics 391
9.1. Subordinating Particle with SAP C1itics 402
1CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
1.1. Language background
Yakima Ichishkiin/Sahaptin is spoken in the Yakama Nation, located in the
Pacific Northwest of the United States in what is now south central Washington State.
The Yakama Nation, formed by treaty in 1855, gathered 14 bands and tribes. These bands
and tribes spoke predominantly Ichishkiin dialects as well as Salish and Chinookan
languages. The Yakama Nation is approximately 1.4 million acres, with over 10,000
enrolled members. It is bounded by Tapt{i/ (Yakima River) to the east, Wa?;sham (the
Simcoe Mountains) to the south, the Cascade Crest to the west and Atanim (Ahtanum)
Creek to the north (Jacob 2009). Patu (Mt. Adams) is one of the most visible land
features; Nch'iwana (the Columbia River) forms the southern boundary of the 11.5 million
acres ceded in the 1855 treaty. Tribal headquarters are in Toppenish Washington, near the
northeast border of the reservation. Figure 1.1 shows the location of the Yakama Nation
within Washington State.
2F1GURE 1.1. THE YAKAMA NAT10N
The Ichishkiin and Nez Perce languages comprise the Sahaptian Family,
classified as a member of the Plateau branch of Penutian; additional Plateau Penutian
languages are Klamath and Molalla (DeLancey and Golla 1997). Ichishkiin speakers of a
number of related dialects live in the southern plateau region along Nch 'iwana, the
Columbia River, and its tributaries. The dialects are mutually intelligible, with slight
differences in phonology, morphology, lexical items and orthographic representation.
Similar cultural traditions and values are shared among the Ichishkiin-speaking bands and
tribes. Salish and Chinookan languages were spoken to the north and west of Ichishkiin-
speaking areas, while Nez Perce and Cayuse were spoken to the east. Rigsby (1965)
describes three groups of Sahaptin dialects: Northeast (NE) dialects, spoken along the
3Columbia River from Priest Rapids to the lower Yakima and Snake Rivers; Northwest
(NW), spoken mainly in the Yakima River drainage and including the Yakima dialect;
and Columbia River (CR), spoken along the Columbia east of what is now The Dalles,
Oregon, and along the Deschutes, John Day, and Umatilla Rivers. These dialect divisions
are seen in Figure 1.2.
FIGURE 1.2. SAHAPTIAN LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS
Proto-Sahaptian
Sahaptin Nez Perce
Northern Sahaptin Southern Sahaptin
Northwest:
Klickitat
Pshwanwapam
Taitnapam
Yakima
Northeast:
Palouse
Walla Walla
Wanapam
Lower Snake
Columbia River:
Celilo
John Day
Umatilla
Rock Creek
Warm Springs
Sahaptin is a synthetic to polysynthetic language with rich verbal morphology.
The phonemic inventory is similar to other Pacific Northwest languages and consists of a
large set of consonants and small set of vowels. Stops and affricates are voiceless with a
plain and glottalized series. Grammatical relations are indicated with case-marking, verb
4agreement and second position enclitics; the language is both head and dependent -
marking. Syntactic alignment is primarily nominative-accusative. Word order is flexible,
serving discourse/pragmatic functions. The language has a direct/inverse alternation in
which the coding ofparticipants depends on person and topicality hierarchies. Verbs are
morphologically complex. A verb stem can be fully composed ofbound morphemes that
include lexical prefixes, motion prefixes, and stems that indicate a change of state or a
location or direction.
Speech community members refer to the dialects by their individual names, or by
the collective terms Ichiskiin or Sahaptin. Both Ichiskiin and Sahaptin are used here. I use
the spelling Yakima to refer to the Ichishkiin dialect described in this grammar, and
Yakama when referring to the Yakama Nation and members of the Yakama Nation. The
Yakama Nation began to use the spelling Yakama in 1994. My primary collaborator on
this work, Virginia Beavert, uses the spelling Yakima because the elders working with
Bruce Rigsby on the 1975 Yakima Language Practical Dictionary chose iiyaakii'ma as
the best representation of the name of the language and tribe (Beavert-Martin 1999).
Here, I follow her guidance and preference. This was not a hasty decision, as it goes
against the Tribe's resolution and is not the spelling used by most tribal members. I
believe there is not a single correct way to spell the word, and I intend no disrespect to
those who spell the name oftheir language and tribe Yakama. (For more information on
the history and use of Sahaptin, Yakima, and Yakama, see Rigsby 2009.)
51.2. Previous academic research on Ichishkiin
Previous grammatical descriptions include Pandosy (1862), a sketch of the
language ofPshwanwapam (NW) bands living along the Yakima River; Jacobs (1931), a
grammar sketch focused mainly on Klikitat (NW); and Rigsby and Rude (1996), a sketch
of Sahaptin based on Umatilla (CR) but covering all dialect groups. Rigsby's (1965)
Linguistic relations in the Southern Plateau investigated, among other things, dialect
groupings within Sahaptin. Beavert and Rigsby (1975) is an English-Yakima Sahaptin
dictionary. The recently published Ichishkiin Sinwit YakamalYaldma Sahaptin Dictionary
(Beavert and Hargus 2009) is a tremendous and much-anticipated resource. It was
released as I was in the final stages ofpreparing this grammar.
Other published resources on Sahaptin phonetics and phonology are articles by
Hargus (2001) and Hargus and Beavert (2001, 2002a, 2002b, 2005, 2006a, 2006b, 2009)
on aspects ofphonetics and phonology of the Yakima dialect including consonant
clusters, stress, intonation, and the nature of epenthetic and excrescent barred i. Minthorn
(2005) investigates sonority sequencing in the Umatilla syllable. Articles covering
morpohology and syntax include V. Hymes (1984), which includes a discussion of dialect
differences, particularly with respect to referent tracking in Warm Springs. Noel Rude
has written a number of articles on aspects of voice and transitivity in Nez Perce and
Sahaptin. For those focused on Sahaptin see Rude 1988a, 1988b, 1988c, 1992a,1994,
1996, 1997a, 1997b, 1999, 2009. Blackburn Morrow (2006) is an experimental study of
the inverse voice in Umatilla Sahaptin. The structure of Warm Springs narrative texts is
analyzed in V. Hymes (1987) and V. Hymes and Suppah (1992); these include Warm
6Springs narratives by Hazel Suppah. Cash Cash (2000) analyzes the written contributions
of ~11u~in (Charlie McKay) who spoke and wrote in Umatilla and Nez Perce. Texts are
included. Jacobs' grammatical description was informed by the texts he collected from
speakers ofNorthwest Sahaptin: Lewy Cosima, Sam N. Eyley Jr., Mrs. Mary Eyley, Joe
Hunt, Mrs. Dan Secena and Jim Yoke (Jacobs 1929, 1934,1937). The text Coyote and
the Dogs by Mrs. Minnie Showaway is found in Rigsby (1978). Hunn and Selam (1990)
includes a chapter on the language as well as extensive lists of Ichishkiin plant and
animal names and words for landforms, as well as a short text.
Unpublished resources also aided my analysis. Noel Rude provided me with a
copy ofhis Klikitat dictionary (2008), based on Melville Jacobs' texts and grammar, as
well as some unpublished Umatilla materials. Bruce Rigsby took a photo of each page of
the field notes he collected from speakers of Northwest dialects in the 1960's and early
1970's and shared those (Rigsby 1964-71). I also referred to the Warm Springs Sahaptin
Grammar, prepared by Henry Morrison and language consultants Betty Lou Lucio,
Bernice Mitchell, Matilda Mitchell, Nettie Showaway, Ada Sooksooit, Hazel Suppah and
Sylvia Wallulatum (Morrison 1990).
Miscellaneous field notes and word lists from early linguists, anthropologists, and
missionaries are housed in several Northwest locations. The most important to review are
Melville Jacobs' unpublished field notes. I have not looked at these materials yet; my
feeling is that safely archived materials are a resource that will be available later, but the
precious living language resources will not be.
71.3. The language situation and language revitalization
The area of the Pacific Northwest region of the United States of America that is
now Oregon and Washington historically had a great diversity of languages and dialects.
In present-day Oregon at the time European Americans first arrived, it is estimated that
18-25 languages of roughly 13 different families were spoken, and many of these
languages had multiple dialects (Gross 2007; D. Hymes 2007). What is now Washington
State contained seven language families with around 23 languages and multiple dialects
(Kinkade et al. 1998; Thompson & Kinkade 1990).
This rich diversity of languages means that the number of speakers of each
language was always fewer than in regions that had the same population density but were
not as linguistically diverse. The arrival of settlers and the resulting break in the
transmission oflanguage and culture has had the result that no fluent first-language
speakers remain for many Northwest languages. Krauss (2000) lists 15 languages with
remaining speakers in Washington State, and at that time, speakers were grandparental
generation and older. In Oregon, there are 6 languages and dialects with fluent elder
speakers who grew up speaking their languages. For some of these, such as Kiksht and
Walla Walla, fewer than three speakers remain (Gross 2007). Northern Paiute, one ofthe
more vibrant languages in the region, is spoken fluently as a first language by no more
than 500 speakers in Oregon and Nevada (Thomes 2003). The Yakama Nation also has
few fluent elder speakers. A 2003 survey by the Yakama Nation Language Program notes
that very few of the enrolled members who responded are language speakers (Levina
Wilkins, p.c.). While it is not possible to determine an exact number of fluent Yakama
8elders who speak Ichishkiin as their first language, estimates from those I have spoken to
range from 5-25. There are no monolingual speakers. The language used for general
communication in the community, and the only language understood by the vast majority
of tribal members, is English.
There are multiple reasons for this language shift, going back to the large number
of deaths and consequent loss of language and culture transmission that followed the
arrival of non-Indians. In the mid-1700's, prior to contact with the Lewis and Clark
expedition (in 1805) and the smallpox epidemics that preceded Lewis and Clark, it is
estimated that there were 8400 people in Northwest Sahaptin tribes and bands (Hunn
1990). Most of these tribes and bands were incorporated into the Yakama Nation. These
numbers dropped dramatically over the next 150 years, with only 1200 people in the
1885 Yakama tribal census (Trafzer 1997). While tribal enrollment has now surpassed
1805 figures, the effect of the earlier losses of elders and children is lasting. And the
establishment of boarding schools where Indian children were punished for speaking
their language had a huge impact on the vitality and everyday use ofthe language.
Today, there is great interest in language teaching, learning and revitalization.
Teaching efforts have included classes from preschool to adult level across the Yakama
Nation. The Tribal School in Toppenish (8-lih grades) requires 1-2 years oflanguage
and culture. Tribal Head Start (pre-kindergarten) programs take place in four locations
across the reservation, and have included Ichishkiin language, with plans to add more
(Lottie Sam, p.c.). The Toppenish School District holds a beginning high school class,
and there have been occasional classes in other school districts on the reservation. The
9Tribal Language Program has established a Master-Apprentice program, with family
language classes taught in several areas across the reservation. Heritage University, a
private, non-tribal university on the Yakama Nation offers classes in Sahaptin language
and culture. First and second year Ichishkiin courses are currently offered at the
University of Oregon (UO), taught by elder Virginia Beavert and her students Roger
Jacob and Greg Sutterlict. Ichishkiin languages are also spoken and taught at the
Confederated Tribes of Warm Springs (CTWS) and the Confederated Tribes of the
Umatilla Indian Reservation (CTUIR), both in Oregon.
Knowledge of other dialects and languages was the norm for Ichishkiin speakers
of the past. Rigsby (1965) notes that Sahaptin groups spoke the languages of their
neighbors: Salish languages, various dialects of Nez Perce, or Upper Chinookan dialects
(Wasco and Wish~am or Kiksht). In addition, Chinuk Wawa or Chinook Jargon was
spoken throughout the area. Virginia Beavert, my primary collaborator and teacher, grew
up speaking and hearing a number of Ichishkiin dialects besides the one spoken in her
household, as well as Nez Perce. Her maternal grandmother spoke Chinook Jargon for
trading. However, Rigsby's work in 1965 suggested that the various dialects were kept
distinct and that dialect leveling within the reservations had not been as extensive as it
was for Nez Perce at that time (1965, 34).
Forty years later, among the speakers I worked with, there is a complex situation
of variation within and across dialects and speakers, no doubt in part due to the lack of
contexts in which the language is spoken and the shortage of people to converse with.
Features that are described as Umatilla or Warm Springs in Rigsby and Rude (1996) are
.------ -------
10
found in my data. For example, singular distal demonstratives (except for the dative
form) in Yakima are listed with initial stressed (- and final -k, while related forms in
Umatilla and Warm Springs do not begin with (- or end in -k giving a contrast between
the Yakima locative (kwnak 'there'and CR kwna. While the data I have collected includes
{kwnak, there is variation in texts, where kwnak (which is simply a shortened Yakima
form) and occasionally kwna are found. The demonstrative forms included here (in Table
3.13) present some of this variation and represent a less than clean division among
dialects. Teachers and students using this work will find that the elders they consult say
some things differently than they are given here. This grammar presents one limited
picture of Ichishkiin, not the only one or the best one.
1.4. Language speakers and collaborators
The fieldwork supporting this dissertation was done in and around Toppenish
Washington with several elders of the Yakama Nation. Recorded and analyzed texts
include narration ofpersonal events, legends, and descriptions of objects, places and
events.
I worked most closely with Virginia Beavert throughout the process, and this
dissertation is hers as well as mine. We have collaborated since 2004 and have recorded
and transcribed texts, followed up with text-based elicitation, and, when it was
appropriate, worked through paradigms and more traditional elicitation. Virginia has a
master's degree in education through the University of Arizona's American Indian
Language Development Institute and is an enrolled doctoral student in the Department of
11
Linguistics at DO. She has received many honors for her language revitalization and
teaching work. We work together as co-researchers.
Levina Wilkins worked with me on transcription, elicitation and analysis. I also
have text data from Virginia's mother, Ellen Saluskin. A narrative from Anita Lewis
comprises part of the data, as well as conversation between Anita and Virginia. Bruce
Rigsby's field notes from Yakima and other Northwest dialects speakers were of great
use in developing this grammatical analysis. Since I have not asked the permission of the
family members of the (now-deceased) individuals Bruce Rigsby worked with, their
names are not included here.
Virginia Beavert, Roger Jacob, Greg Sutterlict and I prepared materials for
college level Ichishkiin courses at the DO (see Chapter 10 for more information on the
first year of that class) and some ofthose materials are included here, mostly in chapters
2 and 3. Roger and I worked together to include examples of question words (section
3.11 and throughout) that were useful to teachers and that reflected more culture,
heritage, and local information than a typical elicited question form.
Another group of people who have shaped this work are Yakama teachers who
are themselves language learners. Their contribution was not language data, but rather
cultural information and recommendations on how to create a useful grammar. Although
not themselves fully fluent, they have a stake in the language's past, present and future
and are taking responsibility for language maintenance. This subset of the members of the
speech community - language speakers, teachers, learners and elders who take a direct
role in language revitalization - are language advocates or activists (Penfield, Flores and
12
Tucker 2007). In my experience, these language advocates collaborate with academic
linguists and are a formal or informal advisory committee to the linguist. When I speak of
my work with the community or with community members, I am referring to working
with these language advocates.
Rose Miller and Lottie Sam, along with elder Levina Wilkins, met with me over
eight afternoons to discuss what is currently Chapters 2 and 3 of this work. The input of
these community members and friends and has been a key part of developing this
dissertation. Roger Jacob and Greg Sutterlict, also teacher/learners of Ichishkiin, have
also help shape the present work. These people, the elders I have worked with, and others
listed in the acknowledgments are my advisors.
The current status of the language and the limited number of fluent speakers with
the time, energy and desire to work on documentation has resulted in more limited data
than would be ideal. The material included here would be more complete with a greater
number of speakers represented. Future plans include incorporating older materials and
continuing to seek permissions from elders and families to use previously recorded
materials.
1.5. About this grammar
This grammar is written to be a speech-community accessible reference grammar
that provides information to both academic researchers and speech community members,
even though their goals may differ. Chapters 2 and 3 are written for language teachers
and learners who have some familiarity with the sound system and basic grammatical
13
concepts. Linguists may have to work harder to extract information from these chapters
than they would in a standard reference grammar, as the content is organized differently.
For example, information on nouns and case marking is introduced as it is needed to
explain sentences, and this means that the set of case markers is broken up into two
different sections. Later chapters are written for advanced learners and teachers as well as
linguists.
Teachers and learners might want to start with the Introduction to Ichishkiin
grammar at the beginning of Chapter 2, then either proceed through the information on
the sound system in Chapter 2 or go first to Chapter 3 which discusses sentence-level
grammar. At the end of Chapter 3 is a brief index of information found elsewhere in the
grammar that could be useful to teachers and learners. The final chapter discusses using
materials from documentation projects in teaching, and that chapter and the appendix
materials should also be useful to all users of the grammar.
I have tried to present the language as clearly and completely as possible for
audiences of different backgrounds and purposes. In some cases, I have no doubt made
choices and compromises that will leave users having to search for the information they
need and thinking that there is either too much or not enough linguistic analysis. In
addition, my areas of interest have necessarily shaped the work. I am also aware ofmy
own limited understanding. A system this intricate and complex is an inexhaustible
wonder and will never be fully explained. This is a mere beginning and I look forward to
spending more time with Ichishkiin.
14
Format of examples:
Some of the explanation that follows will be clearer after reading section 2.1, and
readers may want to return to this explanation then. Each example has four lines as
below.
1. W(nanaatash wanayaw kttaasknik.
w(na-na =natash wana -yaw
go-PST=lPl.EXC river-DAT
'we went to the river from Kittitas'
kttaas-knik
Kittitas-ABL
The first line is a phonemic transcription, using the Yakima Practical Alphabet
(described in Chapter 2). Ichishkiin words and morphemes within text and in examples
are in italics. Second position 1st and 2nd person (SAP) pronominal enclitics (clitics) have
full and reduced forms. Full forms of clitics are written as separate words in the first line
of examples even though they are phonologically part of the preceding word, not stressed
as are independent words. Virginia Beavert and Levina Wilkins, both language teachers
as well as speakers, preferred to have the clitics represented in this way. However, when
the clitic is in its reduced form, as is =natash 'lPL.EXC' in example 1 above, it is
attached to the host word in the written representation.
The second line ofthe example is broken down into morphemes. It shows the
complete forms of stems that have been affected by morphophonemic processes. The
morpheme by morpheme line also shows the complete forms of SAP clitics. Throughout
this grammar in the examples, both pronominal and modal clitics are preceded by '='
while other morpheme breaks are indicated with' -'. This indicates the special
distribution of clitics as opposed to prefixes or suffixes. Verbal tense and affix suffixes in
the second line are not reduced to their simplest or 'underlying' form.
15
The third line shows the translations or labels/glosses for these morphemes. A list
of all the abbreviations used in the glosses is on page 440.
The final line is a translation. Third person prefixes do not differentiate for
gender. If an example sentence is from a text, I have kept the original translation of 'he',
'she' or 'it'; in other example sentences, I use the notation s/he or s/helit to show that it
could be any of these.
Translations or interpretations provided by language teachers and collaborators
are not word for word, as will be seen in the examples. Examples from Jacobs 1934 and
1937 are marked as MJ, followed by the year (34, 37), and then the number of the text,
paragraph and segment, following the numbering printed in the texts. Examples from
Jacobs 1929 and 1931 include a page number. Most examples are from texts I have
collected. In Chapters 2 and 3, examples are also taken from classroom materials for
clarity. Elicited examples and paradigms are used for clarification and when text data was
not available.
In a few places I do not use a four-line example style if it seems they are clear
without a morpheme by morpheme breakdown, for example when showing a set of
derivational morphemes on more than one root.
The structure of this dissertation:
Chapters 2 and 3 are a condensed pedagogical or teaching and learning grammar,
written primarily as a reference to language learners, teachers and others who are
interested in how Yakima Ichishkiin puts thoughts into words.
16
Chapter 2 includes an introduction to Ichishkiin grammar and then discusses the
alphabet used throughout this grammar. It reviews the sounds of the language and how
sounds change when words and morphemes are combined. It discusses the stress pattern
of words.
Chapter 3 is an explanation of sentence level grammar, and incorporates some
explanation of grammatical and linguistic terminology. It includes sections on negation
and question words and ends with an index of morphemes found elsewhere.
Chapter 4 discusses structural properties ofthe verb stem and theme, with
particular attention paid to the formation of the verb stem.
Chapter 5 covers inflectional and derivational processes applicable to nouns, and
a set of nominal suffixes that expresses meanings like 'next', 'only' and 'again'.
Numbers and kinship terms are included in this chapter. The chapter ends with a brief
discussion of noun phrases.
Chapter 6 presents the intransitive, transitive and ditransitive constructions of
Ichishkiin. Valence-changing constructions, including the applicative and causative,
reflexives and reciprocals, and the passive are addressed. The last sections of the chapter
cover grammatical relations, alignment patterns and word order.
Chapter 7 reviews the inverse alignment and voice constructions, discussing the
morphology, function and historical sources of these systems. Inverse clauses reflect a
ranking ofparticipants, with 1st and 2nd persons outranking 3rd person and proximate 3rd
persons outranking obviative 3rd persons.
17
Chapter 8 surveys adjectives, adverbs and modal enclitics. Adjectives and
adverbs share properties and forms, and a set of sentence-initial modal adverbs covers
some of the same semantics of possibility and ability as the modal enclitics. Modal
enclitics are second position particles that indicate hearsay, contrast, and a range of
possibility and probability.
Chapter 9 looks at complex clauses in the language, and reviews the
subordinating and nominalizing strategies used.
Chapter 10 addresses the link between language documentation projects and
classroom language teaching, and suggests ways that materials collected in a language
documentation project can support a variety of teaching approaches and add richness and
authenticity to a language classroom. It presents a case study of the Ichishkiin language
course taught at VO.
Portions of Chapters 4 and 10 are in press co-authored material. Joana Jansen and
Virginia Beavert are the co-authors of the articles. Virginia Beavert contributed the
language data and reviewed the completed analysis. I prepared and analyzed the data and
drafted the articles.
18
CHAPTER II
PHONETICS, PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY
Chapters 2 and 3 of this dissertation are intended for people who want to say or
interpret a basic sentence or question. The scope of the chapters is guided by the course I
teach for Sahaptian language teachers and learners at the Northwest Indian Language's
Institute's Summer Institute. Class students have given me valuable input as I determined
what topics to cover here and how much infonnation about linguistic tenns and concepts
to include. These students are not necessarily absolute beginners to the language or to
linguistics. Readers who have not been exposed to Ichishkiin or linguistics before using
this grammar may find parts of it quite dense at first reading and may want to revisit it
after further language study.
Since the infonnation presented here is organized for learners, a linguist may find
it to be repetitive or to ignore generalizations. For example, the section in Chapter 3 on
tense and aspect endings addresses the suffixes one at a time, and this organization
obscures some generalizations that can be made about historical verb stem classes.
However, verb classes do not entirely predict the fonn of tense and aspect endings in
Yakima and so are oflimited use in the classroom. While some generalizations are useful
to learners, the endings need to be learned on an individual basis, as they are presented
19
here. Chapter 2 gives more information on verb classes, and those wishing more
information can find it here. Similarly, some information that a learner may feel is
critical, such as information on numbers and counting, is presented elsewhere. Chapters 2
and 3 are intended to present an overview of the sound system and the morphology used
to create sentences, and to give enough cross referencing information so that those
looking for further information can find it.
Although Chapter 2 focuses on the sounds of the language, some parts of the
sound system become relevant only when prefixes and suffixes are added to words. Much
of the introduction immediately below is more applicable to the discussion in Chapter 3,
but is included here because of its relevance to the ways sounds combine as words are
formed.
2.1. Introduction to Ichishkiin grammar
This dissertation deals with the structure and composition of Ichishkiin words and
language. A language is a system used by human beings to communicate with each other.
As we learn a language, we learn what set of sounds it uses, how to pronounce its sounds,
and how the sounds influence one another. This infonnation about the sound system of
Ichishkiin is found in Chapter 2 .We learn the meanings of words, what affixes (prefixes
and suffixes) can be added to them, and how the affixes change the meaning of words
and sentences. We learn how to put words into sentences, in what order, to create
meaning. This information is found in Chapter 3. Speakers of a language share
knowledge about all of these language components, and through their shared knowledge,
understand one another. When we refer to the grammar of a language we speak of this
20
shared systematic knowledge. A grammar is also a book such as this one that describes a
the structure of a language.
Morphology is the study of words and the parts that make up a word. A
morpheme is a part of a word that expresses meaning. For example, in the word k'usima
'horses' there are two meaningful pieces, or morphemes: k 'usi 'horse', the root or part of
the word that carries the central meaning, and the suffix -rna, which makes the root
plural. The same is true for the English translation. The two morphemes are 'horse' and
Os'. Ichishkiin is morphologically rich language, in which one word can be comprised of
many smaller meaningful parts. The grammatical explanations given here describe how
morphemes combine and what meanings they contribute. In addition, they describe the
changes that may happen in the sound or form of a morpheme when it combines with
others.
In the Ichishkiin verb, prefixes and suffixes - morphemes - attach to the verb root
- another morpheme - to create a complete sentence. In making sense of what someone is
saying, a listener needs to know what activity is being referred to (what is being talked
about); identify the participant(s) involved; and establish a time frame: did this already
happen? is it going to happen in the future? In Ichishkiin, the verb word gives all ofthis
information. The word isinwisha 's/he is speaking' is a strand of three morphemes: i-sinwi-
sha. The participants (or actors) are identified with a prefix (i-), the verb (sinwi-) tells
what is happening, and aspect suffix (-sha) gives information about the time of the event.
21
Parts of speech
A part ofspeech is a category of words: nouns, verbs, adjectives, etc. Not all
languages have the same list of parts of speech. For example, English has articles: 'a/an'
and 'the'. These give information about whether a noun is definite. Ichishkiin does not
have articles. Nouns and verbs, however, are considered universal categories (see, for
example, DeLancey 2001; Givon 1984; Payne 1997).
Words are grouped into a part of speech category because of characteristics the
words share. Semantic properties, or properties related to meaning, are one of the
differentiating characteristics. A traditional definition of a noun based on its meaning is a
'person, place, thing or concept'. Verbs refer to actions, events, processes or states.
Another type of semantic definition is that nouns refer to 'time-stable' concepts, or things
that do not undergo much change over time, while verbs code changes in the world
(Giv6n 1984). However, these semantic criteria are not completely reliable, as certain
words do not fit neatly into these categories. And some words, such as puuy 'snow' or
p~wi 'thought, think' fall into more than one category.
More reliable tests to identify a word as belonging to a particular category are
based on its grammatical properties and possibilities. Ichishkiin nouns and verbs are
readily identified by looking at the morphemes that can be added to them. For example, a
noun indicating a human or animal can have the suffix -in 'dual' or -rna 'plural'. Nouns
indicating humans, animals, or inanimate objects can be suffixed by case markers that
indicate their role in the sentence. Verbs also have a unique set of morphemes. The third
person prefix i- 'slhe/it' and tense and aspect suffixes such as -sha 'ongoing' and -ta
22
'future' can be added to verbs, and so can identify a word as a verb. Many other
morphemes also uniquely identify parts of speech.
The parts of speech that will be covered in depth in Chapter 3 are nouns and
verbs. Question words, determiners (this and that) and pronouns are also included.
Infoffilation about other types of words is found in later chapters.
Verbs
The heart of an Ichishkiin sentence is the verb. A single word can express an
entire sentence or thought, as with ishapci'cita 'he let him out' and isinwisha 's/he is
speaking'. Several elders have said to me that Ichishkiin is a descriptive language, and
that the words present a picture or scene in a way that English cannot. Verbs have an
intricate structure and can include many morphemes, each contributing a particular
meaning. Many concepts that are built into the verb in Ichishkiin need to be expressed by
additional words in English. Due to the centrality and importance of the verb, it is
addressed first in Chapter 3, and at length in the rest of the grammar.
Much of the grammar of transitive and intransitive verbs differs, and they are
addressed separately in Chapter 3. Intransitive verbs are verbs that involve only one
participant or actor. In intransitive clauses expressing motion, activities or states, the
subject of the sentence is doing the action or exhibits the state expressed by the verb. The
following are examples of intransitive clauses:
iwciy~tya k'usi
'the horse ran'
iwci ka'ciaw
's/he/it is light (in weight)'
23
Transitive verbs require two participants, an object as well as a subject. The
action of the verb is initiated by the subject and directed towards the object, as in the
following examples with verbs k'{nu- 'see' and shapci'cit- 'let out, cause to go out'.
Nch 'Inch 'ima mycinashmaman pak'{nuna.
'The elders saw the children.'
ishapci'cita
'he let him out'
While an intransitive sentence with only one participant (for example, 's/he ran')
expresses a complete thought, a transitive sentence with only one participant (such as
's/he broke') leaves us wondering what was broken. The scenes described by transitive
verbs are not fully understandable or grammatically correct with only one person
involved.
Ifparticipants(subjects and objects) are already known from context, they do not
have to be explicitly named in every Ichishkiin sentence. As will be discussed,
participants are established in discourse or a conversation early on, and after that may not
be specifically mentioned. In the following clauses, only morphemes refer back to them.
There is no confusion, however; the participants are clear from the grammatical pieces
present and the discourse context known to the speaker and hearer.
Nouns
In Chapter 3, basic information about nouns follows that about verbs. The
information is brought in as needed, as sentence grammar gets more complex and more
morphemes that attach to nouns are needed (beyond -ma, which makes nouns plural and -
in, which indicates dual, or two). The sentence Nch'{nch'ima myanashmaman pak'{nuna
24
'The elders saw the children' has two nouns: nch'(nch'i 'elder' and myanash 'child'. Both
. are made plural with the suffix -ma. myanashma 'children' has an additional morpheme to
show that it is the object of the sentence, the participant the action is directed towards.
Additional noun suffixes give information about how the suffixed noun is related
to other words in the sentence. These indicate things such as location, destination, or
origin: instrument (the thing with which something is done); recipient; possessor; the one
who is with or accompanying someone else; the beneficiary or purpose of something.
Animacy is an important concept in the language, as is reflected in the grammar.
Humans, animals and inanimate things are unique groups, each with a different set of
rules. The ways these categories differ - and how they are the same - are discussed in
Chapter 3.
Keeping track of participants
We use language to talk about things in the world we live in (or some imagined
world or scenario). Words and expressions represent people, places, experiences, objects,
and more. We don't always use the same word to refer to a single entity in the world. My
brother is named Mark Jansen. He lives in Los Angeles. Mark likes to play golf and go to
Hawai'i. He can be referred to in speech in many ways, such as 'Mark', 'Mr. Jansen',
'my brother' or 'he'. Although there are many ways to refer to him, they all point to the
same individual, or referent in the world. (This example is based on one provided by
Loos et al. 2004.)
Context is important in determining what words a speaker will use to indicate a
referent. If the speaker and hearer share certain information, either because it was stated
25
earlier in the conversation or through common knowledge, that information does not need
to be restated explicitly throughout a conversation or spoken narrative. In the following
example, taken from the beginning ofa story, the location (atachiish 'ocean'), and
participants (aswan 'boy', k'usi 'horse') are identified. In subsequent clauses, the word
kwnak 'there' refers to the ocean, and verb prefixes ('he' and 'him' in the English
translation) refer to the boy and the horse.
Ila'isha aswan atachiishpa, alayt awiyawka.
Ku kwnak awacha yikit k'usi anakUsh washan6.t, ku ishapa'ata.
'A boy is lying around on the ocean. The shore is passing by.
And there is a wild horse, unridden, and he lets him out. '
The speaker does not have to repeat atachiish, aswan or k'usi after they are first mentioned,
since the scene has been set and the characters and places are known. In addition,
knowledge about the world lets us know that boys let out horses, not the other way
around. When isolated examples are given outside ofthe context of the whole text or
conversation (as they are in this grammar), the meaning can sometimes seem unclear. But
real human interaction happens within a context that is shared by those speaking and
listening.
In considering referents, the concept of person is important. First person, second
person, and third person are labels for the entities being referred to in speech.
1st person is the person speaking (1, me) or the person speaking and others put into
the same grouping (we, us).
2nd person is the addressee, the person being spoken to (you, one or more than
one).
,.------ - -- -----
26
3rd person is not the speaker or the one addressed. It is the person being talked
about, not involved in the conversation (s/he, it, they, him, her, them). 3rd person
referents can be things as well as people.
In Ichishkiin, the grammar of verb prefixes, pronominal enclitics, independent pronouns
and ergative case marking all are affected by person. The terms I st person, 2nd person, and
3rd person are used throughout. In addition, the term speech act participant, abbreviated
SAP, refers to those involved in the conversation: 1st and 2nd persons.
Word order
The order of the words in an Ichishkiin sentence is not completely fixed, and
many variations are possible. Different contexts can inspire a particular order, but the
basic information conveyed by the sentence remains the same. Teachers find that their
students often want to use English word order even if this is not the desired word order or
the order an elder would use. For example, in response to the question Mincin iwci ciyat?
'Where is the woman?' a student could respond with any of the following: ciyat iwci
in{itpa, infitpa iwci ciyat, 'the woman is at the house' or infitpa iwci, or iwci infitpa 'She's at
the house'. These are all full sentences, and they are all grammatical and understandable.
However, a fluent speaker may not use the noun ciyat 'woman', since she was named in
the question and the people talking know the response is about her. The second two
possibilities do not include ciyat. Of these, in{itpa iwci, literally 'house-at she is', is the
more likely answer. It emphasizes the woman's location by putting it first in the sentence
and so is more likely to be used to respond to the question.
27
Ichishkiin nouns often have suffixes that identify their role in the sentence. In the
sentence above, the suffix -pa on the word inlit 'house' indicates that it is a location.
These types of suffixes are called case markers. In a language like English that has fixed
word order, the meaning of sentences like 'the book is under the pillow' or 'Lynn saw the
dog' is dependent on word order. If the nouns swap places, the sentence meaning
changes. However, with a rich set of case markers, word order can be flexible. The order
does not affect the basic meaning.
Some elements of the sentence do have customary places, and these will be
discussed below. The morphemes indicating first and second person follow the first
element of the sentence. A set of modal enclitics expressing things like doubt, hearsay, or
certainty also fall into second position in the sentence. The negative marker chaw is often
first, as is a group of adverbs such as paysh 'maybe', huuy 'in vain, can't'. Question
words begin questions.
Translating
In part because of the morphological richness of Ichishkiin words, it is not
possible to translate word by word from English to Ichishkiin, or vice versa. istnwisha
's/he is speaking' takes three English words to convey the meaning of the single
Ichishkiin word. English translations include words like 'the' and 'a' even though they
are not needed in Ichishkiin. Gender is not specified in Ichishkiin as it is in English.
iStnwisha could be either' she is speaking' or 'he is speaking'. In this grammar
explanation, if an example sentence is from a text, I have kept the original translation of
'he', 'she' or 'it'; in other example sentences, I use the notation s/he/it to show that it
28
could be any of these. Translations may not be word for word, as will be seen in the
examples.
The following sections of Chapter 2 discuss the alphabet used throughout this
grammar. The chapter then reviews the sounds of the language and how sounds change
when they are combined with one another or with certain morphemes. It discusses the
stress pattern of words and when those patterns change.
The sounds of the language are first presented as an overall set with information
about how sounds are produced. The sounds are then presented in groups based on the
similarity of the sounds (for example, hard or glottalized sounds like the ones that begin
p 'is~ 'sour' and k'alas 'raccoon') as well as their relationship to a similar sound in
English, ifthere is one. Not all Ichishkiin sounds have a counterpart in English, and even
if they are more or less the same (for example, lat{t 'flower' and papsh 'fir' have sounds
also found in English) there will be small differences in the way the Ichishkiin sounds are
made by the elders. The chapter then reviews the sound patterns that are relevant when
combining morphemes into words.
2.2. The Alphabet
The Yakima Practical Alphabet is used in this grammar. It was originally
developed in the early 1970's by linguist and anthropologist Bruce Rigsby with Alex
Saluskin and other elders. They developed a system that represented all the sounds of the
language and that could be typed on a standard typewriter. Virginia Beavert and Bruce
Rigsby used this alphabet in the 1975 Yakima Language Practical Dictionary, and it is
29
used in classes taught at the Yakama Nation, Heritage University, and the University of
Oregon. This alphabet has a one-to-one correspondence between a sound and a symbol,
which means that a written word contains the information needed to pronounce it
correctly. For example, the diphthong ay, as in ciy'ay 'magpie', is always pronounced the
same way (it rhymes with the English word 'try'). In addition, it is the only combination
of letters that is pronounced that way.
The writing system also indicates which syllable of a word is stressed. This is
indicated with an accent mark. Stress is important, as word meanings depend on it.
pak'{nusha, with the second syllable stressed, means 'they are seeing someone or
something', but pcik'inusha, with the stress on the first syllable, means 's/he is seeing
somebody'. Bruce Rigsby noted a difference between cikak 'Canada goose' and akcik
'your (maternal) uncle'. (Some speakers sayikak for'your (maternal) uncle'.) The stress
is marked on the vowel ofthe stressed syllable. If the stressed vowel is a long vowel,
represented by writing the letter twice, the stress mark is on the first of the two (yciamash
'deer, mule deer').
The Ichishkiin alphabet has 7 vowels and 32 consonants, one letter or digraph
(pair ofletters) for each of the sounds of the language. They are in alphabetical order in
Table 2.1.
Closely related dialects of Ichishkiin are spoken and taught at the Confederated
Tribes ofWarm Springs (CTWS) and the Confederated Tribes of the Umatilla Indian
Reservation (CTUIR). The spelling systems used there to represent the sounds of
Ichishkiin are slightly different, but the sounds are the same.
30
TABLE 2.1. THE ALPHABET
a aa ch ch' h i ii i k k' kw kw' k
k' lsw lsw' 1 i m n p p, sh t t's
ti ti' ts ts' u uu w x ?; xw ?;W y ,
Table 2.2 compares the writing systems (or orthographies). I include this table
because it may be useful to those working with materials from more than one of the
Ichishkiin-speaking tribes or with older materials such as Melville Jacobs grammar or
texts.
Note than every entry on each line has the same sound - the word 'all, everyone'
is spelled different ways in the different systems, but pronounced the same way.
1. ti'aa?;W
ti'aaxw
Xaa~w
ita· ~u
(Yakima)
(Warm Springs)
(CTUIR)
(Melville Jacobs's alphabet)
In the CTUIR alphabet and the one used by Melville Jacobs, the apostrophe that indicates
a glottalized consonant is placed right above the consonant: K. In the Warm Springs and
Yakima systems, the apostrophe is placed after the consonant: k'.
31
The systems also differ in their representation of diphthongs, combinations of two
vowel sounds. In the Yakama practical alphabet and the CTUIR alphabets, the
diphthongs end in the letters w or y. In the Warm Springs and the Jacobs alphabets, they
TABLE 2.2. ORTHOGRAPHY COMPARISON
adapted from Rigsby and Rude, 1996
Yakima practical CTUIR technical Warm Springs Melville Jacobs'
alphabet alphabet alphabet technical alphabet
a a a a
aa aa aa a',w'
ch e e, ch tc
ch' t e', ch' ic
h h h h
i i i i
ii ii ii i" ei, c'
i i omitted (3
k k k k,G
k' /( k' k
kw kW kw kw,GW
kw' /("' kw' kw
k q q q
g' q q' q
kw qW qw qw
gw' qW qw, qw
1 1 1 1
i f f f
m m m m
n n n n
p p p p,b
p, p p' p
s s s s
sh 5 5, sh c
t t t t, d
t' t' t' i, ie
ti X ti ti
ti' X ti' if
ts c c ts
32
TABLE 2.2. (CONTINUED).
Yakima practical CTUIR technical Warm Springs Melville Jacobs'
alphabet alphabet alphabet technical alphabet
ts' C c' is
u u u u
uu uu uu U',w'
W W W W
x X X x
x X x Jf.
XW "xw xw xw
xw XW xw xw x". ,
y y y y
, 7 , ,
end in u or i. Again, the sound and meaning are the same, regardless of which way they
are spelled. Example 2 shows the words chaw 'no, not' and shushaynsh 'steelhead'. Note
that the stress in shushaynsh varies among dialects.
2. chaw Yakima
caw CTUIR
cau / chau Warm Springs
shushaynsh Yakima
susayns CTUIR
susains / shushainsh Warm Springs
A final important difference is that the Warm Springs does not have the letter i
(barred i). Words in Yakima and CTUIR orthographies spelled with a barred i have
counterparts in Warm Springs withouti. In Warm Springs, this means a consonant can
have an accent mark, as seen in mtaat. Example 3 compares the words iWlnsh 'man' and
mitaat 'three' across the three spelling systems.
3. tw(nsh
tWIns
wins / winsh
mitaat
mitaat
mtaat
Yakima
CTUIR
Warm Springs
Yakima
CTUIR
Warm Springs
33
The Yakima Practical Alphabet includes digraphs - two letters representing one
sound, such as~ and sh. An infrequent problem arises from this convention. In some
cases a reader does not know when a combination of letters represents a sequence of two
consonants sounds and when it represents one sound (a digraph). For example, the
alphabet includes the letters k, wand kw. When kand w appear next to one another, it
could be a sequence ofletters or it could be the digraph. The pronunciation is different
depending on which it is. So, for example, the word for butterfly is walakwalak. The
letters kw in the middle are not the digraph, but represent individual sounds in two
separate syllables walak - walak, The same problem occurs with the diphthongs: wawa
'mosquito' does not have a diphthong in the first syllable (it is wa.wa, not waw.a), but
wawshuya 'examine' does. Learners need to hear these words in order to know how to
pronounce them.
There is a slight difference between the form of the barred i that I am using here
and the one used by Rigsby and Rude (1996), which is t. These represent the same sound.
In addition, the 1975 Yakima Practical Dictionary did not differentiate barred i from
plain lwhen it was combined with hard t' in letter t1:' (spelled there tlj. However, these are
the same sounds. 1
1 Virginia Beavert feels some words that have been spelled with the affricate d' are pronounced t'l or tl'
with the tongue flat and farther forward in the mouth than it is for tf'. An example is tf'ap 'unwanted, no
34
In this grammar, I have converted examples from Jacobs to the Yakima alphabet
for ease of reading. I have done the same with Bruce Rigsby's field notes Rigsby 1964-
1971), which represent long vowels and digraphs slightly differently. Examples from
other Ichishkiin dialects and sources are in their original orthography.
Ichishkiin does not have a long written tradition and the alphabet systems for
writing the language are still fairly new. Words and sounds have been written by different
individuals in a number of different ways. The system is not completely standardized,
and, given the differences between dialects and speakers, some words have more than
one "correct" spelling. In addition, pronunciations change depending on how carefully a
person is speaking, how quickly they are speaking, and whether they are in a formal
setting or at home. In telling legends or relating something that happened, words can be
drawn out for emphasis, or said quickly to emphasize an abrupt or sudden event. Not
every word is said the same way every time, and the variations are important to maintain.
While having written materials is important to many students of the language, a
writing system is not necessarily needed by already-fluent speakers. Levina Wilkins,
language program manager at the Yakama Nation, specifically designed the Master-
Apprentice program there so that elders need not learn the writing conventions unless
they want to. The apprentices are responsible for keeping written records.
good'. There is a measurable acoustic difference between these pronunciations. At this time] analyze the
difference as phonetic rather than phonemic, and in this grammar, ] have followed the spelling conventions
of the language and use the letter tV This contrast should be examined in depth.
35
2.3. The vocal tract and the sounds of Ichishkiin
The sounds of any human language can be explained and differentiated based on
how the sound is produced using the mechanisms of the human vocal tract. To speak, we
move air through our vocal tracts, starting from our lungs through the trachea (or
windpipe), then between the vocal cords in the larynx (voice box), into the open space of
the mouth and nose, and then out of the mouth. We shape a flow of air by moving parts
of the vocal tract to produce different sounds. Different processes are used for vowels and
consonants.
To produce vowels, the position of the tongue and lips (and sometimes jaw) is
changed to create different sounds. The air flow from the lungs through the mouth is not
significantly obstructed and air is always moving through the vocal tract. As the air
moves through the larynx, the vocal cords are pulled together and vibrate to create the
sound.
To produce consonants, air is constricted or blocked somewhere in the vocal tract.
One way to describe the consonants in a language is to identify them as to where in the
mouth and vocal tract there is a restriction or blockage. This is called the place of
articulation. There are a limited number ofplaces in the vocal tract where a blockage can
occur. Figure 2.1 is a cutaway view of the human head, showing the places of articulation
relevant to Ichishkiin. Some of the discussion later in this chapter will refer to processes
that take place with uvular and velar consonants. These consonants are made with a
closure or restriction in the back part of the mouth, around and behind the soft palate.
36
FIGURE 2.1 PLACES OF ARTICULATION
A second way to classify a consonant is how the consonant is made. This depends
on, for example, whether the air is completely stopped or only partially blocked, whether
air moves through the nasal cavities or around the sides of the tongue or not. This is
called manner of articulation. STOPS are made by completely blocking off the airflow at
some point. For example, the word pat 'older sister' begins and ends with stops p and t.
FRICATIVES (sometimes called continuants) involve a restriction of air rather than a
37
complete blockage. shushaynsh 'steelhead' includes the continuant sh. AFFRICATES are a
stop followed by a continuant, but the sounds are produced so close together they are
classified as one sound rather than two. chUsh 'water' and ts'i 'sweet' begin with
affricates. NASAL sounds involve air passing through the nasal cavity and nose rather
than the mouth. In Ichishkiin there are two nasal sounds, m and n, found in the word mun
'when'. LATERAL sounds like 1involve air moving around the tongue, as in lalupaa
'ribbon'. Finally, a GLlDE (or sonorant, or semi-vowel) shares characteristics of vowels
and consonants. The air moves freely, as for a vowel, but the vocal tract is made narrower
than it is to produce vowels. For w, the narrowing happens simultaneously at the lips and
velar region and for y the front of the tongue is raised towards the roof of the mouth.
Ichishkiin has one consonant made by closing the vocal cords entirely. This is the
glottal stop. It is found between two vowels in words such as a'a 'crow'. It is also
pronounced at the beginning of words that are spelled with an initial vowel. This writing
system does not indicate glottal stops that are before a vowel at the beginning of a word.
The word 'crow', spelled a 'a, is in fact pronounced ['a'a]. It does indicate the glottal
stop between vowels, as in pa'anawisha 'they are hungry'. Glottalized consonants (also
called hard or ejective sounds) involve closing and releasing the vocal cords at the same
time as producing another obstruction elsewhere in the vocal tract.
Table 2.3 below includes the consonant sounds of Ichishkiin classified as to their
manner and place of articulation. The top row of the chart indicates the place a
constriction occurs. At the left is the articulator closest to the outside of the body (the
38
lips) and to the right is the articulator closest to the lungs (the glottis, at the vocal cords).
The left hand column of the table indicates the manner of articulation.
Vowels are categorized by where the tongue and lips are placed to produce them.
Changes in the shape and amount of open space in the mouth influence the sound. The
tongue can be raised towards the roof of the mouth or dropped low in the mouth. This
parameter is called vowel height and there is a range of high, mid and low. The tongue
can also be forward or back from where it rests in the mouth. This feature is called vowel
TABLE 2.3. CONSONANTS
,--.,
c;
=
l-<
'Z c; l-<Q)0 ...... l=i l-< e<:l....
..::! ...... e<:l "3~ .... e<:l e<:l Q)o~ '--' ;j c; >c; l=i > ;j~ = c; c; ~ 0,a 0. I
l-< I c;Manner of :§ 0 l-< 0 e<:l 0(oJ .~ ...... ...... ...... l=i Q) e<:l "3 ......~ .... l=i l=i l=i 0 :B :B ......articulation:
- '"'
Q) Q) ~~ > Q) > 0~ ~ :B '"d '"d c; > ..::! ;j ..::! bh
Plain stops
ti ch k kw k /swp t ts
and affricates
Glottalized stops and
,
t' ti' ts' ch' k' kw' k' /SW' ,
affricates
p
Fricatives i 5 sh x xw ~ KW h
Nasal & liquid m n I
Glide w y
39
backness, and a vowel can be described as front, central or back. Some vowels are made
with rounded lips, and some are not.
Ichishkiin has four vowels: i, u, a, i. Three of these (i, u, a) have long and short
forms. They can each be categorized by the position of the tongue and lips. For example,
to make the vowel in the word shg'iish 'shade' the tongue is raised towards the roof of the
mouth and is slightly forward. The lips are not rounded. The vowels are shown in Table
2.4 based on the features of height, backness, and lip rounding. (See Hargus 2001 for
acoustic measurements.)
TABLE 2.4. VOWELS
vowel
ilii
U/UU
a/aa
i
height, backness, and rounding
high front unrounded
high back rounded
low-to-mid central unrounded
high central unrounded
Ichishkiin also has diphthongs. These are combinations of two of the above vowel
sounds. The following sections give examples of each of the vowels, diphthongs and
consonants of Ichishkiin.
2.4. Vowels and diphthongs
The seven written vowels are i, ii, u, UU, a, aa, and i.
40
i, U, and a have short and long forms. A long vowel is spelled with two vowel
letters in a row and the sound is held out for a longer duration than the corresponding
short vowel. Vowel length is important for meaning in Ichishkiin-for example, the word
washa- means 'ride' but waasha- means 'dance'. i, u, and ahave comparable sounds in
English:
• i is pronounced like the vowel in the English word ski (sometimes as in sit)
• u is pronounced like the vowel in the English word moo (sometimes as in foot)
• a is pronounced like the first vowel in the English word father (sometimes as in
pup)
Depending on what sounds are around the vowel, whether it is stressed or not and
how fast the speaker is talking, the sound of the short vowels may change slightly - so
the i in taaminwa 'forever' may sound more the vowel in the English word 'sit' than the
vowel in the English word 'eat'. The long vowel sounds do not change or reduce in fast
speech as the short ones do.
The sound represented by barred i is close to the sound of the first vowel in the
English word 'supply' or the second vowel in 'teases'. It has a shorter duration than the
other vowels. It never occurs at the end of a word and never occurs as an element in a
diphthong. There is not a long form of this vowel.2
Diphthongs are combinations of two vowel sounds. The beginning vowel sound
for Ichishkiin diphthongs is short or long i, a, or u; the second vowel sound is i (spelled y)
or u (spelled w). These too have comparable sounds in English:
2 For more information about the special status and properties of barred i in Ichishkiin, refer to Hargus
200 I, Hargus and Beavert 2002a and 2002b.
41
• aw is pronounced like the vowel in the English words cow, plow, meow
• ay is pronounced like the vowel in the English words try, my, sigh
• iw is pronounced like the vowel in the English words ewe, few, cue
• uy is pronounced like the vowel in the English words phooey, buoy, (chop) suey
The tables below (2.5- 2.8) give example words for each sound. The left column
includes the 'name' of the sound, or what we use in the classroom when spelling out a
word. This has been useful because there are, for example, many combinations with the
letter k: k, k', kw, kw', k, k', kw, kw'. Teachers and learners need to specify 'which k' they
mean. For many letters, the tables includes a word with that letter at the beginning, and
also at the middle or the end. So, for the letter 5, example words could be sapUl, 'bread',
sas{1aw 'egg', and ldkas 'mouse'. Not all letters occur in all positions in a word. Table 2.5
includes vowels and diphthongs.
TABLE 2.5.
EXAMPLE WORDS: VOWELS AND DIPHTHONGS
letter
example
translationname
word
am husband
short a a a5ham wife
kapin digging stick
aan sun
taak meadow
long aa aa
hawlaak
spirit, abyss, bottomless
place
TABLE 2.5. (CONTINUED).
letter
example
translationname
word
lstama baby animal
short i ikslKs small
ikw'i day
ii yes
niiml our
long ii ii
lakamlin
lakamiin (salmon
dumpling stew)
42
barred i
im
ashim
mouth
come 111
iWlnsh man
utpaas blanket, robe
short u u mups fawn
pusha father's father
puush Jumper
long uu uu ttuush some
. " cattp uus
chaw no
short a w diphthong aw
ka'aw fast, swift
ka'aaw lightweight
long a w diphthong aaw
waaw mountain goat
paysh maybe
short a y diphthong ay
sikaywa breadroot
43
TABLE 2.5. (CONTINUED).
example
translationname letter
word
long a y diphthong aay yaay beargrass
kiwklwlas drum
short iw diphthong lW
wlwnu huckleberry
long i w diphthong llW liwsh unne
anahuy black bear
short u y diphthong uy
ts'muy warm
huuy hardly, almost can't
long u y diphthong uuy
puuy snow
2.5. Consonants
There are 32 consonant sounds in Ichishkiin. They are presented here based on
how similar they are to one another and how familiar they are to people who have learned
English as their first language.
In producing many of the consonants, skills as a speaker of English will help,
even though there may be small differences in the way the sounds are made by Ichishkiin
speakers. One example of this difference is in the stops t and k. A fluent speaker of
Ichishkiin produces these with the stop closure farther forward in the mouth than their
English counterparts. Ichishkiin t is a dental stop, made with the tip of the tongue near the
upper front teeth. For many speakers of English, t is made with the closure farther behind
the teeth. ts and 5 in Ichishkiin are also made with the tip of the tongue, again forward in
the mouth.
44
The sounds that have a similar (although not entirely matching) English sound are
included in Table 2.6 below: ch, h, k, kw, I, m, n, p, 5, sh, t, ts, W, y.
The letter kw is a sound similar to that at the beginning of the English words
'quick' or 'queen'. The W indicates that the sound is made with rounded lips. We will see
that other consonants (kw, xw,~) are also pronounced with lip rounding. The Ichishkiin
letter ts is similar to the sound heard at the end of the English word 'cats'. The last two
letters in this table are the glides y and w.

46
TABLE 2.6. (CONTINUED).
name
y
letter
y
example word
yaamash
yapaash
translation
mule deer
grease
beaver
Non-English consonant sounds:
Other consonant sounds may be unfamiliar to students and take more practice and
patience; the descriptions that follow include suggestions for producing them. These
sounds are represented by the letters i, k, lsw, x, xw,~,~, and ti. lsw,~ and xw are
pronounced with the lips rounded. They are presented in Table 2.7.
i is a lateral fricative. It is made by placing the tip of the tongue behind the upper
front teeth and moving air through the sides of the mouth. To produce it, try setting your
mouth to make an English 1, smile slightly, then blow gently. i occurs on its own as a
letter and also as an affricate in ti.
kis a stop made farther back in the mouth than front k and t. It is a uvular stop,
made with the back of the tongue pulled up and back to touch the far back of the
mouth/upper throat. Some speakers of English compare it to the 9 sound of a word like
'gawk'. The rounded version is lsw.
47
~ is a uvular fricative, made with the back of the tongue pulled up and back
towards the far back area of the mouth, in the same area of the mouth as k. The tongue
does not touch the mouth to block off air. The rounded version is ~w.
x is not a very common sound in Ichishkiin. It is a velar fricative, made by
placing the tongue and mouth in the same position as you do to pronounce k, but without
blocking off the air. It too can be rounded: xw.
TABLE 2.7. EXAMPLE WORDS: CONSONANTS WITH NON-ENGLISH SOUNDS
name letter example word
kashkaash
meaning
roan horse
soft back 15 k tw{skaka
katuti
robin
stand up, stop
soft back 15w 15w
barred i
t barred i
front x x
back~
kwninkwninM
pakwchtpama
iamt{~
ik'am
sapsikw'aM
tfupsha
t~aat
iwlix
kawxkawx
~alish
peddler
socket
head
moccasInS
teacher
is jumping
tame, calm
thin
palomino horse
trout-like fish
wolf
anach'a~i agam
48
TABLE 2.7. (CONTINUED).
letter
example
meaningname
word
ts'xwil{ teepee
front x w xw
xwixwH meadowlark
~in sucker fish
back ~w ~w
~{saat old man
Glottalized stops and the glottal stop:
The glottal stop is another sound students may need to practice. When
pronouncing the English word 'uh-oh' one can bring the vocal cords together between the
two syllables to stop the air and sound. This is a glottal stop.
This process of closing then releasing the vocal cords also occurs with all the
stops and affricates, producing glottalized stops (also called ejective stops or hard
sounds). The process produces a "popping" sound as the consonant is released. The
degree to which a consonant is glottalized depends on the speaker and situation;
sometimes the glottalization is easier to hear than other times.
There are a couple of tricks for learning how to produce a glottalized stop. Take a
breath, and begin saying waawk'a 'too much'. Stop when you are just ready to say the k,
but don't exhale, and don't release the k. After a second or so, while still holding your
breath, release the k closure. This should create a popping sound. Then, add the vowel
sound: take a breath, say waawk, hold your breath, release the k closure, and sayaa. Once
you get a feel for this, you will be able to leave out the preliminary maneuvers and say
the whole word. Then, move to other ejective consonants. (This method was adapted
49
from Ladefoged 2001). A second method from Harold Crook, who teaches Nez Perce, is
to slow down the rate of speech and articulate the glottalized consonant with a tiny lag
following it. In other words, allow a beat after the glottalized consonant before producing
the following sound. This gives the vocal cords time to return to an open position. So, in
a word like k'pis 'cold', allow a pause or lag after k' before pronouncing the p (Crook
2006). Over time, learners can reduce the gap. Finally, students can touch the outside of
the throat where their larynx is. The larynx jumps a bit when an ejective stop is produced,
but it does not move when an ordinary stop is produced.
The table below gives examples of words with the glottal stop and glottalized
consonants.
TABLE 2.8. EXAMPLE WORDS: GLOTTALIZED CONSONANTS
name letter example word meaning
"aa crow
glottal stop:' , , magpieayay
pu\iui blind
ch'im sharp
hard ch' ch' nch'i big
pich'im bobcat
k'p(s cold
hard front k' k' k'usi horse
pank'u breadroot
kw'ayaw( mountain lion
hard front k w' kw' skw'£pa mornmg
(kw'ak that
50
TABLE 2.8. (CONTINUED).
name letter example word meaning
k'a~nu prairie chicken
hard back 15' 15' pinak'inut'awaas mirror
k'shpal{ buzzard
gw'iit plain, visible
hard back 15w' kw' nugw'ash throat
gw 'ashgw'ash crane
p'{p'i guts, intestines
hard p' p' p'{yu nighthawk
p'ushtay hill
t'it'sh grasshopper
hard t' t'
t'{~t'i~ swallow (bird)
tfaa~ all
hard t barred t d'
ti'alk blacktail deer
ts'aa near
hard ts' ts' ts'{ sweet
luts'a red
Ichishkiin words can have a number of consonants in a sequence, and this is
another place where learners need practice. English also has a number of consonant
sequences (such as bl, pr, str) but Ichishkiin has more possible combinations, and they
are challenging for English speakers. Some example words are below.
4. tk'nu-
sha~ti'k­
nakwtkwanin-
'frost'
'cut apart'
'care for, take care of
pshwa
sh{;'St;'Saw
shkw'naa
tawk';'Ssh
ts'xwii
'rock'
'the best one'
'sad'
'bandanna, scarf, handkerchief
'cone shaped'
51
The next section moves on from looking at individual sounds within words to
looking at sound processes that affect entire words and that come into play when
morphemes are combined. Table 2.9 gives an overview of these.
TABLE 2.9. SOUND CHANGES IN WORD FORMATION
process affects rule section
all words
stress-stealing suffix> strong root
2.6stress
>stress-stealing prefix >root
verb
glottal stop insertion insert' before vowel-initial verb 2.7
prefixes
glide insertion
verb prefix
insert w before vowel-initial verb 2.8
a-
verbs and insert glides to break up V-V
glide insertion 2.8
suffixes sequences
high vowel deletion verbs and
delete V before associated glide 2.9
after glide insertion suffixes
destressed high vowel
delete previously stressed i, U, i (in
verb roots some conditions) when stressed prefix 2.10
deletion
is added
verbs and verb stem affects whether suffix added
n-verbs vs. zero-verbs 2.11
suffixes to verb begins with n
52
2.6. Stress
Ichishkiin has word level stress, with one primary stress per spoken word. Stress
is indicated with raised pitch and greater intensity in the stressed syllable (Hargus and
Beavert 2005). As noted above, a stress shift can change the meaning of a word, for
example pamta, the address form for 'woman's brother's son' and pamta 'bullfrog, toad'.
In the following explanation of Ichishkiin stress, I refer to syllables and roots.
Roots hold a major portion of the meaning of a word and are single morphemes. A root
mayor may not need additional morphology to stand alone as a word. Above, we had the
example k'usima 'horses'. k'usi 'horse' is the root, the part of the word that carries the
central meaning. Many ofthe words in the example charts above are roots.
Syllables are a unit of sound within words, typically containing a vowel (although
we saw a Warm Springs example above with no vowel in a syllable) that mayor may not
have consonants around it. Different languages allow different patterns in syllables.
Syllables in the Yakima dialect of Ichishkiin have a vowel as the central element and
always begin with a consonant. Recall that the glottal stop is not written at the beginning
of a words, even though it is present if the word would otherwise begin with a vowel. So,
phonetically, the first syllable of a word like apH 'leaf' begins with a consonant, the
glottal stop. Syllables can also begin with more than one consonant, as in kpaylk
'recently'. Syllables can end with the vowel (as in ku 'and') or with a final consonant or
string of consonants. (See Hargus and Beavert 2002a for more on Yakima syllable
structure). A word like k'usima 'horses' has three syllables, each consisting of a consonant
and a vowel. It addition, it can be described as having two morphemes, the root k'usi and
53
suffix -ma. Note that the number of syllables does not necessarily correspond to the
number of morphemes.
Where the stress will fall in a root is not predictable. Any syllable of a root can be
stressed. Example 5 shows roots of three syllables with stress in the first, middle and last
syllables.
5. ts'(iaia
siwaala
'ermine'
'fresh water clam'
k'astila 'crab or crawfish'
Although stress is not entirely predictable, there are some tendencies for where
root stress will fall based on patterns of consonants (here abbreviated C) and vowels (V).
I am focusing on root stress here because, as we will see shortly, often adding an certain
prefix or suffix to a word means that the stress of the word is predictable. One tendency
for roots is that the first syllable will be stressed in a CVCV word like k'usi 'horse' or a
CVCCV word like nushnu 'nose' (recall that sh is a digraph so is one letter/ sound). A
second tendency is that a syllable with a long vowel (CVV) or a CVC syllable will be
stressed, as in m(imi 'long ago' and pukia 'fluff or down' (Hargus and Beavert 2001).
Finally, the barred i is stressed less often than the other vowels (Hargus 2001). Note
though, there are exceptions to each of these tendencies. luts'a 'red' is stressed on the
second syllable. tiichcim 'land, earth, country' has an unstressed long vowel. kttu 'fast'
has a stressed barred i. The tendencies can help language learners make guesses for
stress placement, but ultimately where the stress belongs needs to be learned as part of a
word.
54
Some prefixes and suffixes are inherently stressed and will (almost always)
receive the word level stress. I refer to these as 'stress-stealing' because they override the
stress of the root they are attached to. The verb root k'{nu- 'see' has stress on the first
syllable. When affixes that are not stress stealing are added, as in 6 (a), the stress remains
on the i. However, when a stress-stealing affix is added, as in (b), the stress shifts.
6. (a) pak'lnuna
pa-k'{nu-na
3Pl.S-see-PST3
'they saw'
(b) pak'inuna
pa-k'inu-na
INV-see-PST
's/he saw (someone)'
If a word has both a stress-stealing prefix and a stress-stealing suffix, as does
pinak'inut'awaas in (c), the suffix will be stressed. Stress-stealing suffixes override stress-
stealing prefixes.
(c) pinak'inut'awaas
pina-k'{nu-t'awaas
RFL-see-n'JsT
'mirror, window'
In the case of two stressed prefixes or two stressed suffixes, the one closest to the
edge of the word will take the stress, as in the examples below. Example 7 shows a word
with two stressed prefixes: pa- and shapa-. The first (outermost) prefix keeps the stress.
7. pcishapawinata
pa-shapa-w{na-ta
INV-CAUS-go-FUT
's/he will let him/her go'
3 Abbreviations are in Appendix A, on page 440.
55
The word shyaHaanm{ in example 8 is formed with two stressed suffixes, -M and
-ml. The second (outermost) of the two suffixes keeps the stress.
8. shyaHaanm{taatpas
shyak-ia-anm{
scout-AGT.NZR-GEN
'the scout's shirt'
taatpas
shirt
Not quite half (43%) of the affixes in Yakima are stress-stealing (Hargus and Beavert
2006b). Table 2.10 below provides examples, but is not the whole list. In later sections as
affixes are discussed, I note those that are stress-stealing affixes.
TABLE 2.10. SELECTED STRESS-STEALING PREFIXES AND SUFFIXES
morpheme
a-
pa-
papa-
pina-
shapa-
-awaas
-ia
-(an)m{
-(t)at'a
-yay
meanmg
3rd person obviative
mverse
reciprocal
reflexive
causative
instrument nominalizer
agent nominalizer
possessive/ genitive
desiderative
Legend animals
One more factor is important in determining the final stress of a word. Some roots
resist the stress-stealing prefixes (but not the stress-stealing suffixes) and keep the word
level stress. I call these 'strong roots' following Hargus and Beavert 2006b. A 'strong
56
root' will maintain word-level stress even when a stress-stealing prefix is added. Example
9 shows the stress-stealing reciprocal prefix papa-. When added to the root wyak'uk- 'get
together', papa- takes the word level stress, as expected. But example 10 has the strong
root tanawa~- 'argue', and the stress stays on the root.
9. papawyakuka
papa-wyak'uk-a
RCP-get. together-PST
'They gathered together'
1O. papatanawa~na
papa-tanaw{i~-na
RCP-argue-PST
'They argued with one another'
Strong roots do not overcome the stress of stress-stealing suffixes. In the word
patanawii~ici 'an argumentative person' the agentive suffix keeps the stress, even though
tanawa~-, seen in 10 above, is a strong root.4 Table 2.11 gives a short list of some of the
strong roots of Ichishkiin. It is a small set altogether; the table includes several of the
most common.
The rule for stress assignment of a word is shown below, and is due to the work of
Hargus and Beavert (2005, 2006b). In Figure 2.2 below, the morphemes to the left
overcome the stress of morphemes to their right.
FIGURE 2.2. STRESS ASSIGNMENT
stress-stealing suffix > strong root > stress-stealing prefix > root
4 The prefix pa- on this root is the inverse prefix, used in some transitive nominalizations. It is also an
inherently stressed prefix, but here, but the strong root and the suffix -fa override it.
57
TABLE 2.11. STRONG ROOTS
morpheme
awkalalati-
iSIKw'a-
inawi-
sapuukasi-
tanawa~-
tmaan{-
ts'wayk-
wawtk'{wi-
meaning
roll
show
wait
try, test, tryon
repeat from memory
argue with
pick berries or fruit
straighten
make a fool of, trick
In the case of more than one strongly stressed prefix or more than one strongly stressed
suffix, the outermost (left-most prefix or right-most suffix) will take the stress.
Stress also varies by dialect, as was seen in shushaynsh 'stee1head' in example 2
on page 32. Because the Yakama area includes speakers of a number ofdialects, you may
hear different stress patterns than those given here.
Throughout this grammar, stress is indicated with an accent mark. In the example
sentences, the primary stress per spoken word is indicated in the first line. Stress on
single syllable words is not marked (since there is only one possibility of where the stress
can fall). If the example includes a line that breaks apart the morphemes, root stress and
affix stress (if the prefix or suffix is a stress-stealer) are indicated on the morphemes. This
results in examples with multiple accents in the morpheme break line.
58
The following sections discuss rules that apply when morphemes are added
together to create words.
2.7. Glottal stop insertion
We saw briefly above that verb prefixes are added to indicate the subject of the
verb. If a verb begins with a vowel, and the prefix ends with a vowel, the glottal stop
(that begins all vowel-initial words) is then shown in the orthography. This glottal stop
follows the verb prefixes (except for a-, discussed below) and precedes the verb root.
11. pa'anawisha
pina'ilamayka
ishapa'ashta
'they are hungry'
'she hid herself
'he will let them in'
Note that in ishapa'ashta there are two prefixes, 3rd person i- and causative shapa-. The
verb is ash- 'enter', and the glottal stop is seen after the vowel-final causative morpheme
shapa- and before vowel-initial verb ash-.
2.8. Glide insertion
There are two glides in Ichishkiin, wandy. As mentioned above, glides have
some characteristics of vowels and some of consonants (although they are classified as
consonants).
After the third person obviative prefix a- and prior to a vowel-initial root the glide
w is added. This is specific to this morpheme as other prefixes use a glottal stop, seen
above.
59
12. awink
a-in-k
30-tell-IMP
'tell her/him'
Glides are also inserted when a vowel-initial suffix is added to a vowel-final root
or stem. The basic form of the past tense is -a. When a verb root ending in i, such as
na?;ti- 'cry' is put into the past tense, the result is na?;tiya. The final i of the root then
drops, with the end result na~tya.
The processes discussed below highlight the similarities between the glide y and
the vowel i, and between the glide wand the vowel u. This is due to the almost identical
pronunciation of the glide and its corresponding vowel. Both i and yare made with the
front of the tongue raised. Both u and ware made with rounded lips and the back of the
tongue raised.
The combination of vowels detennines, for the most part, what glide will be
inserted, although there are also some combinations that depend on the particular root or
suffix. I will cover general rules here and then variations as I discuss the morphemes in
the following chapters. In addition, the upcoming discussion ofn-verbs and zero-verbs
will address some of the same suffixes that are included in examples here.
If a stem ends in u and the suffix begins with a vowel, w is inserted.
13. wiwnu + aash = wiwnuwaash
'huckleberry patch'
tu + in = tuwin
'what (3)3.ERG)'
pnu + ata
'go to bed'
=pnuwata-
60
~tu + i = ~tuwi-
'make a big effort'
If a stem ends in i and the suffix begins with a vowel y is inserted.
14. tiinmam{+ ay =tiinmam(yay
'for the people'
tk'ni + i = tk'n(yi
'woven (as is a net)'
shi + in =sh(yin
'who (3)3.ERG)'
Barred i does not end roots, so there is no rule of glide insertion that applies. Many roots
ending in a insert y before a vowel-initial suffix, although verbs ending in a follow a
different pattern, as will be discussed below.
2.9. Deletion of u and i before wand y
If the final vowel of a root ends in unstressed i and the suffix begins with y then
the vowel is deleted but the glide remains. Below, the form of the past tense suffix for
shalciwi- 'be tired' is -ya. In the spoken word, the final vowel of the root is deleted.
15. ishalciwya
i-shalciwi-ya
3Sg-be.tired-PST
's/he was tired'
Other examples are itamanwya 's/he ordained' (tamanwi- 'create, ordain'); iskuulya 's/he
went to school' (skuuli- 'go to school') pashcipnya 'they asked' (shapni 'ask').
The same process occurs for the stative form oftiyawi- 'die'. The stative suffix is
-i.
61
16. ti'yciwyi
ti'yciwi-yi
die-STAT
'dead'
In exaggerated or drawn out speech, the vowel before the glide may be heard. I have
recorded examples of the word above as ti'yciawiyiii, emphasized for rhetorical effect,5
The pattern of vowel deletion before a glide is less consistent with roots ending in
u. These roots are also affected by n-verb status, to be discussed below. One example is
k'{nu 'see'. When the present perfect suffix -a is added, glide w is inserted, and the final
vowel of the root is dropped.
17. ik'{nwa
i-k'{nu-wa
3Sg.S-see-PPF
'slhe has seen'
2.10. De-stressed high vowel deletion
We saw that above that the root stress is overridden when a stressed prefix is
added to a stressed root. This process combines with the vowel deletion of u and i around
glides wand y to result in vowel deletion in some circumstances when a stressed prefix is
added. Hargus and Beavert (2002a) call this "De-stressed High Vowel Deletion".
Although I explain it here as a process, I am not saying that fluent speakers see this as a
series of steps; for them, it is just the right way to say the word.
5 To a certain extent, the choice of how to represent a high vowel followed by a glide is a question of
orthography. In the CTUIR system, the spelling of the word 's/he arrived' is iwiyanawiya rather than
iwyanawya; the pronunciation of the elders ofCTUIR and Yakima of these glide + vowel combinations is,
to my ear, the same. The longer version preserves the root morphemes, which is of benefit to learners; the
shorter version better reflects the phonetics ofthe spoken word and allows the processes such as destressed
high vowel deletion to be explained in a more systematic way.
62
De-stressed High Vowel Deletion affects verbs that have a stressed high vowel ({
uand tin Ichishkiin, pronounced with the tongue raised). In the case ofi and u this
happens when they are stressed vowels in a root next to their corresponding glide (y and
w). Some examples of these verbs are ay{k- 'sit; {ya?;- 'find' and puwa 'place in a
cradleboard'. When these verbs have unstressed prefixes added all vowels remain and the
stress stays on the root, as in 18.
18. i'aytksha 's/he is sitting'
pa'{y~hana 'they were finding (something)'
ipuwasha 'she is putting (the baby) in the board'
When a stressed prefix is added, the prefix takes the word-level stress and and the no-
longer-stressed i or u next to the glide is deleted, leaving the glide only.
19. wli'ayk 'sit for a little while'
6.wy~naash 'I found him/her/it'
apwak 'Put the baby in the cradleboard'
A similar process affects verbs that have a stressed barred i under a different set of
conditions, as no glide is involved. The affected barred i must be stressed and in between
two (and only two) consonants. When a stressed prefix is added, the barred i is entirely
deleted. Because barred i is not often stressed, this is not a frequent process. The example
below shows the process with the verb pttf'a- 'baptize'. In (a), an unstressed prefix is
added and the i remains. In (b), a stressed prefix is added and the barred i deletes.
20. (a) papltfashaam
pa-ptd'a-sha=am
3Pl.S-baptize-IMPV=2SG
'they are baptizing you'
63
(b) po.ptfasha
po.-piti'a-sha
INV-baptize-IMPV
's/he is baptizing him/her' (Hargus and Beavert 2002a: 240)
2.11. Verb stem classes
This section discusses other changes that happen when suffixes are added to
verbs. In this section, I refer to the verb stem. Stems carry the main meaning, like roots,
but may be more than one morpheme. In Ichishkiin, the stem is the part of the verb word
that person-marking prefixes and tense and aspect suffixes can be added to.
Verb stems are divisible into two broad classes, those in which an n appears
before some suffixes and those in which it does not. In describing this, Morrison (1990)
labeled the two classes n-verbs (which have n in some circumstances) and zero-verbs
(those in which n does not appear). I use those terms here.
An n-verb like pxwi- 'think' and a zero-verb like stnwi- 'speak' show no difference
when suffixed by future or imperfective suffixes.
21. ippv(sha istnwisha
's/he is thinking' 's/he is speaking'
ippv(ta
's/he will think'
istnwita
's/he will speak'
However, the verbs differ with past and habitual suffixes. For n-verb pxwi- 'think', an n
appears preceding past and habitual suffixes. This is not the case with the zero-verb stnwi-
'speak'.
22. ip~w(na
's/he thought'
ip~(nxa
's/he thinks'
iStnwiya
's/he spoke'
istnwixa
's/he speaks'
64
The environments in which the n might surface (depending as well on the final
segment of the stem, as discussed below) are:
stem + past (-a)
stem + stative (-i)
stem + other vowel-initial suffixes, such as applicatives, purposive, desiderative,
negative agentive.
stem + habitual (-xa)
stem + other consonant-initial suffixes, such as imperative
In looking at the historical development of Ichishkiin and how it is relatd to other
languages, it may be appropriate to consider the n part of the verb stem. In dictionaries,
identifying verbs as n-verbs or zero verbs allows users to determine the past, habitual and
stative forms (although there is still variation across and within speakers). However,
speakers regard the n as belonging to the suffixes, not the stem. In addition, the verb class
distinction is breaking down, without consistent judgments on which class some verbs
belong to. Following conversations with language teachers and collaborators, I segment
stems and affixes to show the n as part of the suffix, not the stem. For example, pnu-
'sleep' is an n-verb. ipnuna 's/he slept' is segmented in this grammar into i-pnu-na rather
than i-pnun-a. Admittedly, this is not an entirely pleasing solution, as the same principle
segments ipnun~a 's/he sleeps' as i-pnu-n~a. This identifies the habitual suffix as -n~a
rather than -~a, even though -~a is what speakers choose as basic.
65
At this point in time, the distinction between the verb stem classes in Yakima has
to a certain extent collapsed, and there is variation among speakers and variation from
Jacob's (1931) description as to whether a verb will take n or not. There are several
consonant-final verbs cited in Jacobs as zero-verbs (with past tense -a) that are n-stem
verbs in Nez Perce, Columbia River dialects and my data. For example, fyax- 'find' is
treated as a zero-verb (past tenxe iy~a) in Jacobs' Klikitat texts but is an n-verb (past
tenxe iy~na) in in my Yakima database, in Columbia River dialects, and in the
phonologically more conservative Nez Perce. The verb tux- 'return' is an n-verb in my
texts, but not for every speaker. Other variation is addressed in subsequent sections that
cover the inflectional affixes involved.
Even though the system is changing and not entirely consistent, some generalities
hold true for the n-verb / zero-verb distinction, and these are addressed below. Whether
or not n surfaces is also determined by the final sound of the verb stem itself: a-final, i-
final, u-final diphthong-final or consonant-final. The discussion here is organized by the
final sound of the stem.
a- final stems:
Stems ending in a act as n-verbs when vowel-initial suffixes are added. All stems
ending in a take the past tense form -na and stative form -ni. However, habitual ending -
xa, and singular imperative -k do not require an n for verbs ending in a.
Note that combined tense and aspect markers-shana and -xana (3.3.6) include an n
between the individual pieces -sha/-~a and past -a.
66
diphthong-final stems:
Verbs ending in y or w behave as do a-final stems.
u-final stems:
Verb stems in our database ending in u are n-verbs and suffix past -na, habitual -
nxa, and stative -ni. There are two exceptions. One is the verb ku- 'do'. Its past tense is
kuya. xtu- 'be strong' also takes past tense -ya in Jacobs' (1931) and Rude's (1996)
analyses, although there is variation for present day Yakima speakers. For some speakers
the past tense is xtuna, for some ~tuwa. This variation is also the found at Warm Springs
(Morrison 1990, cited in Rude 1996).
i-final stems:
Verbs ending in i must be memorized as n-verbs or zero-verbs, as seen in the
examples above with pxwi- 'think' and stnwi- 'speak', with zero-verbs being the larger
group. If the verb is a zero-verb, the past tense and stative forms insert y to yield the
suffixes -ya and -yi, respectively. Example 23 compares i-final n-verbs and zero-verbs:
23.
n-verb
past ipxw(na
's/he thought'
habitual ipxw(nxa
's/he thinks'
stative k'llini
'broken'
imperative dk'inunk!
'look at it'
zero-verb
• IlStmrya
's/he spoke'
• I •lsmWlxa
's/he speaks'
an(yi
'made'
stnwik!
'talk'
67
There are two situations in which the class of verbs ending in i is predictable. In our
database, verbs ending in long i are n-verbs. And, when a noun or adjective is verbalized
with the suffix -i (see 5.38.2 for more on this suffix), the resulting verb is a zero-verb:
24. itciatpasiya 's/he got dressed' (tciatpas, noun, 'shirt, dress, clothing')
Consonant-final stems:
Stems ending in a consonant likewise must be distinguished as n-verbs or zero-
verbs. payk- 'listen' is an n-verb; lamciylak- 'dive' is a zero-verb. They differ in the past
tense.
25. i-pciyk-na
's/he listened'
i-lamciylak-a
's/he dove'
However, there are additional considerations beyond n-verb and zero-verb status
when a suffix that begins with a velar or uvular consonant is added, such as the habitual
suffix -~a. (This suffix will be discussed in 3.3.4.) For verbs ending in velar and uvular
consonants, typically (but not with 100% predictability) -in is inserted before suffixes that
begin with a velar or uvular consonant, regardless of whether or not the verb is an-verb.
In the habitual, both payk- 'listen' and lamciylak- 'dive' have the same suffix, even though
we saw in example 25 that they differ in past tense.
26. i-pciyk-i~a
's/he listens '
i-lamciylak-i~a
's/he dives'
-in is termed a 'stem increment' by Rigsby and Rude (1996). Although included
in this discussion, its presence or absence does not differentiate verb classes. Rude
(1988b) analyzes it as a phonologically determined addition: -in is inserted following the
verb to break up a sequence of velar or uvular consonants (k, k', kw, kw', k, k', kw, kw', x, xw,
68
~,~). In Yakima, many examples follow this generalization, but -in is not inserted in all
expected places. In addition, the use of -in has extended to other contexts, as some verbs
ending in consonants that are not velar or uvular - and that are not n-verbs- insert -in
preceding a velar or uvular. There is continued discussion of this in 3.3.4.
Table 2.12 reviews the presence or absence of n and in in various conditions, and
Table 2.13 includes a list of n-verbs. However, since there is a great deal of variation in
the system this chart will not predict the correct use of -n for all speakers with all verbs. It
is only a guideline. More information on the variation is included in Chapter 3 in sections
discussing particular verb endings.
TABLE 2.12. GENERAL TENDENCIES FOR N-VERBS AND AFFIXES
suffix begins suffix begins suffix begins suffix begins with
with vowel with velar with uvular a non-
(e.g. PST -a) consonant consonant velar/uvular
(e.g.IMP.SG (HAB -~a) consonant
verb stem ends -k) !lots of (eg. IMPV -sha,
in: variation! FUT -ta)
a, diphthong n - - -
u n (except 1m n n -
'do')
1 zero-
- - -
verb
-
n-
verb n n n
consonant zero- in in-
verb
-
n- in in
verb n
n / in: segment present in the given circumstance
- : no additional segment
69
In sum, stems ending in a, u, or a diphthong, with the exception of ku- 'do' take
past tense -na. They differ preceding velar and uvular-initial suffixes. Stems ending in a
consonant or i must always be distinguished as to class. In addition, consonant-final
stems sometimes suffix -in regardless of their status as n-verbs or zero-verbs. There is a
great deal of variation in these verb classes and therefore chart above is not a perfect
reference.
Table 2.13 lists some common verbs and indicates whether they are n-verbs or
zero-verbs for Yakima speakers as represented in my data. It includes stems ending in i
and consonants; stems in a and U are more predictable. A few generalizations follow the
chart.
TABLE 2.13. SELECTED N-VERBS
i-final stems
amtkw'i(n)- overtake
katf'i(n)- spit
kawki(n)- fall
limk'{(n)- close eyes
pxwi(n)- think
sk'ul{(n)- tum back
tk'i(n)- watch, look at
tkni(n)- twist together
tuni(n)- go upstream
wi?;{(n)- lose
?;nim(n)- dig a hole
C-final stems
TABLE 2.13. (CONTINUED).
70
chiwat(n)-
hash(n)-
ish(n)-
kutkut(n)-
laak(n)-
payk(n)-
puut(n)-
s~i~(n)­
tanawli~(n)­
tk'i~(n)­
ttup(n)-
ttawa~(n)­
tu~(n)­
waklt{n)-
wilawlix(n)-
wisx(n)-
wisaW(n)-
~ay~(n)­
yax(n)-
yik(n)-
be full
breathe
win
work (for some speakers, for others it is a zero-verb)
forget
listen
lose in gambling
be angry
argue
want
Jump
grow, grow up
return
look for
race
sew
hunt (for some speakers, for others it is a zero-verb)
dawn
find
hear
Verbs ending in long i, including applicative -twii are n-verbs. The applicative -
ani is a zero-verb. Verbs ending with the fossilized verbalizer / transitivizer -k (to be
covered in 4.4.3 are zero-verbs. Most, although not all, verbs ending in -~ are n-verbs.
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2.12 Special forms of expression and sound symbolism
Special forms of expression and sound symbolism are an important and
expressive part of speaking Ichishkiin and deserve an in-depth description that is not
included here. These include diminutive shifts, onomatopoeia, grammar and words
specific to legends or animals in legends, words used with babies and small children and
creating patterns of words and grammatical forms for special effect.
There are a number of ways consonants are changed to express that something is
small, is making a louder or softer sound, is moving with more or less force. The most
common are diminutive shifts from n to 1and sh to s, as in myanash 'child' to myalas
'baby'. These shift are both lexicalized (as in myalas/myanash) and used expressively.
The lateral fricative f patterns this way; a dog who is a treasured pet might be called
k'uf(k'ufi rather than k'us(k'usi. Sounds can be expressed with velar sounds (softer)
contrasting with uvular sounds (louder) as in kux kux 'rap, rap' vs. ku~ ku~ 'thud, thud'.
fish k'ish could be used for biting into a thick crunchy thing like pilot bread or corn chips
but k'is k'is refers to a still crunchy but smaller textured food like rice crisp cereal.
Vowels are lengthened for emphasis or to describe a drawn-out action. Actions
are also expressed through sounds, so that blowing on ashes or to cool something can be
pupupu and the sound of rain t'ffff. Animals make particular sounds. A sandpiper's call
is yUt, yiit. In legends, storytellers are very expressive in using sounds to represent
characters and actions. Spilyay 'Coyote' has a particular way of speaking, often using
diminutive alternations of everyday words. Storytellers are skilled at making use of the
sounds of the language as they tell the story. Hymes (1987) details ways in which
72
speakers of Warm Springs Ichishkiin use morphemic alternations and particles for a
particular effect. In addition, the verb itself, due to its intricate morphological structure,
can be patterned in different but parallel ways for narrative effect. These special styles of
speech are essential to the art of speaking Ichishkiin.
Conclusion
This chapter has reviewed the sound system of Ichishkiin, describing the
individual sounds and the ways sounds are combined into words. Prosody and intonation
(rhythm, stress, the rise and fall of pitch of the voice) are not addressed here, although
question intonation is discussed in 3.11. Hargus and Beavert (2009) found minimal
intonational phonology in Yakima, an absence of evidence for boundary tones and no
pitch accent within sentences. Pitch does add emphasis within sentences and plays a role
in questions. As Hargus and Beavert point out, their data was restricted to isolated
sentences and it will be important to follow up in future research involving spoken texts.
Some phonological features specific to particular word classes or morphemes will
be addressed throughout the grammar as they become relevant. For example, partial and
full reduplication is seen in marking iterative, diminutives, and plurals of inanimates. A
small house or hut is illitliit, from inlit 'house, home'. More than one willow of a bunch of
willow branches is tta~sh, while the singular is ta~sh. Processes of ablaut (vowel change)
derive adjectivals from verb roots. wach'~- 'split, chop' has the associated form ch'aa~
'cracked, split'. This is covered with adjectives in Chapter 8. Examples of no-longer
productive vowel assimilation and palatalization are discussed as they appear.
73
CHAPTER III
OVERVIEW OF YAKIMA ICHISHKIIN GRAMMAR
3.1. Introduction
This chapter presents sentence level grammar for beginning students. It
incorporates some explanations of grammar and linguistic terms. This chapter is also an
overview of basic clause structure for advanced students and an academic audience.
Certain information about Yakima grammar is only addressed here. Later chapters use a
more technical vocabulary without explanations of the telIDS. Additional online resources
for learning more about basic grammar, including definitions oflinguistics terms, are
Pam Munro's The Joy ofGrammar from the 2006 Breath of Life workshop and an online
linguistic glossary from the Summer Institute of Linguistics (Loos et aI., 2003). The
URL's for these are in the reference list.
Section 3.2 describes how to indicate the subject of an intransitive clause. 3.3
addresses tense and aspect marking, followed by sections on additional verb morphology
such as negation, imperatives, directionals and conditionals. Section 3.10 discusses
nouns, case marking, personal pronouns and demonstratives. The last section of the
chapter addresses asking questions. There is a brief index at the end of the chapter listing
74
other often-heard morphemes (that are not included in this chapter) and telling where to
look for more information about them.
3.2. Person marking
This section addresses the Ichishkiin verb. A single word in Ichishkiin can
translate an entire English sentence. In its least complex form, the Ichishkiin sentence
consists of the verb stem, a morpheme indicating the subject, and a morpheme indicating
the time of the event.
Throughout the grammar of the language, the expression of third person
(translated into English as 's/he, him, her, his, her, hers, it, its, they, them, their, theirs')
follows a different pattern from first and second person ('I, me, my, mine, you, your,
yours, we, us, our, ours'). Third person is expressed with a prefix on the verb, whereas
first and second person are represented in a sentence by pronominal enclitics, special
forms that appear as the second element in a sentence and may come before or after a
verb, depending on its position in the sentence. Section 3.2.1 below will address third
person verb prefix agreement and 3.2.2 defines and addresses first and second person
pronominal enclitics.
Tense suffixes on verbs give information about the time of the event (past and
future). Aspect markers indicate how the event takes place in time (such as over a period
of time or at regular intervals). These markers are discussed in section 3.3 below.
Ichishkiin verbs expressing movement or motion also may include information about
whether the motion is towards the speaker or away from the speaker. These direction
markers, -m and -kik, are included in this chapter in section 3.6.
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3.2.1. Third person prefixes
When the subject of a sentence is 'he/she/it' or 'they', this will be indicated with a
verb prefix. A prefix attaches to the left of the verb stem and becomes part of the word.
It references the subject of the sentence, and so the verb is said to 'agree' with its subject.
These prefixes are also called 'person-marking' prefixes. Below are the two Ichishkiin
person-marking prefixes that indicate that the subject of the sentence is third person
singular or plural:
i- is used if the subject ofthe sentence is singular: 'he, she, it'
(often abbreviated here's/he/it')
pa- is used if the subject of the sentence is plural: 'they'
In glossed examples i- is labeled 3Sg.S: third person singular subject. pa- is labeled 3Pl.S:
third person plural subject. Example 1 shows these prefixes on verbs:
1. ipnusha iwinasha itkwatasha
's/he is sleeping' 's/he is going' 'slhe is eating'
papnusha pawinasha patkwatasha
'they are sleeping' 'they are going' 'they are eating'
All of these verbs end with the morpheme -sha, which indicates that an activity is taking
place over time. It is one of the aspect markers discussed in 3.3 below.
If the verb begins with a vowel, a glottal stop follows the prefixes i- and pa- and
precedes the verb root. This was discussed in 2.7.
2. i'ay{ksha
'she/he is sitting'
pa'ay{ksha
'they are sitting'
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The prefix i- (he, she, it) and the glottal stop are sometimes left off in fast or
informal speech if the verb begins in a vowel. This is most likely to occur when the verb
begins with the sounds i or i, and less often occurs if the verb begins with a or u. The
verb {nat'isha means 'is barbecuing, grilling, or drying meat (on afire)'. This can be said
one of two ways:
3. i' {nat'isha or {nat'isha
'she/he is barbecuing'
If the sentence includes a noun that names the doer of the action (John, Grandma, the
girls), the prefixes are still required on the verb. In 4 below, the subject is not named, that
is, not included in the sentence as a noun.
4. iw{nana
's/he, it went'
5 and 6 include named subjects, but still have the prefix i- on the verb.
5. iw{nana ayat
'the woman went'
6. Spilyay ip~{p~ina
'Spilyay worried.'
The subject noun does not have a special prefix, suffix, or place in the sentence to
indicate that it is the subject, although in sections 3.9 and 3.10.4 we will discuss the
suffixes put on nouns to indicate their roles in the sentence.
Infrequently, the prefix a- is seen on intransitive verbs with third person subjects.
7. awyanawya Spilyay
'Spilyayarrived'
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The prefix ci- is typically used in possessive clauses, addressed in 3.8.7 and 3.1 0.6, and
with third person objects, discussed in 3.9. A more complete discussion of its use as a
third person subject marker is in 6.2.2.
3.2.1.1. Plural animate/inanimate-subjeets--~
If the subject of a sentence is plural but not human, the agreement marker used is
generally i-, even though the subject in the English translation is plural:
8. Mish aw kcilu2{ ipanatishamsh?
Mish aw kalu2{ i-panciti-shamsh
Q now blueback.salmon 3Sg.S-climb-IMPV.CSL
'Are the blueback salmon coming upriver yet?'
9. Mish aw ipancitishamsh?
Mish aw i-panciti-shamsh
Q now 3Sg.S-climb-IMPV.CSL
'Are they coming upriver?
The plural third person prefix pa- is used if the subject is more than one human, animal or
legendary being. A rule of thumb is that if the plural form of the subject noun is formed
with the plural suffix -ma (tlinma 'people', ayatma 'women', kakyama 'birds, animals,
creatures') then use the plural agreement marker on the verb, as in the example below.
10. mlimi pawycipshatana ciyatma
mlimi pa-wyci-pshata-na
long.ago 3P1.S-while.going-gather-PST
'long ago, women went along gathering'
ciyat-ma
woman-PI
Plural marking on nouns and the importance of humanness and animacy are addressed in
section 3.10.3.
78
3.2.2. First and second person pronominal enclitics
If the subject of a sentence is I, you, or we, the marker that indicates the subject
will be a pronominal enclitic. Pronominal refers to something that functions as a pronoun
and stands in for a noun. Enclitic means that it is phonologically joined to the end of the
preceding word. Here, the phrase pronominal enclitic is shortened to clitic. Clitics follow
the first word in the sentence, as illustrated by =nash (first-person singular subject, I")
below.
11. Aw nash awku 1imk'(n~ana
Aw =nash awku 1imk'(-n~a-na
now =ISg then close.eyes-HAB-PST
'Then I would close my eyes'
Several features of the grammar of the clitics are important to note.
(1) Clitics follow the first word of the sentence, regardless of what that word is.
Clitics do not necessarily attach to the verb, in contrast to the markers for
'he/she/it' and 'they', which always attach to the verb. The order of the words in the
sentence does not affect where the clitic goes, and the word class (noun, verb, adjective,
etc.) of the first word does not matter: the clitic is always in the second position in the
sentence. Throughout this grammar in the examples, the clitics are preceded by '=' while
other morpheme breaks are indicated with' -'. This indicates the special placement of
clitics as opposed to prefixes or suffixes that only attach to one type of word.
(2) Clitics indicate subjects, objects, and possessors.
Although the examples given in this section predominantly show clitics as the
subject of a clause, nearly the same set of clitics is used to indicate objects and
possessors. (There are two additional combined clitics used in transitive and possessive
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clauses: =mash and =matash. These are addressed in 3.8.7 and 3.9.) The use of the clitic to
code subject, object, and possessor can be seen in examples 12-14, showing
=nash/=ash/=sh '1 Sg'.
12. aw nash paysh wiyciiamayksha
aw= nash paysh wyo.-iamayk-sha
now =lSg maybe while.going-Iose-IMPV
'Now I must have gotten lost'
13. kush taaminwa inamun~ana
ku=sh taaminwa i-namun-~a-na
and=lSg always 3Sg.S-acknowledge-HAB-PST
'and he would always acknowledge me'
14. kwnak nash wacha nishaykt
kwnak =nash wacha nishaykt
there =lSg COP.PST home
'my home was there'
(3) The set of clitics makes differentiations that are not made in English: you singular
vs. you plural, inclusive we (we all) vs exclusive we (we but not you).
Ichishkiin has two clitics that translate as English 'you'. =nam, you singular, refers
to one person; =pam, you all, or you plural, refers to more than one person. There are also
two clitics that both translate into English as 'we'. =na means 'we all' and includes the
hearer in the action; =natash means 'we but not you' so includes the speaker and other(s)
but not the hearer. These types are also called inclusive (including all) and exclusive
(excluding the hearer), respectively. As will be addressed below, this distinction is not
made in every circumstance.
(4) Several of the clitics have both full and reduced forms (long and short forms).
There are long and short forms of the first person singular clitic =nash, first person
plural clitic =natash and second person singular clitic =nam. To a certain extent we can
80
predict whether the long or short form will be used. However, which form a speaker will
use is not always predictable. The variation is at times related to dialect, but there is also
variation within dialects and speakers. 6 In the discussion below, the general tendencies
for Yakima speakers are given, but readers will hear other forms of c1itics in similar
sentences.
Table 3.1 gives the full set of clitics and the following sections discuss each one
individually.7
3.2.2.1. First person singular: =nash
When the clitic follows a word that ends in a consonant, the full form of the c1itic is used.
This is seen in 15 and 16.
15. Ink nash wa nch'(t~aw ttawa~t
Ink=nash wa nch'(-t~aw
1PN.S/A=nash COP big-COMP
'I am the oldest'
ttawax.:t
grow-NZR
16. myanash nash ~anana (kwina w(yatpa nixyaawipa
myanash =nash t~ana-na (kwna w(yat-pa
child =ISg become-PST that.LOC far-LOC
"I was born there, far away in Nixyaawi (Pendleton)'
nixyaawi-pa
Pendleton-LOC
6 Rude and Rigsby suggest that "phonetic rhythm and a tendency to reduce allomorphy by suppressing the
short enclitic forms" may be factors (1996:675).
7 This is not the order we use in the classroom to teach clitics. We begin with the first person singular
forms. Students use these in listing their daily activities. We then add second person singular forms. This
patterns like first person singular and the two are readily taught in conversational activities and questions
and answers. The second person plural is the next to be introduced. It does not vary in form and so seems
straightforward to students. We lastly introduce the two 'we' forms. Teaching them at the same time means
we can highlight the difference between inclusive and exclusive.
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TABLE 3,1, FIRST AND SECOND PERSON CLlTlCS
person number meaning/ gloss clitic(s)
I
1 singular =nash,=ash,=sh
=ISg
we all
1 plural inclusive =na
=IPl.INC
plural exclusive
I and other(s) but not you
=natash,=atash,=tash1
=IPl.EXC
we
1 plural =natk
=IPI
singular
you
2 =nam, =am
=2Sg
plural
you all
2 =pam
=2PI
The full form is also used if the sentence begins with a particle or negation:
17. aw nash anawisha
aw=nash anawi-sha
now=ISg be,hungry-1MPV
'Now I am hungry'
18. chaw nash ttawa~shana lchna
chaw=nash ttawa~-sha-na
NEG=ISg grow-1MPV-PST
'I didn't grow up here'
lchna
here
When the first word of the sentence ends in a, the form =ash is used. Because the tense
and aspect markers on verbs end in a, this variant is most often seen when the verb is the
first word in the sentence, as in examples 19 and 20 below. This results in a long vowel in
the final syllable:
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19. w(nanaash
w(na-na=nash
go-PST=ISg
'I went'
20. wanpawasi~aash mays~mays~
wanpawasi-~a=nash
play.instrument-HAB=1 Sg
'I play music everyday'
mays~mays~
everyday
If the final vowel of the preceding word is i, the form of the clitic is =sh and the i
becomes long:
21. f~iish pnuwat'asha
(~i =nash pmi-wat'a-sha
yet=1 Sg sleep-DES-IMPV
'I still want to sleep'
22. miskillikiish panatishamsh
miskilliki=nash pa-nati-shamsh
barely=1 Sg climb-IMPV.CSL
'I barely climbed up.'
If the preceding word ends in u, the form =sh is used and there is no vowel lengthening.
The most common example of this is when the clitic follows ku 'and'.
23. kush wacha awku shapaway~tiMk'a
ku=nash wacha awku shapaway~tiM-k'a
and=1 Sg COP.PST then driver-next
'then I was a driver (was old enough to drive)'
Again, dialect differences playa role as to which form of the clitic (=nash, =ash or =sh)
will be used. For example, many Yakima speakers will say chaw nash and aw nash as in
examples 18 and 17, but in other dialects chawsh and awsh are common.
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3.2.2.2. First person plural: =na, =natash (=natk, =namtk)
Ichishkiin differentiates between two types of reference that are both
translated into English as we. The first, =na, is 'inclusive we' or 'we all,.8 The speaker is
referring to an activity that includes the speaker, the person being addressed, and possibly
others as well. There are no reduced forms of the clitic =na.
24. kU na chawmun {kush ku~a
ku =na chawmun {kush
and=lPl.INC never thus
'and we (all) never do that'
kU-~a
do-HAB
25. Aw na w{nata
Aw =na w{na-ta
now =lPl.INC go-FUT
'now we (all) will go'
Another first person plural clitic is =natash. It is called 'exclusive we' and differs
from =na in that it does not include the person being addressed. It includes the speaker
and one or more others: 'we but not you'. =natash has the reduced forms =atash and =tash.
It is not possible to predict which form will be used in most circumstances. Examples 26
and 27 below show the use of the full form.
26. kwnak natash skUulisha
kwnak =natash skuuli-sha
there =lPl.EXC attend.school-IMPV
'Weare going to school there'
27. kunk{nk natash watwaa wyaway~ana
kunk{nk =natash watwaa wya-wayk-~a-na
that.INST=lPl.EXC safely while.going-cross-HAB-PST
'In that way we crossed safely.'
8 =na 'we al\' sounds and looks the same as the past tense marker -na. In the materials I have collected, this
clitic is never used at the end of a verb, perhaps to avoid ambiguity. In text examples, clauses with 'we all'
as the subject begin with a word other than the verb. In that way, the clitic is not attached to the verb and a -
na suffix on the verb can always be interpreted as past tense.
84
In rapid or less formal speech, the reduced form =tash or =atash may more likely be used,
as we see in examples 28 and 29.
28. fkw'aktash wacha {kush (itaw wyan{nt k'usiki.
fkw'ak =natash wacha {kush citaw
that=lPl.EXC be.PST thus valuable
'We thus had a treasuredjoumey by horse'
wyan{nt
Journey
k'usi-ki
horse-INST
29. intitpaatash kuukya
intit-pa=natash
house-LOC =1Pl.EXC
'we cooked at the house'
kuuki-ya
cook-PST
Following the conjunction ku 'and' =tash is generally used:
30. kutash {chi p{kchashpa w{haashhaashsha
ku=natash {chi p{kchash-pa
and=lPl.EXC this picture-LOC
'and in this picture we are resting'
w{-haashhaash -sha
DST-rest-IMPV
When the first word in the sentence is a verb with tense/aspect endings, the form =atash is
used:
31. W{nanaatash wcinayaw kttciasknik.
w{na-na =natash wcina -yaw
go-PST=lPl.EXC river-DAT
'we went to the river from Kittitas'
kttcias-knik
Kittitas-ABL
Note below the use of both long and short forms following aw 'now':
32. Aw natash wyci'uysha {kuuk.
aw=natash wyci-uy-sha (Jmuk
now =lPl.EXC while.going-begin-IMPV now
'today we are starting out'
33. Awtash kw'ci~i cisha kciatnamyaw.
aw =natash kw'ci~i cish-a kciatnam -yaw
now =lPl.EXC again enter-PST longhouse-DAT
'now we again entered the Longhouse'
85
In elicited examples and classroom examples, the distinction between exclusive
we and inclusive we is not made when the verb is the first word of the sentence. =atash is
used for both inclusive we (we all) and exclusive we (I and other(s), not you). Ususally, it
is clear from context. But with no other context, w(nanaatash (from example 31 above)
could also be interpreted as 'we all went'. If a distinction needs to be made, the word
order can be altered so that the verb is not the first word of the sentence, or an
independent pronoun can be used in the sentence to differentiate. (See pronoun charts in
section 3.1 0.5.) If the pronoun is the first word in the sentence, the clitic will follow the
pronoun:
34.
35.
Namdk na w(nana
Imdk=na
2Pl.PN.S/A =2Pl.INC
'We (all) went'
Namdk natash w(nana
Imdk =natash
2Pl.PN.S/A =2Pl.EXC
'We (but not you) went'
w(na-na
go-PST
w(na-na
go-PST
A final clitic expressing 'we' is =natk, a form recognized by the people I have
worked with, and occasionally used in elicitation and stand alone examples. However, it
is not present in any texts I have collected. It seems to be an older form, not used by
present-day speakers in texts or connected speech, and its specific usage is not clear. It
does not seem to reliably distinguish inclusive from exclusive. Jacobs (1931,126) lists the
form as a JSwdi~aypam (Klikitat) plural. He proposes that it is derived from an older first
person dual/plural form that did not distinguish inclusive from exclusive, and that
possibly the final-tk is related to the -tk suffix that forms plural commands. Virginia
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Beavert reports it could be a dual form, and that sentences including it have the feel of a
command or suggestion about them. This relates to the overlap with the imperative suffix
-tk. However, today's elders express the idea of 'let's' with aw =na (literally 'now we').
3.2.2.3. Second person singular: =nam
Ichishkiin second person 'you' clitics are =nam 'you singular' and =pam 'you
plural'. Like first person singular =nash and first person plural exclusive =natash, =nam
has short and long forms. The short and long forms are used in the same environments as
the short and long forms of =nash. The full form is used following a consonant. In
addition, it is used after negation, as in 36, or a question word, as in 37:
36. Chaw nam ch'tshkta.
Chaw =nam ch'tshk-ta
NEG=2Sg lie-FUT
'Don't lie,9
37. Mish nam m{sha?
Mish =nam m{-sha
Q=2Sg do-IMPV
'what are you doing?'
The full form is typically used following the vowel u as in 1m 'and'.
38. ku nam aw kw'ei~i wa weik'ish
ku =nam aw kw'ei~i wei
and =2Sg now again be
'and you are alive again'
weik'ish
alive
The reduced form =am follows the vowel a. Again, this is most often seen when the verb
is the first word of the sentence:
9 Negative future statements with you singular =nam or you plural =pam are commands as in examples 36
and 42, see 3.5.
87
39. ~atikw'ikaam
~atikw'ik-a-am
fall.over-PST=2Sg
'You fell over.'
When the clitic =nam follows i, the clitic might reduce to =m. In that case, the preceding i
lengthens. We saw this same vowel lengthening pattern with =nash '1' in example 21.
40. anach'a~iim wyaych'uta!
anach'a-~ii-m wyaych'u-ta
again-same=nam fear-FUT
'you will be afraid again!'
But the full form of =nam can also be used following i.
41. {chi nam ak'{nusha
{chi =nam a-k'inu-sha
here=2Sg 30-see-IMPV
'here you see it'
3.2.2.4. Second person plural: =pam
=pam indicates you plural (more than one). There is no reduced form of this c1itic.
42. Aw pam atimta
Aw pam at-im-ta
now =2Sg exit-CSL-FUT
'You all come out now'
43. imak pam w{na~a chichyaw
imak=pam w{na-~a
2Pl.PN.S/A=2Pl go-HAB
'You all go to church'
chich-yaw
church-ALL
44. ikush pam wata
{kush=pam wa-ta
thus=2Pl COP-FUT
'this is how you will be'
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The next sections discuss verb prefixes that can occur with the clitics to indicate
an SAP subject or without the clitics to indicate a 3rd person subject.
3.2.3. Reflexive and reciprocal
If the verb expresses an action that the subject is directing at himself, herself, or
themselves the reflexive prefix pina- (singular) or pima- (plural) is used to indicate this.
These are stress-stealing prefixes (see 2.6) and take the stress from the verb root.
In the case of third person subjects (s/he/it, they) the reflexive prefix replaces the
verb prefixes i- or pa-. The resulting translations typically include 'himself, 'herself, or
'themselves' .
45. aswan pina'i'tamayksha
aswan pina-{famayk-sha
boy RFL.Sg-hide-IMPV
'the boy is hiding himself
46. pinatk'i-na
pina-tk'i-na
RFL.Sg-watch-PST
'she looked at herself
47. chaw pinatwanpta, u pina'ayata
chaw pina-twanp-ta, u pina'-aya-ta
NEG RFL.Sg-comb-FUT or RFL.Sg-scratch-FUT
'she will not comb her hair or scratch herself
48. ku tf'aa~ pimawi~ch'kin~ana
ku tf"aa~ pima-wi~ch'k-tn~a-na
and all RFL.PI-undress-HAB-PST
'and they all undressed'
89
49 k ' . . h' h 10. u patma plmaWfS uwas a
ku pat-ma pima-wfshuwa-sha
and older.sister-Pl RFL.Pl-ready-IMPV
'and the older sisters are getting themselves ready'
If the subject is first or second person, the appropriate clitic is used along with the
singular or plural reflexive prefix.
50. shix pam pimanaknuwita
shix =pam pima-naknuwi-ta
good =2Pl RFL.Pl-care.for-FUT
'Take good care of yourselves'
51. kutash pimak'inu~ana
ku=tash pima-k'(nu-n~a-na
and =IPl.EXC RFL.Pl-see-HAB-PST
'and we looked at ourselves'
Table 3.2 gives the paradigm for reflexive verbs. The forms for first and second person
are given in both affirmative and negative versions. The affirmative sentences show the
clitics directly after the verb. The negative sentences, which start with chaw, show the use
of the full forms of the clitics following the first word of the sentence.
Many verbs expressing actions one does to oneself, often having to do with
activities such as grooming, combing, shaving, etc. are used with a reflexive prefix. Some
verbs have a more figurative meaning along with their more literal meaning when the
reflexive prefix is added:
10 wishuwa- is a strong root and maintains the word level stress. The same is true of naknuwi- in the
following example.
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TABLE 3.2. REFLEXIVE VERB PARADIGM
S/he/it, they:
pinawapshana
pimawapshana
I, we, you:
pinawapshanaash
chaw nash pinawapshana
pinawapshanaam
chaw nam pinawapshana
pimawapshana pam
chaw pam pimawapshana
pimawapshanaatash
chaw na pimawapshana
pimawapshanaatash
chaw natash pimawapshana
s/he braided her hair
they braided their hair
I braided my hair
I did not braid my hair
You (sg) braided your hair
You (sg) did not braid your hair
You (Pl) braided your hair
You (Pl) did not braid your hair
We (inclusive) braided our hair
We (inclusive) did not braid our hair
We (exclusive) braided our hair
We (exclusive) did not braid our hair
52. pinatamahayk-
pinashukwaa-
pinatf'uyana-
pinasapsikw'a-
pinap~i­
pinashapatk'i-
abdicate or give up one's position (RFL + take down; also get
down or off, as from a car)
realize, be aware (RFL + know, recognize)
be ashamed of oneself (RFL + shame)
study, teach oneself (RFL + teach)
be conceited (RFL + think)
show off (RFL + cause to watch)
The final vowel of the reflexive prefix can assimilate with a following (. In this case, the
prefix becomes pin(-, as in example 53. This occurs only in frozen combinations for
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Yakima speakers. That is to say, it may at one time have been used in a number of
combinations, but only persists in a few. It is no longer broadly applicable or analyzable.
53. pima'imshma
pina'iwiyat
or pinlimshma-
or pinliwiyat-
'deny'
'keep self away'
Reciprocal prefixes indicate a feeling or action shared by all of the individuals
included in a plural subject. This is often translated into English with 'each other'. The
reciprocal prefix is papa-, another stress-stealing affix. It is only used with plural subjects.
It follows the same pattern as the reflexive prefix above. With third person plural (they) it
replaces the prefix pa-.
54. papatanawli~nall
papa-tanawli~-na
RCP-argue-PST
'they argued with each other'
55. papawyak'ulga
papa-wyak'uk-~a
RCP-gather-PST
'they gather together'
A variant form for some speakers is ipapa-. Rigsby and Rude found that the use of
this form was more common for older speakers (1996: 675).
56. ipapatal~ikin~ana
ipapa-tal~ik-in~a-na
RCP-admonish-HAB-PST
'they used to admonish each other' (keep one another in line, behaving)
If the subject is first or second person, the reciprocal prefix is used along with the
appropriate clitic.
I J Recall that tanaw(i?S- is a strong root, and so keeps word stress.
92
57. ku pam papawinaniitwa~a
ku =pam papa-winan1i-twli-~a
and =2PI RCP-swim-APPL-HAB
'and you swim with each other'
58. aw na papawyapaana
aw =na papa-wyapaa-na
now =IP1.INC RCP-separate-PST
'then we left one another'
3.3. Tense and aspect
A set of verb suffixes indicates the time frame of actions, events or states
expressed by the verb. The basic set is past, future, ongoing and habitual, as seen in the
example below:
59. i~asunatya 's/he rode along' (past)
i~asunatita 's/he will ride along, she is going to ride along' (future)
i~asunatisha 's/he is riding along' (ongoing)
i~asunati~a 's/he rides along' (habitual)
The markers can be divided into those expressing tense and those expressing
aspect. Past (-a, -ya, -na) and future (-ta) are tense markers. They express the time of the
action, event or state in relation to some other point in time (usually the time at which the
sentence was spoken). Ichishkiin tense markers situate an event in the past or future, and
give information about the sequence of events.
Aspect markers -sha and -~a express how an event takes place in time or over
time rather than specifying exactly when in time the event occurred or will occur. -sha
means an action is continuous, and -~a indicates that it occurs habitually. These can
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combine with the tense markers to give meanings such as give 'past habitual' and 'future
on-gomg.
An additional, less common aspect marker in Ichishkiin indicates that an action
has just taken place. This is the immediate past, here called present perfect aspect. It is
indicated in more than one way, as will be addressed below, but often with the verb stem
(and person marker, if third person), with no aspect or tense suffix following:
60. i~cisunati-0 's/he has (just) ridden along'
These five tense and aspect endings are addressed individually in the sections that
follow. In addition, there are four combined tense and aspect markers: -shana, -shata, -
~ana, -~ata, covered in section 3.3.6.
3.3.1. Past tense
The form of the past tense suffix is -a, -na or -ya, depending on the verb. The fonn
of the past tense also varies depending on whether the verb is an n-verb or zero-verb, as
was discussed in 2.11. Some verbs that end in i, U, or a consonant take the past tense fonn
-na. This is due to remnants of a verb class system. This verb class system divides verbs
into two categories. One of the sets ofverbs has a final sound n that shows up in some
places, such as before the past tense ending -a. This set is referred to as n verbs. A second
set does not have this final n and this set is referred to as zero verbs. In Yakima, the effect
of the verb classes is not as strong as in other Ichishkiin dialects or in sister language Nez
Perce, but there are still signs of the stem classes in the tense and aspect markers. The
result is that the fonn of the past tense is not fully predictable. For verbs ending in i, u or
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a consonant, the learner can make a good guess, but ultimately needs to know which past
tense marker to use on a verb-by-verb basis. Some n-verbs are identified in Table 2.12.
Which suffix should be used is often predictable depending on the final sound of
the verb stem.
If the verb ends in a, u, long ii or a diphthong the past tense is almost always -na:
61. ishukwaana
isapsikw'ana
itmiyuuna
's/he knew'
's/he taught'
's/he planned'
If the verb ends in a consonant, the past tense is usually -a:
62. iwalptayka
itwpa
ish1U~aapa
's/he sang'
's/he jumped'
's/he glanced sideways'
But if the verb ends in a consonant and is an n-verb, the past tense will be -na:
63. iyzKna
ikutkutna
ip'u~sna
's/he heard'
's/he worked'
's/he kissed someone'
A zero-verb ending in i (short i) has past tense suffix -ya. In that case, a final
unstressed i deletes, because ofthe following glide. This was discussed in 2.9.
64. iwisalatya
ita~nunakya
itkn{ya
's/he hunted'
's/he matured'
's/he wove (fishnet)'
An n-verb ending in -i has past tense -na.
65. ip'ishkw{na
iUmk'{na
ihul{na
's/he smiled'
's/he closed herlhis eyes'
'it was windy; it blew'
95
The basic form of the past tense, present in all three variants, is -a.
The verbs wa- 'be' and nuu- 'say' have irregular past tenses. For both of these
verbs, the past tense ending is -chao 12 In the case ofwachci, the final syllable is stressed.
66. iwachcf k'pis
i-wa-chcf
3Sg.S-COP-PST
'it was cold'
k'pis
cold
However, with root nuu- the suffix does not take the stress.
67. inuucha 'Ay, ~ay!'
i-nuu-cha 'Ay, ~ay!'
3Sg.S-say-PST hello man's.male.friend
'he said, 'hello, friend!"
Language learners may do best to learn the full irregular forms iwacha 's/he, it was' and
inuucha 's/he, it said' as unanalyzable chunks rather than breaking the words into pieces.
3.3.2. Future tense
The suffix expressing future is -tao Its form does not change.
68. itU~ta 's/he will return'
iwycininta 's/he will travel'
i'anciwita 's/he will be hungry'
12 Rigsby and Rude 1996 refer to Nez Perce correspondences and analyze the past tense fonn of the copula
as wac-a, with wac- an allomorph ofwa- and - a the past tense marker (1996: 688). In their analysis, the
past tense is regular, but it does not explain why we see the same pattern for nuu 'say' or the stress shift.
96
Sometimes -ta is used to describe in general how something happens or is done or used,
as in the following lines describing root gathering:
69. ku nam wyapshatata ku iwa anach'a?fi nch'{nch'i,
ku =nam wya-pshata-ta ku i-wa anach'a-?fi
and =2Sg while.going-gather-FUT and 3Sg.S-be again-same
'You will go along gathering, and there's a big one,'
kwnaknam wyaya?fshata.
kwnak=nam wya-ya?fsha-ta
that. LOC=2Sg while.going-pour -FUT
'you will pour (the roots) in there.'
nch'{nch'i
big.PI
And the future suffix -ta is sometimes used in conditional or "if' clauses:
70. Chaw nam tuun ak'inuta paysh nam xwyakcii wisalatita
chaw =nam tuun a-k'inu-ta paysh =nam xwyak-cii
NEG=2Sg what.OBJ 30-see-FUT if=2Sg sweat-PRIV
'You will see nothing if you (will) hunt without sweating'
wisalati-ta
hunt-FUT
3.3.3. Continuous (imperfective) aspect
The suffix -sha indicates ongoing or continuous action. It expresses an ongoing
occurrence of the state or event indicated by the verb.. It is glossed here as IMPV for
'imperfective', suggesting that the event indicated by the verb has not been completed. It
is often compared to and translated by the English continuous with '-ing', as in
i?f<1sunatisha 's/he is riding along' and in example 71.
71. iwanpsha
incixtisha
i'ay{ksha
's/he is singing'
's/he/it is crying'
's/he/it is sitting'
97
The suffix -sha is also used with verbs that express a state of being rather than an
action. In this case, the -sha suffix indicates present tense and that the state is lasting or
ongomg.
72. Aw pa'anciwisha 'They are hungry'
iwanz'ksha Lciacha 'he is named Ihis name is La.acha.'
chaw nash cishukwaasha 'I don't know'
There is an exception to this. The verb wa- 'be' does not take the ending -sha in the
present tense, but it nonetheless expresses an ongoing state.
73. iwci wat'uymci 's/he is the oldest'
iwci iamciay 's/helit is hidden'
The verb stem with the suffix -sha added to it is the citation form that many
speakers will use when asked for an Ichishkin verb. So if we ask Mish nam citamashwikta
'stand up? 'how do you translate 'stand up', the answer would be tutisha, the verb stem
tuti- plus the suffix -sha.
3.3.4. Habitual aspect
The habitual suffix -~a indicates that the action expressed by the verb is done
habitually, usually or regularly over a period of time.
74. pya~{ ayciyat ilat{~a
pya~{ ayciyat i-lat{-~a
bitterroot beautiful 3Sg.S-bloom-HAB
'Pyaxi blooms beautifully'
75. ku inw{minwim pcipawyak'uk~a
ku inw{minwim pcipa-wyak'uk -~a
and last.year-DUP RCP-gather-HAB
'and every year they gather together'
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76. panp'fwixa Nch'iwanapa
pa-np'lwi-xa Nch'iwana-pa
3Pl.S-dip.net-HAB Columbia.River-LOC
'They fish at the Columbia River.'
There are two variants of -~a, -inxa and -n~a. -inxa is used with some verb stems
that end in a consonant and -n~a with some stems that end in a vowel. The verb stem
determines whether -~a, -inxa or -n~a is used, although there is some variation, as was
discussed in section 2.11. This is similar to the variation in past tense suffixes. From a
language teaching and learning perspective, students need to learn the correct form of the
habitual as they learn the verbs.
If the verb ends in a consonant, the habitual suffix will be either -~a or -i~a .
Rude (l988a) analyzes -inxa as present for phonological reasons: if the verb root ends in
a velar or uvular consonant (k, k', kw, kw', k, k', kw, kw', x, xw,~,~) -in precedes the
habitual suffix to result in -in~a. However, this does not hold true throughout Yakima.
Many verbs ending in consonants, especially velar and uvular consonants, take -in~a, but
not all, and some verbs ending in consonants that are not velar or uvular take -in~a.
A consistent rule is that a verb stem ending in ~ will use -in~a for habitual:
77. awtash awkU papatanawli~in~a
aw=natash awku papa-tanawli~-in~a
now=lPl.EXC then RCP-argue-HAB
'And then we argue about it'
Many verb stems ending in velar or uvular consonants (the front and back k series) take
the form -in~a:
78. ku pa'anwfktn~ana
ku pa-anwIK-in~a-a
and 3Pl.S-spend.year-HAB-PST
'and they would spend the winter there'
However, this is not entirely consistent, as seen in 75 above, and in the following
examples:
79. Ayatma mciytskisim pa~ciJga
ciyat-ma mciytski-sim pa-~cik-~a
woman-PI moming-same 3Pl.S-sweat-HAB
'The women sweat only in the moming'
There are also pairs of examples in which the two suffixes -in~a and -~a are used on the
same verb in the same construction by the same speaker:
99
80.
81.
anakw'ink pawam1<in~a "Blue Mountains"
ana-kw'ink pa-wanzK-in~a
REL-that.aforementioned 3Pl.S-name-HAB
'the ones they call 'Blue Mountains"
anakw'ink pawanz~a Tapt(i/
ana-kw'ink pa-wanzK-~a
REL-that.aforementioned 3Pl.S-name-HAB
'the one they call 'Taptiil"
Blue Mountains
Blue Mountains
Tapt(i/
Yakima.River
If the verb ends in a vowel, the habitual suffix will be either -~a or -n~a. This
depends on the final vowel of the verb as well as whether the verb is historically an n-
stem verb. (See 2.11 for more on verb classes.)
Verbs ending in i that are zero-stem verbs, as well as all verbs ending in a or aa
take the habitual form -~a.
82. iwciwya~a mycinashmaman
i-wciwya-~a myanash-maman
3Sg.S-whip-HAB child-OBJ.Pl
'he whips the children'
83. pa'an{~a wapslKiki
pa'-an{-~a wapslKi-ki
3Pl.S- make-HAB string-INST
'they make them of string'
100
For n-stem verbs ending in i, ii and u, uu the suffix -n~a is used, although again, there are
exceptions.
84. chaw mish pap~{n~a kunklnk
chaw mish pa-p~w{-n~a kunklnk
NEG Q 3P1.S-think-HAB that.INST
'they don't think anything of that' (they usually ignore it)
85. kwaat nash pnun~a
kwaat =nash pnu-n~a
sound =lSg sleep-HAB
'I sleep soundly'
86. ti'aa~shiyin pawyaych'un~a
ti'aa~ shiy-in pa-wyaych'u-n~a
all who-3>3.ERG INV-fear-HAB
'everyone fears them'
3.3.5. Present perfect aspect
Present perfect indicates that the event in the sentence occurred just prior to the
point at which the sentence was said, in the immediate past. It is often translated by 'has
just'. The particular suffix used to indicate this varies depending on the verb it is attached
to. The suffixes are -sh, a, or -0 (no suffix). However, unlike the past and habitual
markers, the present perfect suffix also is influenced by what follows it.
If the verb ends in a consonant the present perfect is indicated by the suffix -sh.
87. ipuutsh
i-puut-sh
3Sg.S-lose-PPF
'he has lost'(in gambling or a competition)
88. ihciashinkiksh
i-haash-inkik-sh
3Sg.S-breathe-TSL-PPF
'he has breathed out'
101
If the verb ends in a or if the verb ends in i or u and is a zero-stem verb, then the bare verb
stem, with no suffix, expresses the present perfect. In 89, the symbol -0 indicates that
there is not an overt morpheme in the example that contributes the present perfect
meanmg:
89. iway?!ti aswan pachupa ishchftpa
i-way?!ti-0 aswan pachu -pa ishchft-pa
3Sg.S-run-0 boy half-LOC road-LOC
'the boy has run down the middle of the road'
When a first or second person pronominal enclitic follows the verb in the above
circumstances (verbs ending in a, verbs ending in i or u that are zero-verbs), the pattern
changes. Then, the suffix -sh is used with the full form of the clitic:
90. way?!tish nash
way?!ti-sh ==nash
run-PPF =lSg
'I have run'
For n-stem verbs ending in i or u the present perfect suffix varies. It is either no suffix
(like verbs that end in a and zero-verbs) or -a. Since a glide is inserted between i or u and
a, the full suffixes are -ya and -wa. 13 Hargus and Beavert (2002a) report that the present
perfect suffix -a is optional for two-syllable roots, like hull (example 91) but required for
single syllable roots like pnu- (in 92).14
[J According to Noel Rude (p.c.) the use of -a to mark present perfect is an innovation of Northwest
Sahaptin dialects. In other dialects, speakers use the suffix -in if the stem ends in a consonant. n-verbs
ending in i or u lengthen the final vowel and include the n.
14 Hargus and Beavert 2006a amend this rule and suggest that the number of underlying vowels in the root
is a better predictor. For learners, syllables are a somewhat familiar concept and I suggest using the syllable
analysis in teaching, even though a few verbs, such as w(i)?!i- 'lose' will be exceptions to the rule.
102
91. ihul{ya (or ihul{)
i-hul{-ya
3Sg.S-blow-PPF
'it has just blown'
92. ipnuwa
i-pnu-wa
3Sg. S-sleep-PPF
's/he has slept'
The present perfect suffix -a therefore contrasts with the past tense of these verbs formed
with -na. So, ihul{na 'it blew' and ipnuna 's/he slept' are in the past, and differ in
meaning from the forms in examples 91 and 92.
3.3.6. Combined tense and aspect markers
The combination of a tense marker with an aspect marker means that information about
the time of the event (past or future) combines with information about the structure of the
event (ongoing or habitual) to yield the overall meaning of the suffix. There are four
combined tense and aspect markers: -shana, -~ana, -shata, _~ata:15
93. i~cisunatishana
i~cisunati~ana
i~cisunatishata
i~cisunati~ata
's/he was riding along'
's/he used to ride along'
's/he will be riding along'
's/he will be regularly or habitually riding along'
These four combined markers are the only possible combinations ofthe tense and aspect
suffixes. The order does not vary: the aspect markers directly follow the verb, and are
15 The combined endings that include habitual h~ana and -~ata) follow the rules given in section 3.3.4 for
whether -~anal-~ata, -in~anal-i~ata or -n~ana/-n~ata will be used.
103
followed by the tense markers. The two aspect markers never co-occur and the two tense
markers never co-occur.
The past tense forms -shana and -~ana are most common.
94. Chaw (~wi itsts'uupshana puuy
Chaw (~wi itsts'uupshana
NEG later 3Sg.S-melt -IMPV-PST
'The snow was not yet melting'
puuy
snow
95. kutash winana~ana
ku=natash winana~ana
and=lPl.EXC swim-HAB-PST
'And we used to swim'
The future forms are -shata and -~ata.
96. iwyakwshtikshata
i-wyakwshtik-sha-ta
3Sg.S-go.wrong-IMPV-FUT
'he will be doing wrong'
97. ku pan(ch~ata tkwatat
ku pa-n(ch-~a-ta
and 3Pl.S-put.away-HAB-FUT
'and they will store up food'
tkwatat
food
3.4. Conditional
The suffix -ta~nay is added to the verb stem to express that an event is
hypothetical: possible or potential but not certain. It has a range of translations 'could,
should, would'. If the conditional suffix is used, no tense or aspect suffixes can co-occur.
98. Aw, iwata~nay sts'at
aw i-wa-ta~nay sts'at
now 3Sg.S-COP-COND night
'now, there should be a night'
104
99. shi~ nash inaktkwaninta~nay
shi~ =nash i-naktkwanin-ta~nay
good =ISg 3Sg.S-care.for-COND
'he would take good care of me'
It is used in polite requests.
100. Waat nam wawapiitata~nay?
Waat =nam wa-wapiita-ta~nay
POLQ =2Sg POL-help-COND
'would you help?'
101. Mish nam twashiinita~nay nusux?
Mish =nam twashi-inHa~nay nusux?
Q =2Sg can-APPL-COND salmon
'Would you can my salmon?'
It sometimes carries the meaning' can' or 'could'.
102. kush awiwanikanita~nay m{tman
ku=sh a-wi-wanik-ani-ta~nay
and=ISg 30-DIST-be.named-APPL-COND
'and I could name some'
mIt-man
how.many-OBJ
-t~nay is also used in hypothetical 'iflthen' clauses.
103. Paysh nash w{nata~nay Pendletonkan, kush itamyata~nay shatay
Paysh =nash w{na-ta~nay Pendleton-kan, ku=sh itQmya-ta~nay shcitay
maybe=ISg go-COND Pendleton-ALL and =ISg buy-COND blanket
'If! were to go to Pendleton, I would buy a blanket'
3.5. Imperative
Imperatives or commands direct the listener to do something. 'Listen' and 'Sit
down!' are examples of commands in English. In Ichishkiin, special verb suffixes mark
commands. In addition, speakers can use several techniques to make a command more
polite or less harsh-sounding.
105
The suffixes -k (used when addressing one person) and -tk (used when addressing
more than one person) are the basic imperative suffixes. The subject of the imperative
clause is understood to be the person addressed, or 'you'. There is no c1itic indicating
second person when the suffixes -k or -tk are used.
104. ttitik
ttiti-k
stand-IMP.Sg
'stand up' (to one person)
105. tkw'anatik
tkw'anatik
walk.along-IMP.Sg
'walk' (to one person)
ttititk
ttiti-tk
stand-IMP.PI
'stand up' (to more than one person)
tkw'anatitk
tkw'anatitk
walk.along-IMP.PI
'walk' (to more than one person)
If the verb stem ends in k, another k is not added for the singular command. -tk is still
added for the plural command:
106. tkwapwiiliuukj tkwapwiiluuktk
'raise your hand'
107. ay{kjay{ktk
'sit down'
Ifthe verb has the directional suffix -(Om (indicating direction towards the
speaker, see 3.6), and the addressee is singular, then no imperative suffix is added. This is
not the case, however, when addressing more than one. Then, the directional -(Om plus
the imperative -tk is used.
108. w{nam
w{na-m-0
go-CSL
'come here'(to one person)
w{namtk
w{na-m-tk
go-CSL-IMP.PI
'come here' (to more than one person)
mits'{~am
mits'{~a-m-0
listen-CSL
'listen to me' (to one person)
mits'l?Swamtk
mits'{~a-m-tk
listen-CSL-IMP.Pl
'listen to me' (to more than one person)
106
Commands sometimes have the prefix pa-, which indicates that there is a second
person subject and first person object. (This will be addressed further in 3.9.1.) pa- is
optionally used for commands with transitive verbs when the speaker is urging the
listener to direct some action towards the speaker: 'listen to me', 'bring that to me',
'show me that'.
109. panim
pa-ni-m
INY-give-CSL
'give me that'
Commands also can have the prefix a-. This indicates that the verb is transitive
(see 3.9.2) and is used if the addressee is being asked to do something to or for a third
person object (him/herlit).
110. ashapnik
a-shcipni-k
30-ask-IMP
'ask him/her'
The future suffix -ta can be used for commands. When the future is used, a clitic - either
=nam (you singular) or =pam (you plural) must also be used to make a complete sentence.
-ta is always used with negative commands, as in examples 111 and 112. In affirmative
commands, such as 113, it is more polite and suggestion-like than the imperative suffixes
-k and -tk.
111. chaw nam {kush kuta
chaw =nam {kush
NEG =2Sg thus
'don't do that'
ku-ta
do-FUT
107
112. Chaw nam cisha~ti'kta
chaw =nam ci-sh~ti'k-ta
NEG =2Sg 30-cut.open-FUT
'don't cut it open'
113. skuulita pam
skuuli-ta =pam
go.to.school-FUT =2Pl
'get yourself schooled'
Commands formed with -k and -tk are used in less formal situations, or when an adult is
addressing a child or a teacher is addressing students. However, commands are not
always appropriate; they can sound harsh, abrupt or impolite. Using the future suffix -ta
instead of -k or -tk is more polite.
An additional way to soften a request or make it more polite is to add the verb
prefix wii-. This prefix has a number of meanings and will be addressed in 4.2.2, 4.4.1,
and 4.4.4.
114. wli'ashim
wli'-ash-im
POL-enter-CSL
'Please come in'
115. wliwinpanitaam chiish
wli-winp-ani-ta=am chiish
POL-take-BEN-FUT=2Sg water
'Would you bring (me) some water?'
Several elders have told me that this is the way a grandmother might request something
of her grandchild, and that the child feels loved and honored to be asked in a gentle and
108
polite way. The elder may also refer to the child with the appropriate relationship term
when asking the child to do something:
116. askawitaam ~aawnansim, kaia, chaw p~unan
a-skawi-ta-am ~aaw-nan-sim Mia, chaw p~u-nan
30-collect-FUT-2Sg dry-OBJ-only WoDaCh 16 NEG fresh-OBJ
'Collect only the dry (wood) granddaughter, not the green.'
3.6. Directional suffixes
There are two directional suffixes. -(i)m indicates direction towards the speaker
and is glossed here as CSL for cislocative. The form -m is used when preceded or
followed by a vowel, as in 117 and 118.
117. aw nam w{namta inm{yaw inlityaw
aw =nam w{na-m-ta inm{-yaw inlit-yaw
now =2Sg go-CSL-FUT lSg.GEN-DAT house-DAT
'you will come to my house'
118. iwlihaykma
i-wii-hayk-m-a
3Sg.S-wii-descend-CSL-PST
'he came down'
lfthe cislocative is between two consonants, the form is -im.
119. iwlihaykimsh
i-wli-hayk-im-sh
3Sg.S-wii-descend-CSL-PP
'he has come down'
There is some variation in the presence and absence of barred i preceding m in the case of
n-verbs. 17 Typically in n-verbs the n remains and the directional suffix is preceded by i.
16 Kinship term abbreviations are used for relationships that do not have a single word to express them in
English. They are included in the abbreviation list in Appendix ADaCh is an abbreviation for woman's
daughter's child. Relationship terms are reciprocal; the same term is used for maternal grandmother, which
would be glossed MoMo.
109
120. pak'lnunima
pa-k'lnu-nim-a
3P1.S-see-CSL-PST
'they looked this way'
The form wam (perhaps historicallywlna- 'go' or wa- 'be' with cislocative -m) yields the
meaning'come' .
121. tlinma pawamta
tlin-ma pa-wa-m-ta
person-PI 3P1.S-come-CSL-FUT
'People will come'
wamsh is an irregular progressive and means 'is coming'
122. iwamsh
i-wa-m-sh
3Sg.S-COP-CSL-PPF
'slhe is coming'
The second directional suffix -kik (with variants -k, -yk, -nkik and -inkik) indicates
direction away from the speaker and is glossed TSL for translocative.
123. i~atamaliikika
i-~atamalii-kik-a
3Sg-fal1.into.water-TSL-PST
'he fell into the water'
If the verb is an n-verb, n is retained before -kik.
124. ikukuwinkika
i-kukuwi -nkik-a
3Sg-cough-TSL-PST
's/he coughed (away)'
17 Hargus and Beavert 2002a state the suffix is [m] pre- and post-vocalically and [im] between consonants.
My data does not always conform to this generalization. The exact form may have to do with allowable
consonant sequences, the variation in n-verbs, and possibly even the overlap with the use of -nim as a
3>SAP ergative (directional) suffix.
110
Following a verb that ends in a velar or uvular consonant (k, k', kw, kw', k, k', lsw, lsw', X, xw,
~,~) -in usually precedes the translocative suffix (as is the case for the habitual suffix,
see 3.3.4).
125. pinatamasklikinkika
pina-tamasklik-inkik-a
RFL-turn-TSL-PST
'she turned herself away'
If the verb has aspect markers -sha or -~a followed by a directional suffix, the
combined suffix has the special form -shamsh, -shayksh, ~amsh, or -~ayksh. These are
given in Table 3.3. Although -sh was seen above as a present perfect marker (see section
3.3.5), no present perfect meaning is added.
126. ikati'ishayksh
i-kati'i-shayksh
3Sg.S-spit-IMPV.TSL
'he's spitting (away)'
127. Aw tmay ikwlitashamsh
Aw tmay i-ikwlita-shamsh
now maiden 3Sg.S-go.along-IMPV.CSL
'now the maiden is coming this way'
128. ipanati~amsh Nch'iwanapa
i-panati-~amsh Nch'iwana-pa
3Sg.S-c1imb-HAB.CSL Columbia.River-LOC
'it comes up the Columbia River'
The directional suffixes are also used with verbs that do not involve physical
motion. The cislocative -m can be used with verbs such as 'look, 'hear' and 'pay
attention' , and in this case the meaning it contributes is more abstract, indicating that the
action is oriented towards the speaker.
111
Storytellers who figuratively put themselves into the setting of a story use the
directionals based on the storyteller's perspective or the perspective of one of the
characters. In a legend about spring roots blooming (Sikni 'Yellowbell', see Appendix X),
the narrator positions herself at the place the roots will come up. Winaawayay'Chinook
Wind' comes to that place, indicated by the directional -m on the first verb below.
129. l'kuuk awku iwfihaykma, iWinachika, hull,
{kuuk awku i-wii-hayk-m-a
now then 3Sg.S-descend.quickly-CSL-PST
'That's when the wind came blowing in, arriving.'
i-winachik-a hull'
3Sg.S-arrive-PST wind
The flowers are encouraged to bloom from Winaawayay's location above the ground,
again, using the cislocative.
130. Aw pam atimta, aw iwa ts'muuy,
aw =pam at-m-ta, aw i-wa
now =2Sg exit-CSL-FUTnow 3Sg.S-COP
'You come out now, now it is warm!'
ts'muuy
warm
But, when the roots themselves, still underground, announce they are going out, they do
not use the cislocative with the same verb:
131. Aw natash atsha
Aw =natash at-sha
Now =lPl.EXC exit-IMPV
'We're going out now'
After they have emerged from the ground, we see that the narrator remains figuratively in
the initial location. In their most brilliant stage of bloom, the flowers shine out away from
that place and from the narrator to the rest ofthe countryside, here indicated with -kik.
132. Lat{t ti'aa?5Wpa minan awkU pattawa~inkika, ayayat k'l'nupa.
lat{t ti'aa?5W-pa minan awku pa-ttawax.::inkik-a, ayayat
flower all-LOC where.LOC then 3Pl.S-grow-TRL-PST beautiful
'The flowers grew everywhere, looking beautiful'
k'{nu-pa
see-LOC
112
At this point, we have reviewed the suffixes that attach directly to the verb to indicate the
time or time frame of the action and direction towards or away from the speaker.
Directional markers co-occur with tense and aspect, and the form is not always regular.
Conditional (would, could) and imperative (command) suffixes also attach directly to the
verb, but these do not occur with tense and aspect. Table 3.3 reviews these verb suffixes.
Rude (1996) calls this collection the "inflectional suffix complex".
TABLE 3.3. TENSE, ASPECT, DIRECTIONAL, IMPERATIVE AND CONDITIONAL:
THE INFLECTIONAL SUFFIX COMPLEX
with
base form with cislocative
translocative
past -a, -ya, -na -{i)ma -kika/ -ka
future -ta -{i)mta -kikta
ongomg -sha -shamsh -shayksh
habitual -~a, -n~a, -in~a -xamsh -~ayksh
past + ongoing -shana -shama -shayka
past + habitual -xana -xama -~ayka
future +
-shata -shamta -shaykta
ongomg
future +
-xata -xamta -~aykta
habitual
present perfect -0 -sh,-a -{i)msh -kiksh
imperative
-k (Sg) -{i)m (Sg)
-tk (PI) -{i)mtk (PI)
conditional -ta~nay
113
3.7. Negation
A negative clause indicates that the state or event expressed by the verb does not
obtain or is not true, according to the speaker. These sentences begin with the word chaw.
133. chaw pashukwaashana
chaw pa-shukwaa-sha-na
NEG 3P1.S-know-IMPV-PST
'they didn't know'
134. chaw iwyakwshtikta
chaw i-wyakwshtik-ta
NEG 3Sg.S-do.wrong-FUT
'he will not do wrong'
135. chaw nash wa wanpawasiia
Chaw =nash wa wanpawasi-ia
NEG =ISg COP play.music-AGT
'I'm not a musician'
Usually the word that is the focus of the negation directly follows chaw (or follows a
second position clitic). In the examples above, the verb is in focus. In the following
examples, other types of words follow chaw.
136. chaw i~i tlinma iwacha
chaw i~i tlin-ma i-wacha
NEG yet person-PI 3Sg.S-COP.PST
'there were not yet people'
137.
138.
kush chaw ti'aa~ tuun ap'i{Sin{Sa
ku=sh chaw ti'aa~ tuun
and=ISg NEG all what.OBl
'and I don't remember everything'
chaw shi{S ilun{Sa pi?Su l1kwaas
chaw shi{S i-Iu-n{Sa pi?Su
NEG good 3Sg.S-bum-HAB green
'green wood does not bum well'
a-p'i{S-in{Sa
30-remember-HAB
I1kwaas
wood
114
Negative suffixes reverse the meaning of a word or give its opposite meaning.
The suffix -nut added to a noun means 'without' or 'not having' the noun. It is a stress-
stealing suffix and thus takes the word-level stress. The resulting words are used as
adjectives and nouns.
139. ik'am
tkwatat
ayat
'moccasin'
'food'
'woman'
ik'amnut
tkwatatnut
ayatntit
'without a moccasin; barefoot'
'without food'
'without a wife; a bachelor'
The verbal suffix -at means 'one who has not or does not' with respect to the verb. It can
also be translated by 'un'. It is also a stress-stealing suffix. If the verb is an n-verb, the
suffix is -nat. If the verb ends in i and it is a zero-verb, y is inserted.
140. winanli- 'bathe'
twakushi- 'comb'
shapap'ik- 'wash (clothes)'
winaniinat
twakushyat
shapap'ikdt
'unbathed, hasn't bathed'
'uncombed'
'unwashed, hasn't washed clothes'
Negative commands (such as chaw nam laakta 'don't forget! ') were addressed in section
3.5. Section 3.11 will address negative words such as chaw shin 'no one' and chaw tun
'nothing, none, not any'.
3.8. Copular clauses
The Ichishkiin verb wa is a copula. It is labeled COP in the examples here. This
verb loosely expresses English 'be' and 'have'. Like copulas in many languages, it has
little meaning on its own, but serves to link the subject of the sentence with nouns or
adjectives that describe it. It also expresses information about the subject such as location
or possession/ownership. Throughout Ichishkiin grammar, as was seen in section 3.2,
115
first and second person (' I, you, we', or speech act participants) have a different
grammatical pattern from third person ('s/he, it, they'). This unique behavior is true of
copular clauses as well.
In third person clauses, the copula takes the person prefixes i- or pa-, as do other
third person clauses (see 3.2.1). Aspect markers are never used with the copula. Past and
future tense markers are used, as will be seen below, but the copula in the present tense
has no tense or aspect suffix. Here are examples of third person statements and questions
with the copula:
141. lwa wag'ish.
Pawa wag'ish.
Mish iwa wag'ish?
Mish pawa wag'ish?
'S/he is awake. '
(wag'ish also means 'alive' or 'conscious')
'They are awake. '
'Is slhe awake?'
'Are they awake?'
If the subject of the sentence is first or second person ('I, we, you') there are two
possible ways to form sentences with the copula in the present tense. If the copula is first
in the sentence, a special form (wash) is used, followed by the clitic. The other type of
sentence uses the bare form of the copula (wa) and independent pronouns in addition to
the c1itics. (Clitics are listed in 3.2.2. The full set of independent pronouns is given in
3.10.5.) The independent pronouns are used for clarity or emphasis only.
Constructions using the pronouns as well as a clitic are less common than those
with the clitic only. In the pairs of examples below, we find clitic only examples followed
by clitic plus pronoun examples.
116
142. Wash nash weik'ish.
Ink nash wa weik'ish.
'I am awake'
143. Wash natash weik'ish.
Nameik nateish wa weik'ish.
'I and other(s) (more than 2) are awake.'
144. Wash na weik'ish.
Nameik na wa weik'ish.
'We all (more than 2) are awake.' 18
145. Wash nam wak'ish.
Imk nam wa weik'ish.
'You are awake.' (1 person)
Wash pam weik'ish.
Imak pam wa weik'ish.
'You are awake.' (more than 2 people)
If the sentence begins with a word other than the clitic or a pronoun, the bare form of the
clitic (wa) is used. This is often seen in questions, since the question word will be first in
the sentence.
146. Mish nam wa weik'ish?
Are you awake? (to 1 person)
Mish pam wa weik'ish?
Are you awake? (to more than 1 person)
Aw nash wa weik'ish
'Now I am awake'
The following sections show the range of meanings and constructions that use the
copula. Examples 147 through 157 include iwei; 's/he, it is'. Examples with 'I, you, we'
begin in section 3.8.6.
18 This example and the two following it (nam 'you singular' and pam 'you all') are more natural as
questions with question intonation: 'You are awake?'
117
3.8.1. Predicate nominals and attributive clauses
Predicate nominals and attributive clauses describe something or name its
qualities or attributes using the copula wa. iwa 'he/shelit is' links the subject of the
sentence to the word describing it. As in all Ichishkiin sentences, the subject can be
overtly named in the sentence, as is luts'all 'red fox' in example 147, or left out, as in
example 148.
147. Waps~ iwei luts'al(
Wapsu~ i-wei
clever 3Sg.S-COP
'Red fox is smart'
luts'al(
red.fox
148. iwei wisalilici
i-wei wisalil-ici
3Sg.S-COP hunt-AGT.NZR
'he is a hunter'
149. Ku (chi iwei wat(t Winachapammam(
ku ichi i-wQ wat(t Wineichapam-ma-m(
and this 3Sg.S-COP legend Winachapam-Pl-GEN
'And this is a Winachapam legend.'
As discussed in 3.1, word order can vary in Ichishkiin, and sentences with wa are no
exception. In 150 below, the verb is the second word in the sentence. In 151 and 152, it
begins the sentence.
150. kaatnam iwei
keiatnam i-wei
tall 3Sg.S-COP
's/he, it is tall'
151. iwei an(yi k'pitki
i-wei an(-yi k'pit-ki
3Sg.S-COP make-STAT bead-INST
'It's made of beads'
152. lwa ts'muuy hull Winawayaay
i-wa ts'muuy hull
3Sg.S-COP warm wind
'Winaawayay is a wann wind'
Winawayaay
Chinook.Wind
118
3.8.2. Existential clauses
Existential clauses refer to the existence of some thing in the world. The copula in
these sentences imparts a 'there is' / 'there are' meaning.
153. iwa ik'iwitpama skuulitpa
i-wa ik'(wi-t-pama skuulit-pa
3Sg.S-COP play-NZR-thing.for school-LOC
'There is a playground at the school.'
154. Palalciay iwa puuy.
Palalaay i-wa puuy.
much 3Sg.S-COP snow
'There's a lot of snow'
In legends, sometimes the form awacha is used to mean 'there was/ were'. This is a
frozen or fixed form.
155. awacha myanash napu
awacha myanash
30-Cop.PST child
'There were two children'
napu
two.HUM
3.8.3. Predicate locatives
Location is also expressed with the verb wa. The named location has the suffix -
pa. -pa is a case suffix, and will be covered in 3.10.4.
156. k'ala~ iwa naakni inlitpa
k'al~ i-wa naakni inlit -pa
fence 3Sg.S-be surrounding house-LOC
'the fence is all the way around the house'
119
Questions asking where something is located use the question word mincin with the
copula.
157. Minim iwa ttut?
Minan i-wa
Where.LOC 3Sg.S-be
'Where is your father?'
ttut
your. father
3.8.4. Animacy and wa-
If the subject ofthe sentence is third person plural (they) and animate, the verb
form used is pawci, the third person plural verb prefix added to the verb wa.
158. ku l~i pawci shi?S
ku l?Swi pawci shi?S
and still 3Pl.S-be good
'And they are still well (healthy)'
159. Pawci Warm Springsknik
pa-wci Warm Springs-knik
3Pl.S-be Warm Springs-ABL
'They are from Warm Springs'
160. Mit tlinma pawci?
Mit tan-ma pa-wci?
How.many person-PI 3Pl.S-be
'How many people are there?'
For inanimate third person subjects, iwa is used for one or more than one. This follows
the same pattern as other verbs with inanimate subjects, as described in 3.2.1.1.
161. Ts'mist timat'ciwaas iwci.
Ts'mist timat'ciwaas i-wci.
nine pencil 3Sg.S-be
'there are nine pencils'
120
3.8.5. Tense and aspect marking with wa-
The most usual foml of the copula does not have tense or aspect marking, as seen
in the examples above. The 'be' verb wa never takes ongoing (-sha) or habitual (-~a)
markers. It can, however, take the future (-ta) and past tense, ilTegular -chao Note that
this ilTegular past tense suffix takes the word level stress:
162. Mlimi, iwacha nch'ii tanawit
Mlimi, i-wacha nch'ii tanawit
long.ago 3Sg.S- COP.PST big cave
'Long ago there was a big cave'
163. pawacha ~ayin
pa-wacha ~ay-in
3Pl.S-COP.PST male. friend-DL
'they (two) were brothers'
The other verb that follows this same pattem of irregular past tense marking is nuu- 'say':
Mish nam nuu? 'What are you saying?'; Mish inuucha 'What did he say?'
3.8.6. First and second person subjects with wa-
The examples above have third person subjects: he, she, it or they. For first and
second person subjects I, we, you, there are no verb prefixes. The subject is indicated by
the pronominal enclitic that follows the first word in the sentence. (Refer to 3.2.2 for the
various forms of the clitics for first and second person.) With the copula, the full forms of
the clitics are used.
164. ink nash wa sh(~t~aw tf'aa~maam{knik
ink =nash wa sh(x3~aw tf'aa~w-maam(knik
lSg.PN =lSg COP good-COMP all-HUM.ABL.Pl
'I am the best of all'
121
165. Mish nam wa wishuwani?
Mish =nam wa wishuwa-ni?
Q =2Sg COP be.ready-STAT
'Are you ready?
166. (kush pam wcita
(kush =pam wci-ta
thus =2PI COP-FUT
'This is how you will be.'
The verb wa is irregular with first and second person subjects when the verb is in the
present tense and is the first word in the clause. In these cases, the verb form is wash,
followed by the full form of the clitic: 19
167. Wash nash Sitciknik
Wash =nash Sitci-knik
COP =lSg Sita-ABL
'I am from Zillah.'
3.8.7. Possessive clauses
The verb wa indicates relationships ofpossession or ownership and links a
possessor, the subject, to another person or thing. Third person possessive clauses, both
singular and plural, use the verb prefix a-. The full verb, awa means 's/he, it has' or 'they
have'. Awacha is the past tense form.
168. Awa kkciatnam wixciwxa
A-wa kkciat~am- wi~ciw~a
30-COP long.PI leg.PI
's/he/it has long legs'; 'they have long legs'
19 The form wash is perhaps analyzable as the verb wa and the present perfect suffix -sh. -sh is not present
after a vowel except when a second position clitic follows it. However, in the case of the copula, the form
wash is frozen and the present perfect meaning does not apply. Translations for the bare stem wa and wash
are consistently the same: Wash nash Sitaknik / Ink nash wa sitaknik: 'I am from Zillah'. (As seen as well in
examples 142-0.)
122
169. Awa k'usima
A-wa k'usi-ma
30-COP horse-PI
's/he/it has horses '; 'they have horses'
170. Awachci ish{ch kaakim myanashma
Awacha ishlch kaakim myanashma
30-COP.PST nest full child-PI
'They had a nest full of children'
1fthe possessor is named in the sentence, the noun indicating the possessor is indicated
with a genitive case suffix. The case markers are covered in 3.1004. Using the full noun or
a possessive pronoun (these forms are given in Table 3.10) in the sentence clearly
specifies the possessor, unlike the examples above, which can have more than one
meaning (although they are clear in their contexts).
171. Ataw awa yapaash shushaynshm{
Ataw a-wa yapaash shushaynsh-m{
valued 30-COP fat steelhead-GEN
'Steelhead has valuable oil'
172. awa f6.yfay aswanm{
a-wa f6.yfay aswan-m{
30-COP rash boy-GEN
'The boy has a rash'
Possessive clauses with first or second person subjects use a clitic to indicate the
possessive relationship. For first person ('1, we') these clitics are the same as those used
in intransitive clauses:
173. Wash nash ap'uus
Wash =nash ap'uus
COP =lSg cat
'1 have a cat'
123
With no other context or clarifying information, the sentence is ambiguous.
Example 173 could also be translated '1 am a cat'. Usually it is clear which is meant.
Again, using a possessive pronoun or a subject pronoun resolves the ambiguity:
174. Inmfish wa ap'uus.
Inm(-ish wa
lSg.GEN.PN-lSg COP
'1 have a cat'
ap'uus
cat
Ifthe subject/possessor is 'you' (second person), a different set of clitics is used than the
ones listed in section 3.2.2. These possessive clitics are =mash ('you singular') and
=matash ('you plural '). These are the same clitics used in sentences that have a first
person subject and second person object, as will be seen in 3.9.1.
175. Mish mash wa asum?
Mish =mash wa
Q =2Sg.GEN COP
'Do you have eels?'
asum
eel
176. Chaw matash wa tun tkwatat.
Chaw =matash wa tun
NEG =2P1.GEN COP what
'You all don't have any food'
tkwdtat
food
Here are some examples with wa indicating possession:
177.
S/he / it / they:
Awa nishciykt. S/he, it, they have a home.
1have a home.
1and other(s) (more than 2) have a home.
We all (more than 2) have a home.
K'a~numaam{dwa nishciykt. The prairie chickens have a home.
1/ we / you:
Wash nash nishciykt.
wash natash nishciykt.
wash na nishaykt.
Wash mash nishaykt.
Wash matash nishaykt.
You (I person) have a home. 20
You (more than 1 person) have a home.
124
3.8.8. Everyday expressions with the copula
Here are a few everyday and classroom functions that use the copula. They are
used to:
Askfor and give the name o.fsomething:
178. Tun {chi iwd?
What is this?
Tun (kw'ak iwd?
What is that?
fchi iwd
--------
This is a
--------
fkw'ak iwa
--------
That is a
---------
Describe things:
This short passage describing amash (bam owl) shows the contrast between iwa
's/he, it is' and awa 's/he, it has':
179. Amash iwa kakya.
Iwa sts'atpa wisalilia.
Awa ch'im k'llik'lii ciia'aia.
Amash is a bird.
He is a nighttime hunter.
He has sharp bent claws.
Awa nch'i iamtix ku k'lii nushnu. He has a big head and a bent beak.
Talk about the weather:
20 This is an od statement, in English or Ichishkiin, as it is telling someone something they probably already
know. These 'you' and 'you all' examples are more natural with question intonation: 'You have a home?'
180. M{sh~it iwa amchnik?
lwa ts'muuy.jTs'muuy iwa.
What's it like outside?
It's warm.
125
Other adjectives to describe weather can be used in this type of sentence.
181. lwa
------
/ iwa
-------
ta'aam
wa'aax
cloudy
clear
mild, comfortable
laxuyxt
k'saat
k'pis
hot
cool
cold
3.9. Transitive clauses
The sections to this point have included mostly examples with intransitive verbs.
This section will cover transitive clauses. A discussion of the difference between
transitive and intransitive clauses is found in the introduction to Chapter 2. Briefly,
transitive verbs, like k'lnu- 'see', winp- 'take, get, grab', twana- 'follow', and rtfyawi-
'kill', require two participants. The two participants differ in their relationship to the
verb. The subject or agent (abbreviated'S' and 'A') is typically more active, has more
control over, and/or initiates the action described by the verb; the object (abbreviated '0')
is affected by the action or is the one towards whom the action is directed. Ditransitive
verbs like ni- 'give', in- 'say to, tell' have three participants and are addressed briefly
below, and more fully in 6.5.
The morphology of transitive clauses in Ichishkiin varies depending on the person
(1 st, 2nd, 3rd) of the subject and the object. In addition, plurality is important, since the
morphology used reflects whether the subject and object are singular, dual or plural. A
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combination of clitics, verb prefixes and case markers indicate subject and object. Many
of the clitics and prefixes are the same as were seen in section 3.2. The conventions given
in 3.2.2 about using short or long forms of the clitics and the phonological rules
governing the insertion of a glottal stop after a verb prefix and before a vowel-initial
verb, seen in 3.2.1, apply to transitive verbs.
The examples in Table 3.4 show all transitive combinations using the verb k'{nu
'see' with the aspect marker -sha. Examples are given both with and without 3rd person
nouns. The nouns demonstrate the use of the case markers. Word order is flexible; the
examples given here are just one possibility. In these examples, the clitics directly follow
the verb since the verb is the first word of the sentence. If a word other than the verb were
first, the clitic would retain its place following the first word in the sentence.
Some of the glosses in the examples include an arrow or wedge (». This indicates
the direction of the action and differentiates subject from object. 2Sg >1Sg codes a
transitive clause where the subject is 2nd person singular 'you' and the object is first
person singular 'me'. In addition, the discussion uses the term 'speech act participant',
abbreviated SAP. This is a term that encompasses both 1st person (the person speaking in
a conversation: 'I, me, we, us') and 2nd person (the person being spoken to: 'you').
As can be seen in the table, in sentences with explicitly mentioned subjects and
objects, noun suffixes called case markers indicate what role the noun has in the sentence.
In other words, the case marker indicates how and why the noun belongs in the sentence:
is it the subject or object? The case marker -nan (dual-inan; plural -maman) indicates the
object of the verb, as in the example sentence ak'inushaam Maalinan 'you see Mary'.
TABLE 3.4. TRANSITIVE CLAUSE PARADIGM
If the subject is "I1we"
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I/we> you
k'inushamash (both Sg) I see you (Sg)
k'inushamatash (either S, 0, lor we see you (Sg/Pi)
or Sand°Pi)
I/we > him/her/it/them
6k'inushaaash
6k'inushaatash
6k'inushaash Maalinan
6k'inushaash kakyamaman
I see him/her/it/them
We see him/her/it/them
I see Mary
I see the animals
If the subject is "you"
you Sg > me pak'inushaam you (S g) see me
you PI > me k'inushapam you (PI) see me
k'inushaam you (Sg) see us
you Sg/Pl > us
k'inushapam you (PI) see us
6k'inushaam you (Sg) see him/her/it/ them
you> him/her/it/them
6k'inushapam you (PI) see him/her/it/ them
6k'inushaam Maalinan you see Mary
If the subject is "s/he/it"
ik'inushaash s/he/it sees me
s/he/it > me or us ik'inushaatash s/he/it sees us
ik'inushaash Maalinim Mary sees me
ik'inushaam s/he/it sees you (Sg)
s/he/it > you ik'inushapam s/he/it sees you (PI)
ik'inushaam Maalinim Mary sees you (Sg)
s/he/it > him/her/it/them ik'inusha s/he/it sees him/her/it/them
direct ik'inusha Maali Samnan Mary sees Sam
s/he/it> him/herlit/them pak'inusha s/he/it sees him/her/it/them
1l1verse pak'inusha Maaliyin Samnan Mary sees Sam
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TABLE 3.4. (CONTINUED).
If the subject is "they"
they> me or us
they> you
they> him/her/them
animate
they> it/them
inanimate 0
pak'fnushaash
pak'fnushaatash
pak'fnushaash ayatma
pak'fnushaam
pak'fnushapam
pak'fnushaam ayatma
pat ak'inusha
pat ak'inusha ayatma
samnan
pak'(nusha
pak'(nusha ayatma in(it(nan)
they see me
they see us
the women see me
they see you (Sg)
they see you (PI)
The women see you (Sg)
They see him/her/them
The women see Sam
They see it
The women see the house
The object case marker is sensitive to animacy. It is used consistently with 3rd person
human objects, and sometimes with animate and inanimate objects. The example
sentence pak'(nusha ayatma in(it(nan) 'the women see the house' is grammatical with or
without the object suffix -nan. A special object marker -pa is used with some relationship
terms (see 3.1 0.2).
The case markers -in and -nim indicate 3rd person subjects and are glossed ERG
for ergative. Ergative refers to a situation in which the subject of a transitive clause is
treated uniquely in the grammar, unlike any other participant in a transitive or intransitive
clause. Only 3rd person singular subjects of transitive clauses take ergative case marking.
The marker -in is used if the object is also 3rd person. -nim is used if the object is a speech
act participant. Examples from Table 3.4 include pak'fnusha Maaliyin Samnan 'Mary sees
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Sam' and ik'{nushaam M6.alinim 'Mary sees you'. Mary is the subject in both, but the case
marking on Mary is different in each because the object is different.
Recall that participants are not expressed by nouns in every sentence but are left
out if they can be understood from context. A sentence without any case marking can still
be transitive.
As has been seen in examples to this point, the subjects of intransitive sentences
do not have any special marking. This lack of case marking - in other words, seeing the
bare form of a noun, or a noun suffixed by a dual or plural marker - can serve to indicate
the subject ofa sentence. Third person nouns indicating subjects of transitive verbs with
third person objects frequently lack case marking as well, as will be discussed below.
Number (singular, dual, plural) affects different morphemes (such as case
markers, prefixes and clitics) differently. Sometimes number is expressed in the
morphology and sometimes it is not. There are object case markers for singular, dual and
plural. Verb prefixes and clitics do not have specific dual forms, so the distinction is
between one and two or more. The obviative verbal prefix 6.- is not at all affected by
plurality, as it can indicate a singular, dual, or plural object.
Ichishkiin has two types of transitive clauses: direct and inverse. Mithun,
describing Algonquian, characterizes direct/inverse systems as representing the way
speakers present events. Most typically, speakers present events from their own point of
view (or that oftheir listener) rather than that of a 3rd person. We are most familiar and
able to talk about the things we have done: I saw him fishing. lithe direction of action is
not as expected, for example if a speaker presents an event with 3rd person acting on 1sl
130
(he saw me fishing), the inverse is used (Mithun 1999,223). Direct means that the
persons (l st, 2nd, 3rd) of the agent and the object are more expected or natural. Inverse
clauses counter the expected scenario. The characterization of clauses as direct or inverse
may help to clarify some of the morphology presented below. For example, the agent
case markers -in and -nim are used in inverse clauses only. In this section we will see the
use of the inverse prefix pa- in two types of situations: those with a 2nd person singular
subject and 1st person singular object, and some of those with a 3rd person singular
subject and 3rd person object. Chapter 7 addresses inverse and direct more fully.
The following sections first discuss transitive clauses in which SAP's are the
agents (sections 3.9.2 and 3.9.1) and then move on to transitive clauses with 3rd person
agents (3.9.3 and 3.9.4).
3.9.1. Speech act participant> Speech act participant
1st >2nd : Transitive clauses use two pronominal enclitics that are not used in the
intransitive clauses we have seen to this point (although they are used to express
possession, covered in 3.8.7 and 3.10.6). These additional clitics are =mash and =matash.
They indicate that 1st person (I/we) is acting on 2nd person (you). =mash is used when the
subject and the object are both singular; =matash is used when either or both participants
are plural.21 The gloss used is 1>2E/B.Pl, with E/B standing for 'either or both'. These
21 These enclitics were formed from elements of first and second person clitics. The initial m refers to 2nd
person (=nam '2Sg', =pam'2PI'), ash and atash to 1st person (=nash '1 Sg', =natash IPl.INC/EXq, see 3.2.2.
In the present day language and in teaching it may be better to consider =mash and =matash as single units
rather than composed of two parts. =matash is used if either participant is plural, which is not evident from
looking at the pieces that historically formed it.
131
c1itics are referred to as complex c1itics since a single morpheme indicates both the
subject and the object.
182. shcipnisha mash
shcipni-sha =mash
ask-IMPY =1 Sg>2Sg
'I'm asking you'
183. ku matash {tu~ta
ku =matash {tu~-ta
and =1 >2E/B.PI retum-FUT
'and I/we will send you (Sg/Pl) back'
In the case of examples like 183, the subject is known to be 1st person and the object 2nd
person, and at least S or 0 (or both) must be plural. Without more infonnation, the
identity of the plural participant is not indicated in the sentence and must be gathered
from context.
2Sg>lSg: Clauses that have 2nd person singular subject and 1st person singular object use
the c1itic =nam '=2Sg' and verb prefix pci- 'INY'.
184. pawawtk'{wishaamf2
pci-wawtk'{wi-sha=am
INY-mock-IMPY=2Sg
'You're mocking me'
185. Mish nam pciwapiitata myukt pya~{?
Mish =nam pci-wapiita-ta myuk-t pya~{?
Q =2Sg INY-help-FUT peel-NZR bitterroot
'Will you help me peel the bitterroot?'
Examples such as 184 and 185 with 2Sg>1Sg represent the case in which a verb prefix is
used to mark a verb that does not have a 3rd person subject or object. (pci- is also used
with 3rd person subjects and objects, addressed below in 3.9.4.) The prefix pci- is a stress-
22 wawtk'{wi- 'trick, make a fool of is a strong root and so maintains word level stress.
132
stealing prefix, so it will take word level stress if the word does not also have a strong
root or stressed suffix. pa- was seen in section 3.5 on imperatives and differs in sound
from 3rd plural prefix pa- only in that it is stressed.
2Sg/PI>ISg/PI: If either the S or 0 is plural in clauses with a 2nd person subject and a 1st
person object, the prefix pa- is not used. Contrast 186, with a singular 2nd person subject
and 187, with a plural 2nd person subject. Example 186 requires the prefix pa-. 187 does
not have this prefix. Note that these examples have stressed applicative suffix twli- and so
pa- does not take the word level stress.
186. Mish nam mayts~i pa~wyaktwlita?
Mish =nam mayts~i pa-~wyak-twli-ta
Q =2Sg morning INV-sweat-APPL-FUT
'Are you (Sg) going to sweat with me in the morning?'
187. Mish pam mayts~i ~wyaktw{ita?
Mish =pam mayts~i ~wyak-twli-ta?
Q =2PI morning sweat-APPL-FUT
'Are you (PI) going to sweat with me/us in the morning?'
As seen above, for examples like 187, the object is known to be 1st person, but whether it
is singular or plural (me or us) must be gathered from context.
3.9.2. Speech act participant> Third person
In clauses with any 1st or 2nd person subject and a 3rd person object, the same set
of pronominal enclitics given in 3.2.2 indicates the subject. In the examples below we see
=nash (in 188) and =nam (in 189). The verb has the prefix a- indicating a 3rd person object.
If the object is overt it may be (but is not obligatorily) case marked with the object suffix
-nan (Sg), -inan (Dl) or -maman (PI). In example 189 the inanimate object is not case
marked.
188. Chaw nash anach 'a~i awiti'yawita g'a~numaman.
chaw =nash anach 'a~i a-(ti'yawi-ta k'a~nu-maman
NEG =ISg again 30-kill-FUT prairie.chicken-OBJ.Pl
'I'll never again kill prairie chickens'
189. maykw'aanik nam ag'inusha wiwnuwaash
maykw'aanik =nam a-g'(nu-sha wiwnuwaash
further =2Sg 30-see-IMPV huckleberry.patch
'Further along you see a huckleberry patch'
The 3rd person object prefix a- is a stress-stealing prefix (as discussed in 2.6) and so
takes the word stress from the root. It is used if the subject is 1sl or 2nd person and the
object is 3rd person. It references both singular and plural 3rd person objects, as can be
seen in the preceding examples.
The prefix a- indicates that the sentence has an object even if the object is not
named.
190. chaw nash ashukwaasha
chaw =nash a-shukwaa-sha
NEG =ISg 30-know-IMPV
'I don't know (it)'
191. awkiciwnash ayksha
awkiciw=nash a-YI'k-na
once=ISg 30-hear-PST
'Once I heard (it).'
We saw that in the case ofverb prefixes i- and pa-, a glottal stop is inserted before a
vowel-initial verb (see examples 2 and 3). In the case of a-, if the verb begins with a
vowel, the prefix becomes aw-.
133
134
192. paysh nam awititamata
paysh =nam a-ititama-ta
maybe =2Sg 30-count-FUT
'maybe you will count them'
3.9.3. Third person> Speech act participant
When there is a 3rd person subject and SAP object, a combination of clitics, verb
prefixes and case markers indicate the subject and the object. The clitics and prefixes are
identical to those used for intransitive clauses. Prefixes i- '3Sg.S' and pa- '3P1.S' mark
the subject. A clitic marks the object.
193. {kush nash ishapattawa~in~ana
{kush =nash i-shapa-ttawax.:in~a-na
thus =lSg 3Sg.S-CAUS-grow-HAB-PST
'In that way, she raised me'
194. awku natash pa'iw6.~i~ana
awkU =natash pa'-iw6.~i-~a-na
then =2P1.EXC 3P1.S-wait.for-HAB-PST
'Then they used to wait for us'
If the subject is 3rd person singular and is named in the sentence, it is case marked with
the suffix -nim.
195. {kush~asht~tash awku iku~ana JSa~{shnim
{kush-~ash-t~=tash awku iku~ana
thus-indeed-must=2P1.EXC then 3Sg.S-do-HAB-PST
'Thus must ~a~ish have done to us'
JS~{sh-nim
JSa~{sh-3>SAP.ERG
196. tamanwitnim nash inapayunta
tamanwit-nim =nash i-napayun-ta
law-3>SAP.ERG =lSg 3sgS/A-defend-FUT
'The law will support me'
.-------- ----------
135
A named 3rd person plural subject is not case marked. In 197, the plural subject tlinma
'people' does not have the 3>SAP ergative case marker -nim. The 3rd plural S/A prefix
pa- marks the verb.
197. ku nam pak'(nuta tlinma
ku=nam pa-k'(nu-ta tan-ma
and =2Sg 3Pl.S-see-FUT person-PI
'and the people will see you'
3.9.4. Third person> Third person
3Sg>3Sg/PI, Direct vs. Inverse: When the subject and object are both 3rd person and the
subject is singular, speakers can choose from two different constructions. 198 (a) and (b)
have the same meaning, but (a) has prefix i- and (b) has prefix pa-. Constructions with the
prefix i- are called direct; those with the prefix pa- are inverse.
198. a) ik'{nusha
i-k'{nu-sha
3Sg. S-see-IMPY
's/he saw him/her'
b) pak'inusha
pa-k'inu-sha
INY-see-IMPY
's/he saw him/her'
Inverse and direct clauses also differ in the case marking of the subject, if nouns are
present. Below, there is no case marker on the subject in (a), but there is in (b).
199. a) ik'{nusha Maali Sam nan23
i-k'{nu-sha Maali Sam-nan
3Sg.S-see-IMPY Mary Sam-OBJ
'Mary sees Sam'
23 Recall that word order is not fixed, although in inverse clauses where both Sand 0 are overtly stated,
there is a tendency that the verb will precede the object, see Rude 2009.
b) pag'inusha Maaliyin Samnan
pa-g'inu-sha Maali-in
INV-see-IMPV Mary-3>3ERG
'Mary sees Sam'
Sam-nan
Sam-OBJ
136
Along with the case marking of the subject being different in the two types of clauses, the
case marking on the object can vary. Inverse clauses must have an object marker (if the
object is given as a noun). In direct clauses with stated objects, whether or not the object
is case marked depends on animacy and topicality, addressed in 6.4.5.
Table 3.5 below sums up the morphological differences between the two types of
3Sg>3 clauses:
TABLE 3.5. INVERSE AND DIRECT 3SG>3 CLAUSES
Direct
Inverse
verb A case o case
prefix marking marking
i-
not required(3Sg S/A) none
pa-
-in required(INV)
Although the translations are the same, the 199 (a) and (b) examples above would
be used in different situations.24 The opposition between direct and inverse was addressed
briefly in 3.9, which discussed the inverse signaling a situation in which the identities of
24 Given that there are two ways to say the 'same' thing, students want to know which is most basic, or
natural. The correct answer varies with the situation. In Jacobs' Klikitat texts, Rude (1994) found that the
direct was used somewhat more often, in 57% of3>3 clauses, as opposed to 43% for the inverse. Both
Rigsby and Rude (1996) and Morrison (1990) report that speakers judge the inverse clauses as sounding
better. J found that in sentence elicitation and classroom examples (that is, when there was little other
context), the direct was preferred. The inverse/direct alternation showed up in longer, connected speech. In
our classroom, first year students learn to recognize the inverse, but aren't expected to know the correct
times to use it. They are taught to produce the direct.
137
the subject and object are not as expected. In the first clause of example 200, Twit'ciaya
'Grizzly Bear' is the subject. In the second clause, which immediately follows the first in
the original telling, there is a new subject, Spilyciy 'Coyote'. Twit'ciaya has become the
object. The use of the inverse tells the listener that there has been a switch.
200. Twit'ciaya ipallina twin
Twit'ciaya i-pal{i-na
Grizzly.Bear 3Sg.S-put.in.water-PST
'Twit'aaya dunked in his tail'
twin
tail
pcilatk'ishana Spilyciyin Twit'ciayanan
pci-lcitk'i-sha-na Spilyciyin
INV-look.at-IMPV-PST Coyote-3>3ERG
'Spilyay was looking at Twit'aaya'
Twit'ciayanan
Grizzly.Bear-OBJ
Additional factors determining whether the inverse or direct will be used include
topicality or global topicality, meaning how present or important a particular participant
is throughout an episode or text, and animacy: if an inanimate thing is the agent and a
human the object, the inverse is more likely to be used.
201. tamcinwitin pcinapayunsha
tamcinwit-in pci-ncipayun-sha
law-3>3.ERG INV-defend-IMPV
'The law is defending them'
In addition, the use of the inverse may hinge on a main character. In some storytellers'
versions of particular legends, for example, one character is signaled as primary.
Throughout the legend, whenever that character is the object rather than the subject, the
storyteller uses the inverse.
The factors conditioning the choice of inverse vs. direct in Ichishkiin have been of
great interest to researchers (see for example Blackburn Morrow 2006, Hymes 1987,
Rude 1994, ZUfiiga 2006) although there is still a great deal of work to be done to
138
understand when fluent speakers use one or the other. The inverse/direct alternation is
presented more fully in 7.3.
The following are a few more examples of transitive 3Sg >3 clauses using the
direct and the inverse. Note the variations in word order and the presence / absence of
nouns. In addition, recall that the object case marker in direct clauses is not required, but
it must be present in inverse clauses if the noun naming the object is in the sentence. In
example 205, the strong root (Table 2.11 in 2.6) keeps the stress from the usually stress-
stealing inverse prefix pci-.
202. [kush awku itamcinwya kw'aali wawcinan
[kush awku itamcinwiya kw'aali wawcinan
thus then 3Sg.S-create-PST dangerous.one mosquito-OBJ
'In this way kw'aali created mosquito'
203. nakciias iwlnpa l'kwmak k'Uiimaman
nakciias i-wlnp-a l'kwmak
my.MoMo 3Sg.S-get-PST those-OBJ
'My grandmother got those dogs'
k'Uii-maman
dog.DIM-OBJ.Pl
204. pcinaktkwanin~a pt'{niksnan ciyatin
pci-nciktkwanin-~a pt'{niks-nan ayat-in
INV-care.for-HAB girl-OBJ woman-3>3ERG
'The woman takes care ofthe girl'
205. patmiyuuna
pa-tmiyuu-na
INV-plot.against-PST
'he plotted against them'
3PI>3Sg or PI: There are also two types of constructions possible when the subject of a
transitive clause is 3rd person dual or plural (they) and the object is 3rd person (singular,
dual or plural). If the object is inanimate, the 3rd person plural verb prefix pa- is used. The
object can be case marked but it is not required.
139
206. nikwitnan tanma patkwata~a
nikwit-nan tan-ma pa-tkwata-~a
meat-OBJ Indian-PI 3Pl.S-eat-HAB
'people eat the meat'
As is always the case, the subject does not have to be overtly stated in the sentence. It is
indicated by the verb prefix, and the identity is understood from context or previous
reference.
207. tawnaapak'a tkwalanan ku patatnan wanapaynk pa'(chaysha
tawnaapak'a tkwala-nan ku patat-nan wana-paynk pa'-(chay-sha
supposedly small.fish-OBJ and tree-OBJ river-along 3Pl.S-spoil-IMPV
'supposedly they are spoiling the fish and trees along the river'
208. pa'an{~ana k'i~linm{infit tyamiki
pa'-an{-~a-na k'i~li-nm( inlit tyamiki
3Pl.S-make-HAB-PST tule-GEN house in.autumn
'they used to make houses oftule in the autumn'
209. tuyay panachiksha w(wnu?
tuyay pa-nachik-sha w(wnu
for. what 3Pl.S-bring-IMPV huckleberries
"Why are they bringing huckleberries?'
If the subject and object are human or animate, a verb prefix pata- or a related form
consisting of a 3rd person plural pronominal enclitic =pat and the prefix a- is used. The
form of3PI>3 varies by dialect (Rigsby & Rude 1996: 675) with the 3rd plural person
enclitic =pat and the obviative prefix a- in Northwest, prefix pata- in Columbia River, and
prefix pa'a in Northeast.
In Yakima, both the Northwest =pat a- (examples 210 and 211) and Columbia
River pata- (example 212) forms are used, within and across speakers. I refer to the
variations as the pat forms. w is inserted before a vowel-initial root, as seen in examples
192 and 210 above and 212 below.
140
210. Pat huuy awit~shya
Pat huuy a-(ta~shi-ya
3Pl in.vain 30-awaken-PST
'they tried in vain to awaken her'
211. ku pat atwanana nakciiasaan
ku =pat a-twana-na nakciias-aan
and =3Pl 30-follow-PST my.MoMo-OBl
'they followed my grandmother'
212. patawiy~na
pata-(y~-na
3Pl>3-find-PST
'they found him'
Because the pat forms are used with animate objects, a named object is case marked.
The form =pat behaves in some ways like 1sl and 2nd person pronominal enclitics,
but it is not exactly like the SAP enclitics. It is used much less often, only in 3Pl>3
transitive clauses. It codes the subject of a transitive verb,25 while the 1sl and 2nd person
clitics can identify the subjects of transitive and intransitive verbs, objects, and
possessors. It is not always in the second position on the sentence, as can be seen in
example 210 above.
3.9.5. Ditransitive clauses
Although very similar grammatically to transitive clauses, ditransitive verbs have
three participants: a subject or agent; a thing, object or person acted upon; and the
recipient of an action or the one who benefits from an action. Thus, ni- 'give' involves a
giver, receiver, and thing given; shapashuk- 'introduce' involves a person introducing
someone to someone else. Some verbs of speaking such as in- 'tell' or ta~a- 'inform'
25 There are a very few text examples where =pat codes the object, to be discussed in 7.3.
141
require a speaker, a person spoken to, and a thing that is said. As we have seen
throughout the grammar, animacy is important in ditransitive verbs. They usually involve
at least two human participants. The giver and speaker, the subjects, are usually human.
In the case of 'give', the other human participant is usually the recipient, rather than the
thing that is given. Typically the other human participant in a ditransitive clause will be
grammatically coded the same way as is a human object in transitive clauses. The thing
given usually has no case marking.
In many ways, the grammar of ditransitive clauses matches that oftransitives.
Table 3.6 includes examples with ni- 'give'. The word w(wnu 'huckleberries' could be
left out of the examples.
TABLE 3.6. A PARADIGM OF D1TRANSITIVE Nf- 'GIVE'
ISg>2Sg w(wnu mash n(ya I gave you (Sg) huckleberries
2Sg>lSg , , . you (Sg) gave me huckleberriesWlwnu nam pamya
SAP>3 w(wnu nash aniya I gave him/her/them huckleberries
3>SAP w(wnu nash in(ya Slhe gave me huckleberries
3Sg>3 direct , . , S/he gave him/her/them huckleberriesWlwnu Imya
3Sg>3 inverse , , . S/he gave himlher/them huckleberrieswlwnupamya
3Pl>3 w(wnu pataniya They gave himlher/them huckleberries
The reduced paradigm above for ni- 'give' shows that ditransitive verbs have essentially
the same grammar as the transitive clauses given in Table 3.4. The clitics and verb
prefixes are the same. Ifwe include a 3rd person recipient in the above examples, that
142
person would be marked as the object with -nan: wzwnu nash ciniya tmciynan 'I gave the
huckleberries to the maiden'.
The following two 3>SAP examples also include explicit mention of the thing
given ((kwakshcitay 'that blanket' in 213 and (chi 'this' and na~sh 'one' in 214. Neither
thing given is case marked as an object. The giver is 3rd person, indicated by the verb
prefixes i- and pa-, as well as the ergative suffix -nim in 213. The receiver is a SAP,
coded by the clitics =nam and =nash. The receiver in 214 is also indicated by the 1st
person object pronoun incik. (See 3.10.5 for more on pronouns.)
213. shznim nam in(ya {kw'ak shcitay?
shin-im =nam i-n{-ya
who-3>SAP.ERG =2Sg 3Sg.S-give-PST
'Who gave you that blanket?'
{kw'ak shcitay
that blanket
214. kush {chi incich'a na~sh pan(ya
ku=sh (chi incik-ch'a na~sh
and=1 Sg this 1Sg.PN.OBJ-also one
'and they gave me this one'
pa-n{-ya
3Pl.S-give-PST
This section has included examples and explanation of transitive and ditransitive
clauses. In sum, participants are indicated with a verb prefixes, clitics, and case markers
in transitive and ditransitive clauses. The exact configuration of morphemes is important,
as a slight difference can change the meaning dramatically. For example, one letter - or,
in 216 only a stress shift - reverses the subjects and objects in the following examples:
215. ciklnushaash
ci-k'(nu-sha=ash
30-see-IMPV=1 Sg
'I see him/her/it'
ik'{nushaash
i-k'{nu-sha=ash
3Sg.S-see-IMPV=1 Sg
's/he/it sees me'
216. pak'{nusha
pa-k'{nu-sha
3PI.S-see-IMPV
'they see him/her/it/them'
pak'inusha
pa-k'{nu-sha
INV-see-IMPV
's/he sees him/her/them'
143
3.10. Nouns, pronouns and demonstratives
3.10.1. Human and inanimate numbers
Ichishkiin numbers serve as nouns and noun modifiers. There is a basic, non-
human set, and a second set used when referring to humans. This section covers the use
of numerals in counting or telling how many of something there are, how many times
something happened, telling time, days of the week, and asking how old someone is.
The Yakima numbers follow a pattern based on ten, and are repetitive and
predictable once you know 1-10 and the tens to one hundred.26 Table 3.7 includes the
numbers.
For numbers that do not have a specific variant for humans, -ima is added to the
non-human form if counting humans. So, pta~ninsh pltpit 'six chicks' but pta~ninshima
myanashma 'six children'. This is simply the plural marker -ma following an inserted i.
This is the case even with the number 11 and above. So, for eleven humans, the number
used is putimpt ku na~shima (not putmu ku laxs).
Rigsby (1965) writes that the form naks is found in interior Salish languages
Wenatchee, Sinkiuse, Colville and Nespelem (120). Aoki (1975) also notes the similarity
of the forms, especially in those Salish languages that are contiguous to Sahaptian. The
26 Some Sahaptin dialects (those contiguous to the Nez Perce or with extensive relations with Nez Perce)
follow a base five pattern where six, seven and eight are all based on five, as they are in Nez Perce. See
Rigsby 1965 for more on Sahaptian numerals.
144
TABLE 3.7. NUMBERS
non-human human
na~sh laxs
2 niipt napu
3 mitaat mitaaw
4 pfniipt ,pmapu
5 pa~aat ,pa~naw
6 pta~ninsh
7 tuskaas
8 pa~at'umaat
9 ts'mist
10 putimpt putmu
11 (ten and one) putimpt ku na?Ssh
12 putimpt ku niipt
13 putimpt ku mitaat
14 putimpt ku p{niipt
15 putimpt ku p~aat
16
putimpt ku
pta~ninsh
17 putimpt ku
tuskaas
non-human human
18
putimpt ku
pa~at'umaat
19 putimpt ku ts'mist
20 nfiptit
21 (twenty and one) nfiptit ku na~sh
30 mitaaptit
145
TABLE 3.7. (CONTINUED).
40 p{niiptit
50 pa~aaptit
60 pta~ninshaaptit
70 tuskasaaptit
80 paxaat'umataaptit
90 ts'misaaptit
100 (na~sh) putaaptit
101
(na~sh) putaaptit
ku na~sh
200 (two hundred) niipt putaaptit
1000 (ten hundred) putimpt putaaptit
2000 (twenty hundred) nliptit putaaptit
form for one is cognate in Klamath (Naas) and Molalla (na1Ja), supporting Aoki's
conclusion that the borrowing was from Sahaptian to Salish.
Note in Table 3.7 above that currently laxs is used as a human number in Yakima,
although no human form of 'one' is given in Jacobs (1931). Likewise, in Rigsby's (1965)
analysis there are not animate forms for 'one' in the Sahaptin dialects he surveyed. laxs is
given in Rigsby's lists as the non-human numeral for Rock Creek and Tygh Valley, both
Columbia River dialects, and Wanapam, a Northeast dialect. In Yakima, the form laxs can
also mean the last one, the only one, reflecting the diminutive sound patterns n to 1and sh
to s. Before the last verse of a waashat ('Longhouse religion') song is sung, the phrase
laxssimk'a 'only one more' is heard -. This word includes the noun suffixes -sim 'same'
146
and -k'a 'again' discussed in 5.4. In addition, the word l(sxaam 'once' (discussed below) is
based on this diminutive form.
The etymologies of four, seven, and eight are fairly clear. The numeral four
(p(niipt) is analyzed by Jacobs (1931) and Rigsby (1965) as two (niipt) plus a prefix pa-
meaning one to another or a pair. Vowel assimilation changes pa- to pi-. So, p(niipt is 'two
by two' or 'two twos'. tuskaas, the number seven, is related to the instrumental prefix
t~s- 'with pointed end', and refers to the seventh or index finger, as that is the seventh
finger reached when counting on one's hands (starting with the thumbs). Rigsby proposes
that the suffix -aas could be a fossilized allomorph the first person clitic, giving 'my
pointer'(1965: 117). It also could be the nominalizer -as that is used with things done by
or used by a person (5.2.7). In that case, seven means 'a thing people use for pointing'.
(The current name for the pointer finger is tuskawas.) p~at'umaat 'eight' is a combination
ofp~aat 'five' and mitaat 'three'.
The root for two nap is considered by some (see for example, Aoki 1963) to a be a
metathesized (re-ordered) form of pen, the number two in some of the California families
that Dixon & Kroeber (1913) identified as related and labeled Penutian. The term
Penutian is based on the stems for two (pen and uti) found in these stocks.
The remainder of this section addresses specific morphology that applies to
numbers, as well as language functions such as telling time that use numbers.
147
3.10.1.1. Number oftimes
To indicate the number oftimes something has occurred up to 5 times, a suffix
with the base form -am is added, as in 217.
217.
Us~aam once
/
twicenapaam
mit6.am three times
/ four timespmapaam
p6.~aam five times
2] 8. ku p6.wiyuunwana p6.~aam
ku p6.-wiyuunwa-na p~aam
and INV-step.over-PST five.times
'and he stepped over him five times'
Us~aam can also mean' at one time'. For higher numbers, the base number is used. So,
pt6.~ninsh can also mean six times.
3.10.1.2. Inclusive numbers
To indicate inclusiveness (both, all four), the suffix -6.k or -{k is added. With
animate numbers, -6.k is used. Since animate numbers end in u, w is inserted and the u is
dropped, as in example 219:
219. napwcik matash n{sha
n6.pu-6.k =matash ni-sha
two.HUM-all =1>2.E/BPl give- IMPV
'both of us are giving (it) to you'
-{k has a broader distribution than -6.k, as it can contribute the same meaning of
inclusiveness to nouns that are not numbers as well as to inanimate numbers.
220. isinwi~ana niipt(k, yakmu ku shiyaputimt
i-sinwi-~a-na niiptzK yakmu ku
3Sg.S-speak-HAB-PST both Yakima and
'he spoke both, Yakima and English'
shiyaputimt
English
148
221. kuuk aluna kciia ku ~wisaat d'aa~w iniinK aluna
kuuk a-lu-na kaia ku ~wisaat tfaa~w
thus 30-bum-PST Mo.Mo and old.man all
inlit-tK a-lu-na
house-INCL 30-bum-PST
'then his grandmother and the old man house and all bumed up' (MJ37, 12.5.3)
3.10.1.3. Time
To tell time, the suffix -(t)ipa is added to the number. This is the locative suffix -
pa 'at' following an inserted i. t is the final sound of many numbers, and for some
speakers now the clock hours all have the ending -tipa; others speakers use -ipa.27
222. Munk'a aw iwa? or Miipan iwa?
Mun-k'a aw i-wa? Mit-pan lwa
when-next now 3Sg.S-COP how.many-LOC28 3Sg.S-COP
'What time is it?'
Awiwa
It's now
na~shtipa one o'clock
nliptipa two o'clock
mitaatipa three o'clock
p(niiptipa four 0'clock
p~aatipa five o'clock
pta~ninshtipa six o'clock
tuskaastipa seven o'clock
27 Jacobs notes a variation between nliptipa and nliptpa 'at two o'clock' (1931, 104). This form to some also
means 'in X number ofplaces', with a more transparently locative meaning. For example, p~dtipa 'in five
places' .
28 This is a form of the locative suffix -pa that is suffixed to question words.
paxat'umciatipa
ts'mtstipa
putimtipa
putimt ku nci~htipa
sitkumscian
pcichu'imish
eight 0'clock
nine 0'clock
ten o'clock
eleven 0'clock
noon
midnight
149
As specific clock times have only come into use only recently, different speakers
indicate clock time in different ways. Some elders tell clock time only to the quarter
hours, as is included here:
223. Aw pciwyawaawsha kwcita nci~shtipa.
Aw pci-wyawciaw-sha kwcita
now INV-pass.by-IMPV quarter
'Now it is quarter past one'
nci~sh-tipa.
one-o 'clock
For halfpast one, use the word witk 'half in place of kwcita; for three quarters past, use
mitciat kwcita. Broad times of day include NW skw'(pa 'morning', now used by some to
indicate very early morning only; mciytski 'morning'; pcichway 'midday'; kwlciawit 'late
afternnon, evening' and sts'ciat 'night (when it is dark).
The locative suffix -pa also is used when giving a time at which something
happened or will happen.
224. Mun nam wycinawi?
When did you arrive?
Na~htipa ku witk
At 1:30.
150
3.10.1.4. Days of the week
The names for Tuesday through Friday are based on the numbers:
225. Napikw'i Tuesday
Mitaikw'i Wednesday
Pinapikw'i Thursday
Pa~aikw'i Friday
Tamats'aakt Saturday
Sapalwit Sunday
Pachwaywit Holy Sunday
Wanak'it Monday
The days not based on numbers are centered around Sunday. Tamats'aakt 'Saturday' is the
nominalized verb tamats'aak- "to approach'; Wanak'it 'Monday'is the nominalized verb
wanak'i 'end, stop'. Sapalwit means week as well as Sunday. Pachwaywit 'Holy Sunday'
could be the abstractive suffix added to pachway 'midday'.
3.10.1.5. Ages
Asking children and teenagers how old they are is appropriate; it is not considered
polite to ask adults their age. The standard set of numbers, not the human set, is used to
answer the question.
226. mii nam wa anw{kt?
mii=nam wa
how.many =2Sg COP
'how old are you?
wash nash ts'mist anwIKt
wash =nash ts'mist anw{kt
COP =ISg nine year
'I am nine'
anWlKt
year
151
3.10.2. Kinship terms
There is an extensive set of kinship terms in Ichishkiin, and a number of
grammatical features only apply to kinship terms. To elders, this focus in the grammar
mirrors the profound importance of family ties and relationships. Speaking of the way
Plateau communities were organized at the time of the arrival of European Americans,
Conner and Lang write "Our vast extended families were kinship communities. These
communities recognized their citizenship by relations" (2006, 24). A child does not
simply have grandparents, but rather has specific and unique relationships with his or her
kaia 'mother's mother', ala 'father's mother', tlla 'mother's father' and pusha 'father's
father'.
In addition to a reference term, there are specific prefixed terms for 'my
(relation)' and 'your (relation)' and a vocative or address term (used in speaking to or
calling out to the relative). For example, pyap 'older sister (of a man or woman)' has the
associated terms nananas 'my older sister' an(sh 'your older sister' and nana 'Sister!
(vocative)'.
Some grammatical features apply only to kinship terms. For some relations, a
different word is used depending on whether one is referring to the relation of a man or a
woman. For example, the reference term for a man's younger sister is ats. The reference
term for a woman's younger sister is is(p. Some case endings differ for kin terms.
Reference kinship terms take the object suffix -pa rather than the usual object suffix -nan:
152
pshitpa 'father-OBJ'. The object 'your' forms end with -(a)p, as in ttitap 'your.father-
OBJ' and the 'my' forms in -aan, for example nattitasaan 'my.father-OBJ'.29
The forms for 'my (relation)' vary depending on the age of the named relation.
For older relations (parents, grandparents, older siblings, aunts and uncles), na- is added
before the vocative form and -s is added at the end. So, ria is the vocative for 'mother';
na'(ias is 'my mother'. For relatives of the same and younger ages, in-laws, and words
unspecified for generation such as ~ay 'man's male friend, relation', the prefix used is in-.
For 'your (relation)', Jacobs (1931, 236) cites i- as the prefix for the older generations
and im- for the same/younger. Some variation from Jacobs is reflected in the chart below.
The reference and vocative tem1S for some relations are reciprocal. So, a man's
daughter's child is taa, as is a girl's mother's father. Siblings and cousins are referred to
with the same terms: pat could be an older sister or older female cousin. citway is used
before the proper name or relationship term of someone who is deceased. Terms for one's
spouse's same-sex siblings (for example, a wife's sister) change after the spouse's death.
This reflects the traditional practice of maintaining family ties by marrying a spouse's
sibling after the death of the spouse. The importance of traditional arranged marriage for
strengthening families is described by Virginia Beavert-Martin as 'a custom which
reinforced the traditions, culture, and linguistic stability within their clans, and was
usually done for sound economic advantages as well' (1999, 65). Marrying a husband or
wife's sibling kept those ties in place.
29 In Umatilla paradigms (Rude 2005), when older relations are case marked, the case suffixes are all
preceded by a: natutasaanim 'my father.ERG'. This seems to be the case as well in Yakima, based on forms
like na'ifasaanm( 'my grandmother's' that show the lengthened vowel prior to the genitive, as one expects
with a vowel-final word, see 3.10.4.2.
153
The words xgy, a word for a man's close male friend or relation (as well as the
specific term for a wife's sister's husband, Hunn 1990,362), ti'aks, a word for a woman's
close female friend or relation (and husband's brother's wife) and ~itway 'relative, close
friend' follow the unique grammatical conventions for kinship terms.
Ichishkiin family terms are frequently used, and it is one of the places where
people who otherwise mostly speak English have not shifted to English. The system is
changing as younger individuals know the vocative terms (such as n(ya or l(ya (CR) for a
woman's younger sister) but not necessarily the reference term (is(p 'woman's younger
sister') or the possessed form ((nyuks 'my younger sister').
This complex and intricate language system is not fully covered here. Included in
Table 3.8 on the next page are only terms for grandparents, parents, siblings, spouses and
children. For a more extensive listing, see Hunn (1990) and Beavert and Rigsby (1975).
A full paradigm of Yakima relationship terms with the complete set of case suffixes for
each needs to be developed.
3.10.3. Animacy and nouns
Throughout Ichishkiin grammar, a distinction is made among three categories of
animacy: humans, other animate beings and inanimate things. Humans have the most
distinctive treatment in the grammar. Legend characters (names suffixed with -yay or -
yaya) are treated as humans. During the time oflegends, animals had human
characteristics: they could speak and reason as humans.
154
TABLE 3.8. KINSHIP TERMS
reference
vocative my your
term
mother pcha {fa na'lias it
father pshit tuta natutas/natutaas itut
father's mother ala ala na'alas al
father's father taa taa nataas ita
mother's mother kciia kciia nakciias ikcii / ikcii
mother's father pusha pusha
napushas
ipush
/napusas
older sister pat nana nananas an{sh
older brother pyap yaya nayayas iyash
man's daughter pap tsha {npap {mpap
son or daughter isht ttta (man's son) {nmisht {misht
tsha (woman's
woman's son
son)
woman's younger
is{p n{ya {nyuks iyuks
sister
woman's younger
pacht patsa, ntpa {npats
brother
pats
man's younger
lttsa, ntcha {ntsats tsnitsats
sister
man's younger
is~a/is~tp ntka {nkaks kuks
brother
husband am am {nmam {mam
wife cisham asham {nasham {masham
155
The next level of animacy includes land animals, living things that are mobile, such as
mammals and birds. The category of inanimates includes fish, insects, and objects. The
division between animal and inanimate is not absolute. For example, reptiles may be
treated grammatically as animals or as inanimate beings. A group of animals considered
to be one entity may not receive a plural suffix.
The following sections discuss the effect of animacy on nouns and numbering
systems. The grammar makes distinctions in human vs. non-human numbering systems,
as we saw above. Discussed below are human vs. non-human case suffixes, and dual /
plural suffixes.3D
Case suffixes:
Noun case endings differ for humans and non-humans. For humans, the genitive
marker -m{ precedes the benefactive, dative, allative, ablative, instrumental, and locative
case endings. In 227, the words with suffix -ki, here meaning 'about' refer to an
inanimate. In 228, both -m{ and -ki must be added to iw{nsh 'man'.
227. pashtikwaasha {chinki tiichcimki
pa-shtikwaa-sha {chinki
3Pl.S-know-IMPV this.INST
'they know about this land'
tiichcim-ki
land-INST
228. pappvintiusha iwinshmz'ki
pa-p~wintiu-sha iwinsh-m{-ki
3Pl.S-think.about-IMPV man-GEN-INST
'they are thinking about the man'
30 Animacy also affects differential object marking (discussed in 6.4.5). In verbal morphology, animacy
plays a role in singular vs. plural third person verb prefixes (see more in 3.2.1); applicatives (6.4.2);
ditransitives (6.5); use of the inverse voice and use of the 3PI>3 verb prefix pata- (7.2.4).
156
Singular, dual and plural forms:
The singular, unmarked form of a noun is used for inanimates, singular animate,
generic or mass entities and collective plurals - that is, groups that are considered to be
one entity rather than comprised of individuals. Only animates and humans take the
plural and dual suffixes. Distributive inanimates are indicated with reduplication.
Plural humans (more than two) and animals (more than one; the dual suffix is
typically not used for animals) are indicated by the suffix -rna added to the noun:
229. pat
older.sister
'older sister'
230. kw'ayaw(
cougar
'cougar'
patrna
older.sister-PI
'older sisters' (two or more)
kw'ayaw(rna
cougar-PI
'cougars' (two or more)
Even with animates, the unmarked form ofthe noun can be used to refer to more than one
for collective plurals: a group of entities seen as one. Jacobs's texts often use tiin 'person,
Indian' rather than t{inma 'people, Indians' to refer to a group of people.
231. ts'aapak'a iwamsh tan
ts'aa-pa-k'a i-wamsh tan
near-LOC 3Sg.S-come.IMPV person
'People are approaching now' (MJ29,233)
In contrast, the marker -ma indicates distributive plural: that members ofa group are
being referred to as individuals rather than a set.
The dual suffix -in indicates two humans. This dual suffix is not usually used for
two animals, although it is possible. It is the same suffix as is used for the comitative
(3.10.4.1) and 3>3 inverse (3.9.4) case suffixes.
232. ayat
woman
'woman'
ayatin
woman-DL
'two women'
157
Some nouns for humans have irregular forms for dual/plural. Table 3.9 gives examples:
TABLE 3.9. NOUNS REFERRING TO HUMANS WITH IRREGULAR DUAL AND PLURAL
gloss (sg) singular dual plural
girl pt'{niks pt'i/{yin pt'i/{ma
man iw{nsh aw{nshin aw{nshma
maiden tmay ttmay(yin ttmay{ma
boy aswan amlisin amlisma
old woman imama imamatuwin imamatuma
old man xwisaat xwisaatuwin xwisaatuma
Also note that some adjectives also have specific plural forms, addressed in 8.2.
Inanimates do not take the suffixes -in or -ma. They can be marked distributive by
reduplication. If reduplicated, stress falls in the first iteration of the word in the syllable
that would normally be stressed:
233. . / 31WiKawKa
leg/foot-REDUP
'legs' 'feet'
tnantnan
cliff-REDUP
'cliffs'
31 Jacobs (1931; 137) translates this as 'little foot', an example ofdiminutive reduplication.
158
A few nouns are partially reduplicated, with only a single consonant doubled.
234. ta~sh
'willow'
tta~h
'willows'
Some animals, insects and inanimates have a reduplicated form as their basic,
singular form. Examples are walakwalak 'butterfly'; p{tpit 'chick'; akak 'Canada goose';
p'{p'i 'intestines'. These are not doubly reduplicated for plural.
3.10.4. Case marking
Section 3.9 above introduced noun case markers, suffixes that gave information
about the role of the noun in the sentence. The section included object case markers -nan
(Sg), -inan (DI), -maman (PI), and -pa (a special object marker used with relationship
terms) and ergative (agent) case markers -nim and -in. In this section we will look at the
rest of the case markers.
There are eight additional suffixes that give information about how the suffixed
noun is related to other 'players' in the sentence. The suffixes indicate concepts such as
location, destination, or origin; instrument (the thing with which something is done);
recipient; possessor; the one who is with or accompanying someone else; the one
benefiting from or providing a purpose for something.
The examples below show locative case marker -pa, instrumental case marker -ki
and genitive case marker -ml.
235. iyawtaan~awanapa
i-yawtaan-~a wana-pa
3Sg.S-float-HAB river-LOC
'it floats on the river'
159
236. Ku mlimi pa'an{~ana t~uski
ku mlimi pa'-an{-~a-na t~us-ki
and long.ago 3P1.S-make-HAB-PST milkweed.hemp -INST
'And in old times, they made them with hemp'
237. pa'iya~na tanawit anahuym( tal~
pa-iyax-na tanawit anahuy-m{
3P1.S-find-PST cave black.bear-GEN
'they found an empty bear's cave'
tal~
empty
The case markers discussed here have different forms if they are attaching to a human
noun as opposed to a non-human noun. Case markers for humans differentiate singular,
dual and plural and begin with possessive suffix -m{, This suffix was discussed briefly in
3.8.7 and is addressed below.
Table 3.10 presents the complete set of case markers, and the following sections
give examples of the first eight in the table below. (The last three, case markers used in
transitive clauses, were discussed in section 3.9.) I follow the terminology of Rigsby and
Rude (1996) for the various cases, except that I use 'associative' instead of 'comitative'.
While it is possible to assign a shorthand meaning to each of the noun cases, the
range of concepts each one covers is not directly related to a grammatical feature or word
in English. For example, the instrumental suffix -ki can attach to a noun naming a tool
that is used to do something: kapinki 'with a digging stick'. This use fits very neatly with
the label 'instrumental' and the translation 'with'. But -ki also is a common suffix on k'usi
'horse' kaa 'car' or waslis 'canoe' to indicate the means of travel ("on a horselby carlin a
canoe"). And it is suffixed to the name of a language to mean speaking in that language:
Ichishk{nk stnwitki 'in Ichishkiin' (-k{nk, discussed below, is a variant of -ki.)
TABLE 3.10. NOUN CASE ENDINGS
160
human human human
inanimate animate
singular dual plural
with, accompanying
not used -in -in no Dual/Plural
(associative or ASSOC)
of, possessor
-(n)m{ -(n)m{ -(n)m{ -inm{ -mam{
(genitive or GEN)
for the purpose/benefit of
-m{yay -inm{yay -mam{yay-ay -ay
(benefactive or BEN)
by means of, with
-ki -ki -m{ki -inm{ki -mam{ki
(instrumental or INST)
located at, in, on
-m{pa -inm{pa -mam{pa-pa -pa
(locative or LOC)
towards, destination
-kan kan -mOwn -inm{kan -mam{kan
(allative or ALL)
from, origin of motion
-knik -knik -m{knik -inm{knik -mam{knik
(ablative or ABL)
to, into
-m{yaw -inm{yaw -mam{yaw-yaw -yaw
(dative or DAT)
The following cases were addressed in section 3.9:
Object of transitive
-inan-nan -nan -nan -maman
clause (0BJ)
3rd person S oftransitive
clause with 3rd person 0 -in -in -in no Dual/Plural
(3)3 Erg)
3rd person S of transitive
clause with SAP 0 -nim -nim -nim no Dual/Plural
(3)SAP Erg)
161
These usages are not concrete instrumental meanings. Finally, -ki is not used to mean
doing an activity 'with' someone else; in that case associative -in is used. Thinking of -ki
as equivalent to 'with' would not cover its range of meanings and uses.
Noun modifiers (adjectives or nouns giving more information about another noun)
and determiners ('this, that') also have case markers. In that way, they agree in case with
the noun they modify, as shown in some of the examples below. In addition, personal
pronouns inflect for case. More examples using modifiers, demonstratives and pronouns
and will be provided in 3.10.5, 3.10.6 and 5.5.
The examples below present some of the meanings of each of the case markers.
3.10.4.1. With, accompanying: Associative -in
Associative suffix -in indicates that noun to which it is attached is performing the
action of the verb along with someone else. The noun with the associative is part of the
subject of the sentence. This is indicated by the use ofa plural verb prefix (for third
person) or plural clitic (for SAPs). This suffix is used with human and (sometimes)
animate nouns, and never with inanimates. Because the suffix begins with i, y is inserted
if the noun ends in a vowel.
238. pawlik'ika k'usiyin
pa-wlik'ik-a k'usi-yin
3Pl.S-be.stuck-PST horse-ASSOC
'he and the horse were caught up'
239. Patu~shana k'a~nu ayatin.
pa-tu~-sha-na k'ci~nu ciyat-in
3Pl.S-retum.home-IMPV-PST prairie.chicken woman-ASSOC
'Prairie Chicken came home with his wife' or 'Prairie Chicken and his wife came
home'
162
240. Elsayintash awyatamashwikta
EIsa-yin=tash a-wya-tamashwik-ta
Elsa-ASSOC=1PI.EXC 30-while.going-interpret-FUT
'Elsa and I will translate it as we go along'
The associative suffix sounds and looks the same as the 3>3 ergative marker (see
3.9.4) and the dual marker (discussed in 3.10.3).32 Surrounding context and morphology
can distinguish them, but a sentence that is standing alone like ayatin paw(nana can be
translated either 'the two women went' or ' s/he/they went with the woman'.
3.10.4.2. Of, possessor: genitive -(n)mi
The genitive case marker -(n)m{ often codes possession or ownership. It also
expresses a more general association or relationship between two nouns without the
specific meaning of ownership.
The form of the suffix is -nmi after vowel-final nouns and -mi after consonant
finals. Nouns ending in -a or -am lengthen the a. It is a stress stealing suffix and takes
the word level stress from the root. There is some variation in the form of this morpheme.
For example, the a of the plural plus genitive marker -mam( is long for some speakers (-
maamO, short for others. Words ending in -s/-sh often take -nm( (as seen in 242 below).
This variation is in line with Rigsby and Rude's (1996) report of dialectal differences in
the distribution of -mi and -nmi as well as variation within the Umatilla dialect (677).
32 The associative and dual have no other difference in the morphology that accompanies them.When the
suffix -in indicates 3>3 ergative, it is accompanied by the stressed prefix pci- and so can be disambiguated.
With i-final nouns, Virginia Beavert prefers no y glide in the associative (for example kw'aaWn 'with the
dangerous one') but ay in the ergative (kw'aal{yin). This needs to be systematically investigated in texts.
163
When -(n)m( is indicating possession, the noun indicating the possessor is marked
with the genitive case suffix. The noun indicating the possessed thing is not case
marked.33
241. aswanm( taatpas
aswan-m( taatpas
boy-GEN shirt
'the boy's shirt'
The genitive marker also indicates more general relationships between two nouns. Family
relations can be indicated this way:
242. am nakafasnm(
am nakcifas-nm(
husband my.MoMo-GEN
'my maternal grandmother's husband'
Note also that there are special relationship terms that encompass the relation between
two people. For example, in (242) the word nakcifas means 'my mother's mother'. This is
addressed further in 3.10.2.
-(n)m( can indicate that something is a part or piece of a larger whole. The
following examples reference body parts, which are not 'owned' as a book or coat are.
243. amashm(afci'afa
cimash-m( afci'afa
barn.owl-GEN claw.PI
'bam owl's talons'
244. walakwala~m(wciptas
walakwcila~-m( wciptas
butterfly-GEN wing
'butterfly wings'
33 The examples in this section show only the related nouns, not the surrounding sentences. As discussed in
3.8.7, singular and plural third person 'have' clauses use the copula and the obviative verb prefix a-. We
will see in section 6.2.4 that the stressed prefix a- can occur in other constructions involving a possessed
subject. That chapter will also address possessed objects in transitive clauses.
164
-(n)m{ can be used to give more specific information about a noun:
245. naktkwaninici tamanwitm{
naktkwanin-ici tamanwit-m{
care.for-AGT 1aw-GEN
'government nurse'
-(n)m{ can indicate what something is made of.
246. k'i2Slinm{ inlit
'tu1e mat houses'
tikay tawtawliinm{
'tin dishes'
It can refer to how something is decorated.
247. amushm{wiyayt{
'shell dress'
wapshashpama nukshaynm{
'otter hair wraps'
'alder sticks'
pat{shpatish i2Saanm{
laluupaanm{taatpas
'ribbon shirt'
An idiomatic expression with -(n)m{ indicates the thing that one is hungry or thirsty for.
248. anawishaash twii2Stm{
anawi-sha=ash
be.hungry-IMPV=1Sg
'I'm hungry for soup'
twii2St-m{
broth-GEN
Some nouns are formed by adding the genitive marker to an adjective.
249. plash 'white'
plashm{ 'aluminum'
2Sapii 'raw, uncooked'
2Sapiim{ 'knife'
luts'a 'red'
luts'aanm{ 'copper'
165
3.10.4.3. For the purpose or benefit of: Benefactive -ay
The benefactive suffix -ay indicates the purpose or reason for doing something or
the one for whom something is done. y is inserted if the noun ends in a vowel.
250. l1axyawixa misu~ ~itwaymam(yay
l1axyawi-xa nusux ~ttway-mam(yay
dry-HAB salmon relative-Pl.GEN.BEN
'she dries salmon for her relatives,34
251. Mish nam aWfnpta yaamash ka'uytay?
mish =nam a-wtnp-ta yaamash ka'uyt-ay
Q =2Sg 30-get mule.deer first.feast-BEN
'Will you get a deer for the feast?'
252. pinawfshuwashana anw(ktay
pina-wfshuwa-sha-na anwIKt-ay
RFL-be.ready-IMPV-PST winter-BEN
'he was readying himself for the winter'
253. kutash amchan w(nama tkw'an{ntkw'anintay
ku= natash amchan w{na-m-a
and =lPl.EXC to.outside go-CSL-PST
'and we came outside to walk around'
tkw'an{n-tkw'an{n-t-ay
walk.around-walk.around-NZR-BEN
254. awa kkciatnam wf~aw~a tfUptfuptay
a-wa kkaatnam wf~aw~a tfUptfup-t-ay
30-COP long.PI leg.PI jump-jump-NZR-BEN
'he has long legs for jumping'
Note that in examples 253 and 254 the benefactive suffix has been added to a verb,
following the suffix -to The nominalizer -t makes a verb into a noun and allows the case
suffix to be added. In these examples, the benefactive suffix is best translated 'for the
purpose of' or 'in order to'. The nominalized verb suffixed with -ay in 253
(tkw'an(ntkw'anintay) tells the reason for the action indicated by the main verb. In 254,
the nominalized verb suffixed with -ay gives infonnation about the purpose of having
34 This is an example of the 3rd person prefix dropping off before a vowel-initial verb, see example 3.
166
long legs. The nominalizing suffix is discussed further in 5.2.1, and a discussion of its use
with case markers in complex clauses is in Chapter 9.
If something is being done for a person, a different construction is typically used.
Usually, the applicative suffix -ani is added to the verb and the human who benefits
becomes the object of the sentence, as in 255; more information can be found in 6.4.2.
255. lakamlin mash an(yanya
lakamlin =mash an(-yani-ya
salmon.stew =1Sg>2Sg make-APPL-PST
'I made lakamiin for you'
3.10.4.4. By means of, with: Instrumental-ki
The suffix -ki marks the instrument with which something is done, or the means
or indirect cause of the accomplishment of the expressed action. It also has a extended
meanings that do not correspond as neatly to an English category. The first example
below, 256, has a concrete instrumental meaning. It is followed by more abstract
examples.
256. Twak'aatkawaaski itwak'aatk~a ipa~
twak'aatkawaas-ki i-twa-k'aatk-~a
scraper-INST 3Sg.S-long.impl-discard-HAB
'She scrapes the hide with a scraper'
ipa~
hide
257. ya~ay~a natash k'usiki
ya~ayk-~a =natash k'usi-ki
wade.across-HAB =1Pl.EXC horse-INST
'We wade across on horseback (by means of a horse)'
258. wawinkniki iwa (kkski k'pitki
wawinknik-i i-wa
wrap.around-STAT 3Sg.S-COP
'it is wrapped with small beads'
(kks-ki
small.Pl-INST
k'p{t-ki
bead-INST
167
259. ku pimawapawa?;ana k'usik'usimam{ki wapawatki
ku pima-wapawa-xa-na k'usik'usi-mam{ki wapawat-ki
and RFL.P1-costume-HAB-PST dog-P1.GEN.INSTcostume-INST
'and they would outfit themselves in their dog costumes'
As will be addressed in 5.5 and 8.2, noun modifiers (adjectives, adjectivals or nouns
giving more information about another noun, as 'dog' does about 'costume' in 259 and
'human' does about 'bone' in 261), determiners ('this, that', seen in 261) can agree in
case with the noun. So, in 259, both k'us{k'usima 'dogs' and wapawat 'costume' have a
case marker. In 261 below the form of{kw'ak 'that' is instrumental (kwink{nk), and agrees
with the suffixed noun pipsh 'bone'.
The following example ofleaming something by hearing it in one's sleep or 'by
sleep' has a more abstract instrumental meaning. As seen in examples with benefactive -
ay, here the verb pnu- 'sleep' is nominalized.
260. ku pnutki awku pashukwaana tf'aa?;w kw'ink timnana?;t
ku pnu-t-ki awku pa-shukwaa-na tf'aa?;W kw'ink timnana?;t
and sleep-NZR-INST then 3P1.S-know-PST all aforementioned story
'and then, in sleep, they learned all these stories'
In examples 261 and 262 the sentence indicates an event that happened because of
something or on account of something. -ki marks the noun that indicates the cause.
261. awku ilatiwasha intit kwink{nk p{pshki tiinmamlKi
awku i-la-tlwa-sha intit
then 3Sg.S-leisurely-smell-IMPV house
kwink{nk p{psh-ki tiin-mamlKi
that.U\JST bone-INST Indian-P1.GEN.INST
'now then the house smelled because of those human bones'
(adapted from MJ29:237:9)
168
262. pshwaki it'ilna
pshwaki i-t'il-na
rock-INST 3Sg.S-choke-PST
'he choked on the rock' (MJ37:11.9.1)
-ki can refer to mixing things together:
263. Yaamashm{ ipa~ ciyat itamanli~a
Yaamashm{ ipa~ ayat
mule.deer-GEN hide woman
itamanli~a
3Sg.S-throw.in.water-HAB
tkwsaypa {twani chiish ku yaamashm{pluski.
tkwsay-pa {twa-ni chUsh ku yaamash-m{ plus-ki
basket-LOC mix-STAT water and mule.deer-GEN brain-INST
'Women throw the deer hide into a container in which water is mixed with the
deer's brain.35
-ki is used to refer to speaking in a language:
264. {chi anakw'ink awaniki~a shiyaputimki 'Yakima River'
{chi anakw'ink a-wam'k-in~a shiyaputim-ki 'Yakima River'
this REL 30-name-HAB English.1anguage-INST Yakima River
'This that is called in the English language 'Yakima River'
IKw'ak iwam'kshana Tapt{il mlimi {chishkink sinwitki
IKw'ak i-wam'k-sha-na Tapt{il mlimi lchishkink sinwi-t-ki
that 3Sg.S-name-IMPV-PST Taptiil10ng.ago this.INST speak-NZR-INST
'long ago was named Taptii1 in the Indian language'
With verbs expressing thinking, speaking or knowing about something, -ki indicates what
is being talked or thought about.
265. Ich{ iwa wat{t winachapammam{g'a~numaml'ki.
ich{i-wa watlt winachapam-mam{ g'~nu-ma-ml-ki
this3Sg.S-COP legend Winachapam-P1.GEN prairie.chicken-L.GEN.INST
'This is a Winachapam legend about the prairie chickens'
266. pashukwaasha {chinki tiichamki
pa-shukwaa-sha lchinki
3Pl.S-know-IMPV this.INST
'they know about this land'
tiicham-ki
1and-INST
35 yaamashmtki plUski would also be grammatical.
169
In 267, the suffix indicates that the older brother is the reason the woman cried. Because
the brother is human, the complete suffix is -mOd.
267. anaxtiya ayat pyapm{ki
a-naxti-ya ayat pyap-m{ki
30-cry-PST woman older.brother-GEN.INST
'the woman cried about her older brother' (MJ29, 239)
There are several cases in which -ki is added to a noun or adjective to create an adverb:
268. nch'i
'loud, big'
tway
'soft, quiet
xtuwit
'strength'
nch'{ki
'loudly'
twayki
'softly, quietly'
xtuwitki
'with strength, strongly'
And it is used with the seasons, preceeded by -mi, to change 'spring' to 'springtime',
'summer' to 'summertime', etc.
269. wuu?;im
'spring'
wuu?;miki
'in spring'
tiydm
'fall'
tiyamiki
'in fall'
shatim shatmiki anim anm{ki
'summer' 'in summer' 'winter' 'in winter'
-kink, a variant form of the instrumental, is found on the demonstratives and
pronouns and sometimes on nouns. Rigsby and Rude (1996) describe -k{nk as an
emphatic variant of -ki. The forms of pronouns and demonstratives are taken up in 3.1 0.5
and 3.10.6.
Locative and directional case markers
Several of the case suffixes indicate location, direction or source of movement.
These suffixes and their core or most basic meanings are:
170
-pa located at, in, on, by
-kan towards
-yaw into
-knik from
Each of these also has extended meanings and they will be addressed individually
below. The purpose of this introduction to the set of four is to highlight the differences
among them. We use the following classroom example to differentiate the meanings (as
well as provide a tongue twister that contrasts the sounds ch/sh and iii).
270. a. patashi iwacha ish{chpa
patashi i-wacha
quail 3Sg.S-COP.PST
'the quail was in the nest'
b. iway?{tiya ishchttkan
i-way?{ti-a ishchtt-kan
3Sg.S-run-PST path-ALL
'it ran towards the path'
c. iwacha ishchttpa
i-wacha ishchtt-pa
3Sg.S-COP.PST path-LOC
'it was on the path'
ish{ch-pa
nest -LOC
d. iwinaynaka ishityaw
i-winaynak-a ishtt-yaw
3Sg.S-go.into-PST brush-DAT
'it went into the brush'
e. iwinata ishttknik
i-winat-a ishtt-knik
3Sg.S-depart-PST brush -ABL
'it went away from the brush'
171
Figure 3.1 on the following pages is the associated visual, prepared by Ichishkiin student
Charlene Moody. For more information about using visuals to teach location in
Ichishkiin, see Beavert et al 2005.
Of the four location and direction case suffixes, -pa has the least specific meaning.
It can be translated 'is located at, on, in, near, or by'. It is used in (a) and (c) above with
the copula wa 'be' and in these examples indicates the static, unmoving condition of the
quail with respect to a place - in this case, the nest or road. There is no change of location
or movement indicated in (a) or (c).
The other case markers in this example show movement to, into, or from a place.
They express a change in location rather than a fixed location. -kan, seen in (b), is the
most usual way to specify movement to or towards somewhere. -yaw (as in c) implies a
destination that has some sort of interior, and specifies movement into or to the inside.
The example above suggests that the quail entered the brush and was hidden or mostly
hidden from from view. -knik indicates the place that is being left behind or moved away
from.
The case markers are not the only way to indicate location or direction of
movement, as will be discussed in section 4.3.3. Ichishkiin verbs can express very
specific information about location, motion and direction. In (d) above the sense of 'into'
is indicated by the verb winaynak- 'move into' as well as the case marker -yaw. In (e) the
FIGURE 3.1 TEACHING CASE ENDINGS
172
FIGURE 3.1. (CONTINUED).
173
174
notion ofmoving away from something comes from the verb winat- 'depart, move away
from' and the case marker -knik. Both case marker and verb contribute to the meaning.
The suffix -paynk does not entirely fit into the case marker category, although it
also marks nouns and has the locative or directional meaning 'alongside of, along.'
271. pachciynachya wanapaynk
pa-chciynachi-ya wana-paynk
3Pl.S-groom-PST river-along
'they got married along the river'
-paynk is not a true case marker as it does not have associated human endings as
do case markers. It occurs with a very restricted set of nouns, in my data only with 'river'
and 'road, path'. It does not have equivalents in personal or demonstrative pronoun
paradigms and does not trigger case agreement between nouns and modifiers. It is likely
related to locative -pa as it can indicate a static location (as in 271), occurs with the
demonstrative kwnak 'there', and a matching form can be an emphatic locative on
personal pronouns, agreeing with nouns case-marked -pa. (This is covered in 3.10.5. The
emphatic locative is always stressed. The stress on -paynk 'alongside' needs to be further
investigated, as it seems not to consistently take stress.)
The rest of this section discusses the locative and directional case markers -pa, -
kan, -yaw and -knik in tum.
3.10.4.5. Located at, in, on: Locative -pa
To show that something is a location, the case marker -pa (loosely translated as
'in, on, at, by') is used. It indicates where the action expressed by the verb is taking
place. It can also be used in copular clauses indicating location (see 3.8.3)
175
272. haashhciashnaatash shk'lishpa
haashhaash-na=atash shk'lish-pa
rest-PST=lPl.EXC shade-LOC
'we rested in the shade (in a shady place)'
273. pilksa iwisala~a ptinpa tiichampa
pilksa i-wisala-~a ptin-pa
3Sg.PN.alone 3Sg.S-hunt-HAB brush-LOC
'he hunts alone in the brushy country'
274. aw iway~ti aswan pachupa ishchitpa
aw i-way~ti aswan pachu-pa ishchit-pa
now 3Sg.S-run boy half-LOC road-LOC
'now the boy has run in the middle of the road'
tiichcim-pa
land-LOC
Because the meaning of -pa is broad, sometimes another word giving more
specific information about location is added to the sentence.
275. ~limichnik ay'ay iwa patcit-pa
~limichnik ay'ay i-wa
on.top magpie 3Sg.S-COP
'The magpie is on top of the tree.'
patat-pa
tree-Location
The following examples also indicate locations, although these are not places a
person could go to (as were found in the previous examples).
276. Tun nam {twaxa lakamlinpa?
tun=nam {twa-xa lakamlin-pa?
what =2Sg mix-HAB salmon.stew-LOC
'What do you put in lakamiin?'
277. {chi nam ak'inusha tlinma pawa p{kchashpa
{chi =nam a-k'fnu-sha tlin-ma pa-wa
this =2Sg 30-see-IMPV person-PI 3Pl.S-COP
'you see this, people are in the picture'
pIKchash-pa
picture-LOC
In addition to location, -pa is used in expressing clock time, covered in 3.1 0.1.3.
The suffix also follows a named day, hour, or period of time to indicate when an event
happened or will happen.
176
278. pawyanawita sts'atpa
pa-wyanawi-ta sts'at-pa
3P1.S-arrive night-LOC
'they will arrive in the night'
The word k'{nupa is made up ofthe root k'{nu 'see' with suffix -pa. It is found in
expressions such as shi~ k'{nupa 'good looking, good to look at'. k'{nupa is an idiomatic
expression meaning 'apparently, in appearance, it looks like'.
3.10.4.6. To, towards a destination: Allative -kan
-kan indicates motion to or towards somewhere. It marks the destination or what
is being moved towards. It does not necessarily include reaching or entering the
destination.
279. iw{nsh ikwlita ~achkan
iw{nsh i-kwli-ta ~yach-kan
man 3Sg.S-go.along-FUT sweathouse-ALL
'The man is going along to the sweathouse'
280. w(yatkan iw{nana
w(yat-kan i-w{na-na
far.away-ALL 3Sg.S-go-PST
'he went far away'
281. anaku tlinma pawyan{n~ana pit'~anukan
anakU tlin-ma pa-wyan{n-~a-na pit'~anuk-an
REL person-PI 3Sg.S-travel-HAB-PST mountain-ALL
ku patmaan{~ana
ku pa-tmaan{-~a-na
and 3Sg.S-berry.pick-HAB-PST
'When the people would travel to the mountains, they picked berries'
With some nouns the form of the allative is -chan.36
36 An old pattern of palatalization, no longer productive, has affected some of these examples, resulting in
the alternations -chan/-kan and -chnikl-knik.
282. iwa]swnayksha taaminwa im{tichan ik'{nusha
i-wa]swnayk-sha taaminwa m{ti-chan
3Sg.S-bend.head-IMPV always below-ALL
'she always bows her head and looks downward'
i-k'{nu-sha
3Sg. S-see-IMPV
177
-kan sometimes has a less literal meaning, as in the example below. The sentence refers to
maintaining the cultural tradition of having a whipman to discipline and counsel children,
rather than physically returning to a place.
283. aw natash tu~ta wawyaianmz'kan
aw =natash tu~-ta wawyaia-nmz'kan
now =lPl.EXC return-FUT whipman-GEN.ALL
'Now we will return to the whipman'
3.10.4.7. From, origin of motion: Ablative -knik
-knik indicates a source or origin of motion. Like -kan, the meanings are mostly
linked to actual physical motion, but there are some extended uses that are are more
figurative.
284. Asumyay iwisalzlshana a~mi Nch'iwanaknik
Asumyay i-wisalzl-sha-na a~mi
Eel 3Sg.S-hunt-IMPV-PST away.from.water
'Eel was hunting away from the Columbia River'
Nch'iwana-knik
Columbia.River-ABL
285. Ku pcha winatma inlitknik
Ku pcha winat-m-a inlit-knik
and mother depart-CSL-PST house-ABL
'and the mother came out from the house'
With the copula, -knik refers to being originally from a place.
286. Inm{ nch'{nch'ima pawachci kw{nik tiichcimknik
inm{ nch'{nch'i-ma pa-wachci kw{nik tiichcim-knik
lSg.PN.GEN elder-PI 3Pl.S-COP.PST that.ABL land-ABL
'My ancestors were from that land/area'
178
The following examples show more abstract uses that do not deal with a physica110cation
but share the meaning of being 'from' something.
287. pashapanaktu?Sinma sapsikw'at tamanwiianm{knik
pa-shapa-naktu?S-inm-a sapsikw'at tamanwiici-nm{knik
3Pl.S-CAUS-carryback-CSL-PST teaching creator-GEN.ABL
'they sent back teaching from the Creator.'
288. Ku chinik ikw'{knik
ku chinik ikw'{ -knik
and this.ABL day-ABL
'And from this day on'
289. fnknash wa sh{?St?Saw tl'aa?Swmaam{knik
ink =nash wa sh{?St?Saw ti'aa?SW-maam{knik
lSg.PN =lSg be best all-GEN.ABL.P1
'I am the best of all'
This suffix is a no-longer-productive part of some words expressing locations. The
meaning it gave to the words is still clear in some cases. Below we see that ts'muy 'warm
followed by -knik 'from' yields ts'muyknik 'south'.
290. anachnik 'behind'
im{tichnik 'below'
?SWtimichnik 'above, on top of
niw{tknik 'to the right, right side'
wakatsalknik 'to the left, on the left side'
k'pisaasknik 'north'
ts'muyknik 'south'
179
3.10.4.8. To, into: Dative -yaw
The case marker -yaw has very literal, spatial meanings as well as extended or
more figurative meanings. Of all the markers, -yaw has the largest range of extended
meanings that are not easily related to its spatial meaning.
In its literal sense, dative -yaw indicates motion to or into the noun it is suffixed
to. It implies that the specific destination was reached and/or entered. It is used when
there is motion into water, a basket, a house, or an enclosed space:
291. Uyt ipa~nan ayatma pataman{i~a ehlishyaw
uyt ipa~-nan ayat-ma pa-tamanli-~a ehlish-yaw
first deer.hide-OBJ woman-PI3Pl.S-throw.in.water-HAB water-DAT
'First the women put the hide in water'
292. aniehtaam niehtpamayaw
, 'h 'h'a-me -ta=am me -t-pama-yaw
3O-put-FUT=2Sg put-NZR-thing.for-DAT
'put it in your pocket'
It is used when reaching a specific person or entering a destination.
293. Wfnak ipushm(yaw
Wfna-k ipush-m(yaw
go-IMP your.FaFa-GEN.DAT
'go to your grandfather'
294. itu~in~ana inlityaw
i-tu~-in-~a-na inlit-yaw
3Sg.S-return-HAB-PST house-DAT
'she would return to the house'
Note that the noun alone does not determine what case marker will be used.
Speakers choose the case marker that will express the situation best. Example 272 on
page 175 above includes shk'lishpa 'in the shade.' If a speaker were referring to an
enclosed shady place, like under a low-branched tree or arbor, shk'lishyaw could be used.
180
In addition, the verb can influence the choice of case marker. In example 276, repeated
below as 295, lakamlin has the case marker -pa. If a different verb is used that expresses
motion into a liquid, as in 296, then the case marker -yaw is used.
295. Tun nam {twa~a lakamlinpa?
tun=nam {twa-~a lakamlin-pa?
what =2Sg mix-RAB salmon.stew-LOC
'What do you put in lakamiin?'
296. Apshalii~aash nusu~ lakamlinyaw
a-pshalli-~a=ash
30-put.bunch.into.water-RAB=1Sg
'I put salmon into lakamiin'
nusu~ lakamlin-yaw
salmon salmon.stew-DAT
The following clause about breathing deeply illustrates air being brought into an
enclosed place.
297. ihaashi.nkika wiyatyaw
i-haash-inkik-a wiyat-yaw
3Sg.S-breathe-TRL-PST far.away-DAT
'he breathed in, way down deep'
-yaw is also often used to indicate nearness to something, and in this case it can
co-occur with the word ts'aa 'near, close by'.
298. ila'ayksha ts'aa akwshyaw
i-la-ay(k -sha ts'aa
3Sg.S-leisurely-sit-IMPV close
'she is sitting near the fire'
ilkwsh -yaw
fire-DAT
It can indicate that something is fastened or tied to something else:
299. ankashtkataam k'usi patatyaw
a-nkashtk-ata=am k'usi
30-tie-PURP=2Sg horse
'Go tie the horse to the tree'
patat-yaw
tree-DAT
181
The following uses of -yaw are more abstract. When fishing, gathering or hunting
something, -yaw marks the item that is the goal of the action. (If the verb is transitive, the
thing being shot or found is a grammatical object and may be marked with -nan).
300. iwisa1z1?:;a sts'atpa ikks kakyayaw
i-wisa1z1-?:;a sts'at-pa
3Sg.S-hunt.for-HAB night-LOC
'he hunts at night for small prey'
ikks
little.PL
kakya-yaw
bird.animal-DAT
In the case of two nouns in the same role, one or both take the case marker. Note
in the example below, only the second ofthe two nouns joined by ku 'and' is case
marked. Having the suffix on bothyaamash 'mule.deer' and ti'alk 'elk' would also be
grammatical.
301. pawisa1z1xa yaamash ku ti'alkyaw.
pa-wisa1z1-xa yaamash ku
3Sg.S-hunt-HAB mule.deer and
'They hunt for mule deer and elk'
ti'alk-yaw
elk-DAT
Price or trading amounts are indicated with -yaw:
302. Mish nam twashiinita?:;nay nusu?:;?
Mish=nam twasha-ani-ta?:;nay nusu?:;
Q =2Sg can-APPL-SLTBJ salmon
'Would you can my salmon?'
Ii, witkiyaw.
Ii, witki-yaw
yes half-DAT
'Yes, for half'
303. M{fyaw iwa {chi?
m{i-yaw i-wa
how.many-DAT 3Sg.S-COP
'How much is this worth?'
{chi?
this
Pa?:;aat taalayaw.
pa?:;aat taala-yaw
five dollar-DAT
'Five dollars'
It is used in comparisons.
304. fkuuk iwa maykk'pis wat{myaw
fkuuk iwa mayk-k'pis wat{myaw
today 3Sg.S-COP more-cold yesterday-DAT
'today is colder than yesterday'
182
In clauses that express a feeling, desire, or mental state, -yaw can mark the ones having
that experience.
305. ataw iwa chiish tiinmam(yaw
ataw i-wa chiish tiin-ma-m(yaw
valued 3Sg.S-COP water person-PI-GEN.DAT
'water is precious to the Indian people'
With verbs of speaking such as thanking, praying or asking for something, the person
spoken to is the direct object and -yaw is used to indicate the thing spoken about or asked
for.
306. kw'aianuusha mash {chin tkwatatyaw
kw'aia-nuu-sha =mash {chin
be.glad-APPL-IMPV =1 Sg>2Sg this.DAT
'I thank you for this food'
tkwatat-yaw
food-DAT
307. Awati'awya nch'{nch'imaman piimyuuk sapsikw'atyaw
Aw-ati'awi-ya nch'{nch'imaman piimyuuk sapsikw'atyaw
30-ask.for-PST elder-Pl.OBJ their.DAT teaching-DAT
'I asked the elders for their teachings'
To conclude this discussion of case endings, the following short passage gives
several examples of case endings in context. This is part of a lesson developed by
Tu~amshish(Virginia Beavert) and Tuulhinch (Roger Jacob, and is used with their
permission.
308. fmaiakt nusux, shushaynsh ku tkwala
Cleaning salmon, steelhead, and trout
Apawinaynak ts'ixaaspa tkwalanan xapiimI1d
Insert a knife into the fish at the anus
ku ashaxilpk nawatpa iamtixyaw.
and cut open the belly to the head.
b. wam'kshaash
-----
wam'k-sha=ash
be.named-IMPV=l Sg
,
183
Apshanatanik p'{p'i ku chmuk til{wal
Take out the guts and black blood
citwak'aatkanik nawcitknik suxaaski.
and scrape them out from the belly with a spoon.
P'{p'inan nam cipshaliita wcinayaw.
Put the guts in the river.
3.10.5. Independent personal pronouns
In addition to the clitics and verb prefixes, Ichishkiin can indicate subjects,
objects and possessors in sentences by using pronouns. As previously noted, pronouns
function like nouns and substitute for a noun that has already been mentioned or that is
known from context. They are free-standing words and therefore called 'independent'.
The genitive (possessive) pronoun can either substitute for a noun or occur with the noun
to modify it (add to its meaning). Personal pronouns also can indicate other roles (such as
instrument or location, see 3.10.4) when suffixed with a case marker.
Personal pronouns are used to be formal, to clear away potential
misunderstanding, or for emphasis. They do not take the place of person marking (verb
prefixes and clitics) and are always accompanied by the appropriate verb prefix and/or
clitic.
In example 309, (a) and (b) have the same meaning. 309 (a) uses a pronoun; (b)
does not.
309. a. ink nash wam'ksha
----,-----
ink =nash wam'k-sha
lSg.PN =lSg be.named-IMPV
'I am named
-------
184
Both sentences include the 1sl person singular clitic, with the form =nash in (a) and
=ash in (b), following the rules for clitic placement and shortening given in 3.2.2.1. The
clitic is needed in both (a) and (b). The pronoun does not replace the clitic.
Pronouns clarify or emphasize participants. The following example is from the
legend Wa~pushyciy ku Asumyciy 'Rattlesnake and Eel'. Rattlesnake and Eel compete to
reach the Columbia River. Wa~pushyciy is explaining the transformation that will happen
ifhe wins the race: Rattlesnake will tum into an eel, and vice versa.
310. Paysh mash ink wilcialakwta
pciysh =mash ink
maybe =lSg>2Sg lSg.PN
'If I outrace you
wilcialakw-ta
out.run-FUT
kush ink awku txcinata asum,
, -
ku =nash ink
and =lSg lSg.PN
then I will become an eel
awku
then
~cina -ta asum
become-FUT eel
ku nam paysh imk t~cinata w~push."
ku =nam pciysh imk t~cina -ta
and =2Sg maybe 2Sg.Pro.S/A become-FUT
and you will become a rattlesnake. '
wa~push
rattlesnake
There are subject pronouns in each clause above. They stress the switch that
would happen if Rattlesnake won. Note that each clause above also has a second position
pronominal enclitic. The clauses would not be grammatically correct or understandable
without the clitics, but they would be without the pronouns.
Pronouns can clarify number of participants, since clitics do not distinguish dual
from plural. The following example, 311, is repeated from 143. In (a), we only know that
two or more are awake; the number could be two (dual), or more than two (plural). In (b)
and (c), the distinction between dual and plural is made by the pronoun.
185
311. (a) Wash natash wcik'ish.
We (2 or more) are awake.'
(b) Napiim'k natash wa wcik'ish.
'We two are awake'
(c) Namcik natash wa wcik'ish.
'We (more than 2) are awake'
The same situation occurs with 2nd and 3rd person dual and plural. The second person
clitic =pam refers to two or more. It does not differentiate dual from plural. In example
312, the pronoun imcik clarifies that the subject is plural 'you all' not dual 'you two'.
312. tciaminwa pam imcich'a kkciasa tukin.
tciaminwa=pam imcik-ch'a kkciasa tu-kin
always=2Pl 2Pl.PN-also be.in.a.hurry what-INST
'You (all) are always in a hurry about something'
Independent pronouns, unlike clitics, have different forms for subject and object
and can serve to emphasize either. (Even without a pronoun there is enough information
in a transitive clause to distinguish subject from object, as seen in 3.9). The following
example includes the 1st person singular object pronoun. Along with emphasizing the
object, the pronoun clarifies number. Without the pronoun, the object would be known to
be 1st person, but whether it was singular or plural (me or us) would not be explicitly
stated in the clause.
313. Chaw pam incik kichkta
Chaw =pam incik kichk-ta
NEG =2Pl 1Sg.PN.OBJ pay.attention.to-FUT
'Don't pay attention to me!'
Table 3.11 includes for subject, object and genitive pronouns follow. There is
variation in these paradigms, and learners may find that their elders use slightly different
forms than those given here. For example, the long vowels in the Yakima dual forms are
not recorded by Beavert and Risgby (1975) in the Yakima Language Practical Dictionary
186
or by Rigsby and Rude (1996) (except for piimK 3rd Du). There are also differences in the
charts below from Rude's (2009) Klikitat paradigm. Rigsby and Rude point out the
"diversity and independent restructuring by analogic processes" in the pronoun
paradigms (1996:682); this diversity is found among Yakima speakers as well?7
TABLE 3.11. PERSONAL PRONOUNS
Subject pronouns
person translation singular dual plural
1st person I, we ink
napwiinik
namak
napiimK
2nd person you imk imiimK imak
3rd person she, he, it, they pink piimK pmak
3rd person s/he/it >SAP pinimk
no Dual/Plural
ergative s/he/it >3 pinlik
Object pronouns
person translation singular dual plural
1st person inak
napwiinanak
niimanakme, us
napiinanak
2nd person you imanak imiinanak imamanak
3rd person him, her, it, them piinak
pinamanak
piimanak
pinanmanak
370emonstratives also show a great deal of variation. They are addressed in 3.10.6.
TABLE 3.11. (CONTINUED).
Genitive pronouns
person translation singular dual plural
1st person inmi
napwiinanmi
niim{my, our
napiinanm{
2nd person your im{nk imiinanm(nk imam{nk
I'd his, hers, its, theirs pinm{nk
piinam{nk
piim(nk3 person
piinanm{nk
The following examples show the pronouns in sentences.
Subject:
314. kutya na namak wata shcipyawyi
kutya= na namak wa-ta shcipyawi-yi
rather =2Pl.INC 2Pl.PN COP-FUT be.bothered-STAT
'instead, we will be troubled'
315. Ink nash wa wapsuuu~ ti'aa~wmaam{knik."
ink =nash wa wapsu~ ti'aa~-maamIKnik
1Sg.PN =ISg be intelligent all-GEN.ABL.PI
'I am the smartest of all'
Object:
187
316. inak nash pan{ya
inak=nash
ISg.PN.OBJ =ISg
'They gave it to me'
pa-n{-ya
3Pl.S-give-PST
317. imanak nam iyuuyuuta
imanak =nam i-yuuyuu-ta
2Pl.PN.OBJ =2P13Sg.S-call-FUT
'he'll call you'
318. kunklnk nash anaknuwisha piinak
kunklnk =nash a-naknuwi-sha
that.INST =lSg 30-care.for-IMPV
'And so I am caring for it'
Genitive:
piinak
3Sg.PN.OBJ
188
319.
320.
piimfnk tkw"atat awacha tiichampama
piimfnk tkwatat a-wacha
3P1.PN.GEN food 30-COP.PST
'their food was from the land'
fkushat awa pinmfnk nawtmiyush
fkush=at awa pinmlnk
thus=MOD 30-COP 3Sg.PN.GEN
'thus must be his plan'
tiicham-pama
land-thing.for
nawtmiyush
plan
321. ti'aa~ niimfk'tisima pashukwaashana
ti'aa~ niiml k'tisi-ma pa-shukwaa-sha-na
all 2P1.PN.GEN horse-P13P1.S-know-IMPV-PST
'all our horses knew it'
If the genitive pronoun accompanies a noun, as it does in the above examples, it almost
always precedes the noun.
A set of noun suffixes can be added to pronouns to modify their meanings. The
resulting words include pin~ush 's/he first', pflksa 's/he alone', pinch'a 's/he too'. These
are discussed in 5.4.
Other case suffixes (as discussed in section 3.10.4) can be added to the pronouns
to indicate a role other than subject, object or possessor. Because the pronoun is not
indicating a subject, object, or possessor relationship to the verb, the verb does not agree
with the pronoun. So, in example 322 below, there is no first person clitic and the yd
person prefix i- is used. If the pronoun refers to a human, the case suffix is added to the
genitive form.
322. waawk'a k'pis iwa amchnik niimryaw
waawk'a k'pis i-wa amchnik
too-next cold 3Sg.S-COP outside
'It's too cold for us outside'
niim{-yaw
lP1.PN.GEN-DAT
189
Pronouns agree with case marked nouns. The modifying pronoun typically precedes the
noun, as in examples 323 and 324 but not always, as seen in example 325.
323. anaknuwik tlimaman inmlpa nishci.yktpa
a-naknuwi-k tlin-maman inm{-pa
30-care.for-IMP person-Pl.OBJ 1Sg.PN.GEN-LOC
'take careof the people in my home'
nishaykt-pa
dwelling-LOC
The case markers used with pronouns for humans can be slightly different from
those given in Table 3.11. Stressed case suffixes, called emphatic suffixes by Rigsby and
Rude (1996) are used with 2nd and 3rd person, and sometimes with 1st person. For
example, the instrumental added to nouns is -ki but the instrumental added to a pronoun
usually is -kInk. For human 2nd and 3rd persons, these suffixes are added to the base form
of the genitive pronoun which ends in -ml. In other words, this is the form in the table
above without the final nk. For example, the base form of the 3rd person plural genitive
pronoun piim{nk is piimi-. The complete instrumental pronoun is then piimik{nk as seen in
example 324.
324. ku tlinma piimik(nk til{walki pima'aniya
ku tlin-ma piimiklnk til{wal-ki
and person-PI 3P1.PN.GEN.INST blood-INST
'the people made themselves with their (own) blood'
pima-an{-ya
RFL.Pl-make-PST
The emphatic dative case suffix is sometimes -yuuk. (Note that -yaw was used with 1st
person plural in example 322 above).
325. panaktu?Sin?Sana infityaw pinmiytiuk
pa-naktu?S-in?Sa-na inlit-yaw
INV-carry.back-HAB-PST house-DAT
'he would take him back to his house'
pinmiyuu.k
3Sg.PN.GEN.DAT
190
The emphatic locative case suffix is -paynk. The form -pa is also used, as in 323 above.
Note that this suffix when added to nouns such as wana 'river' and ishchlt 'road, path'
means 'along, alongside of. This meaning was discussed in 3.10.4.
326. anaku iti/(wali?Sana uyt,
ana-ku i-til{wali-?Sa-na uyt
SUB-and 3Sg.S-bleed-HAB-PST first
chaw akut pinawapashata pinmipaynk wawnakwshashpa
chaw aku.t pina-wapasha-ta pinmipaynk wawnakwshash-pa
NEG MOD RFL-touch-FUT 3Sg.PN.GEN.LOC body-LaC
'when she first menstruates, they say she is not to touch her own body,38
The other emphatic forms are -kn{nk (ablative) -kamK (allative), and -nayk'ay or -layk'ay
(benefactive). Northwest dialect form -k'alay (benefactive) is given in Rude (2009) and
found in some of Jacobs' Klikitat materials but does not occur in my data.
The last part of this section compares personal pronouns and verb agreement.
Producing a word for word translation from English (a language that uses independent
pronouns) can result in awkward or unnatural Ichishkiin sentences. The grammatical job
of indicating the subject of a sentence is done by pronouns in English. In Ichishkiin it is
done by verb prefixes and clitics. A personal pronoun in Ichishkiin adds emphasis, in a
way like putting stress on a spoken English pronoun: "I didn't do it, he did."
38 This sentence is from a text on ceremonies and refers to traditional activities surrounding a girl's first
menses. The girl is accompanied by an older woman who is appointed as the girl's caregiver and teacher
during this time.
191
The most important difference between verb agreement and pronouns in
Ichishkiin has to do with whether or not they are required. C1itics are required any time
you have a sentence with a 1st or 2nd person involved as a subject or object (and some
clauses indicating possession, more on this in 6.2.2). Verb prefixes are required with a 3rd
person subject or object. A sentence is not understandable or grammatical without it. In
contrast, pronouns are not obligatory. They provide emphasis or clarity, but are not
required to have a grammatical sentence. Most sentences do not include a pronoun.
Clitics and pronouns make different distinctions in terms of dual/plural and
inclusive/exclusive. Clitics differentiate inclusive we (we all) from exclusive we (we but
not you). Pronouns do not. Clitics do not have separate forms for dual and plural, but
pronouns do. Clitics do not vary for subject, object or possessor. However, there are
different pronouns for subject, object, and possessor. Table 3.12 on the next page
summarizes the differences between clitics and verb agreement.
TABLE 3.12. DIFFERENCES BETWEEN CLITICS AND PRONOUNS
Different forms Different forms Different formsRequired in the for subject, for dual and for inclusive and
sentence object, possessor plural exclusive we
Clitics YES NO NO YES
Verb
YES YES NO N/A
prefixes
Pronouns NO YES YES NO
192
3.10.6. Demonstratives
Demonstratives (such as {chi 'this', (kw'ak 'that') point out or refer to something.
They can occur on their own, as in examples 327 and 328, or modify a noun, as in 329.
327. Ku {chi iwei shapeilalp 'ash
ku {chi i-wei
and this 3Sg.S-COP
'and this is a photo'
shapeilalp'ash
photo
328. ku {kw'ak weikatsalkan tun iwei paysh teiwa~
ku {kw'ak weikatsal-kan tun i-wei
and that left-ALL what 3Sg.S-COP
'that on the left may be Indian tobacco'
329. {kw'akiw{nsh i'ay{ksha
tkw'ak iw{nsh i-'aytk-sha
that man 3Sg.S-sit-IMPV
'that man is sitting'
paysh teiwa~
maybe tobacco
Demonstratives specify distance from the speaker (or from a point of reference the
speaker establishes). Forms including ch indicate a location near the speaker, and forms
with kw or ku indicate a location away from the speaker.
A special expression {chi ikUuk means 'now, today, nowdays'. The words are
sometimes said as one: {chikuuk.
330. Ku mlimi pa'an{~ana taguski,
ku mlimi pa-'an{-~a-na ta~us-ki,
and long.ago 3Pl.S-make-HAB-PST hemp-INST
ku {chi {kuuk aw wapstkikisim paw{'ani~a
ku {chi {kuuk aw waps{ki-ki-sim pa-w{-'ani-~a
and this today now string-INST-only 3Pl.S-DIST-make-HAB
'And in the old days they made them with hemp, but nowadays they are
made with string.'
193
yuk or yuuk is sometimes used to indicate an even greater distance away, although not
necessarily out of sight. yuk 'yonder' does not have the full range of case suffixes as the
other two do.
Like personal pronouns, demonstratives have different forms to indicate different
cases and (if referring to humans/animates) dual and plural. Ifthe demonstratives modify
a noun, they usually precede it and they agree with it in number and case.
Also as with personal pronouns, there is variation in the demonstratives within
and across speakers and dialects. The forms given in the paradigm charts below may not
be exactly what the learner may encounter in conversations with elders. They are a
subset, especially in the forms of 'that', of the paradigm given in Beavert and Hargus
(2009), and vary slightly from the forms given in Rigsby and Rude (1996). One factor in
the variation is the presence or absence of an initial stressed {- especially in forms of
'that' (such as (kwmak ~kwmak). Speed of speech and level of formality may playa role in
the pronunciation.
There are three tables below. Tables 3.13 and 3.14 give the basic forms of {chi
'this' and {kw'ak 'that', respectively, in singular, dual and plural, and the ergative, object,
and genitive forms. Table 3.15 gives the additional case forms (such as instrumental,
locative, etc.) for both {chi 'this' and {kw'ak 'that'.
Here are some examples of the forms in the tables ..
331. tkwmak ayatma pawa skuuliMma
{kwmak ayat-ma pa-wci
that.Pl woman-PI 3Pl.S-COP
'those women are students'
skuuliM-ma
student-PI
332. ch{yin mishkwy6.amktin p6.shapakw'afaya
ch{yin mishkwy6.amkt-in p6.-shap6.-kw'6.fa-ya
this.3>3ERG religion-3>3ERG INV-CAUS-be.happy-PPF
'this religion has made her happy'
333. p6.tamanwya ichincfk tiich6.mnan
p6.-tamanwi-ya ichin6.k tiich6.m-nan
IJ\JV-create-PST this.OBl earth-OBl
'He created this earth'
194
334. m{shkin na awku 6.saypta ch{iman tlinmaman?
mish-kin =na awku 6.-sayp-ta chliman
Q-INST =IPl.INC then 30-feed-FUT this.OBl.Pl
'How then will we feed these people?'
tiin-maman
person-OBl.PI
Demonstratives in the locational and directional cases (locative 'at, in, on, by',
allative 'towards', ablative 'from', dative 'into') refer to places.
335. skUulishanaatash {chnak Tapnishpa
skuuli-shana=atash {chnak
go. to.school-IMPV-PST= IPL.EXC this.LOC
'We went to school here in Toppenish'
T6.pnish-pa
Toppenish-LOC
336. ku mash {tu~ta {Imunik
ku= mash {tu~-ta
and 1>2E/B.PI return-FUT
'And I will put you back there'
{kuunik
that.ALL
337. Itu~in~a lKwin anakwn6.k iw6.p'k'a isu~knik.
I-tu~-in~a lKwin
3Sg.S-return-HAB that.DAT
ana-kwnak i-wap'k'-a isu~-knik
SUB-that.LOC 3Sg.S-hatch-PST fish.egg-ABL
'It returns there, where it hatched from the egg.'
TABLE 3.13. REFERRING TO SOMETHING CLOSE' THIS'
singular I dual i plural
subject (Subject of intransive chfyin chima
fchi
and some transitive clauses) chiimK fchma
Object of transitive clause
fchiinak chIinaman chIiman
(OBJ)
of, possessor chiimf
chinmf chiinamfnk
(genitive or GEN) chiimfnk
3[(1 person S of transitive clause
chfyin no Dual/Plural
with 3rd person a (3)3 Erg)
3ro person S of transitive clause
chfnim no Dual/Plural
with SAP a (3)SAP Erg)
TABLE 3.14. REFERRING TO SOMETHING FARTHER AWAY 'THAT'
singular dual plural
fkwmak
subject (Subject of intransive
fkw'ak
kwfyin
kwmak
and some transitive clauses) IKwiinik
kuma
Object of transitive clause IKu(u)nak kumanak
kwIinaman
(OBJ) kuunak kuuman
of, possessor ikuumfnk
kwinmf(nk) kwiinamfnk
(genitive or GEN) kumfnk
3ro person S of transitive clause
kwfyin no Dual/Plural
with3rd person a (3)3 Erg)
3rd person S of transitive clause
kwinim no Dual/Plural
with SAP 0 (3)SAP Erg)
195
196
TABLE 3.15. ADDITIONAL CASE FORMS OF 'THIS' AND 'THAT'
subject {chi {kw'ak
for the benefit/purpose of {chiyay {kw'akay
(benefactive or BEN) 'for this' 'for that'
{chinki kunklnk,by means of, with
kwinklnk
(instrumental or INST) 'in this way'
'in that way'
{chna, {chnak lKwna, lKwnak,located at, in, on
kwnak
(locative or LOC) here
there
towards, destination {chiini {kuuni, {kuunik
(allative or ALL) towards here towards there
from, origin of motion
chinik kwinik
(ablative or ABL)
to, into {chin lKwin
(dative or DAT)
Demonstratives also playa part in subordinate clauses, seen in example 337
above, in which the subordinate marker ana with kwnak 'there' introduces an adverbial
clause. See Chapter 9 for more on this construction.
The translations and uses of the various case forms have the same range as the
case endings discussed in 3.10.4. kunklnk (kwinklnk) 'that.INST' can be translated 'with
that', 'in that way', 'about that', etc.
338. ku ticiapv tun paw{'an{~ana kunklnk
ku ticiapv tun pa-w{-an{-~a-na
and all what 3P1.S-DIST-make-HAB
'and they made everything with that'
kunklnk
that.INST
197
339. kunklnk iwata tawtnuk
kunklnk i-wa-ta tawtnuk
that.INST 3Sg.S-COP-FUT medicine
'In that way, it will be medicine'
340. ku nam atii?;Wata kunkfnk
ku =nam a-tli?;Wa-ta kunkfnk
and =2Sg 30-inform that.INST
'and you will tell them about that'
The allative forms chtnik and kw{nik have the additional meanings 'on this/that
side' or 'from this/that side'.
If a case-marked determiner (in benefactive, instrumental, locative, allative,
ablative or dative) refers to a human, the genitive suffix is included, as it is with other
case marking on humans (see 3.10.4 and 3.10.5). Regular or emphatic case forms can be
used, as with personal pronouns. The base forms that the case endings are added to are
are chinmf, kwinmf (Sg); chiinamf, kwiinamf (DI); chiimf, ikuumf (PI). (As is the case for
personal pronouns, these forms are the same as those the table above, without the final
nk.)
There are several related demonstratives that include ch 'this' and ku - kw 'that'
that are not related to the noun case system and are not in the tables above. Examples of
these are {kush 'thus, that way', kumank/kwnamank 'from that, since then', chH, {kwH
'this/that much, many' chaal, kwaal, {kwaal 'this/that far or long' , {kwtink 'of that kind' ,
although this is not an exhaustive liSt.39 A demonstrative that is used often in texts and
conversation is kw'ink (with variant kw'pink). This means 'the aforementioned' and refers
back to someone or something that appeared earlier in the discourse.
39 chit, (/(wit 'this/that much, many' and chaal, kwaal, {kwaal 'this/that far or long' have parallels in question
words mit 'how many' and maal 'how far / long. These will be discussed in 3.11.
198
341. Tun awkU kw'ink iwa?
Tun awkU kw'ink i-wa?
what then that.aforementioned 3Sg.S-COP
'What is that aforementioned then?'
342. K-a'awtya awku iwacha paykM kw'ink wat'uyma.
ka'aw===tya awku i-wacha
swift=MOD then 3Sg.S-COP.PST
paykM kw'ink wat'uyma
obedient.one that.aforementioned oldest.one
'he was fast, that aforementioned obedient eldest'
A brief note on adjectivals
The preceding two sections have included pronouns and determiners that modify
nouns, for example inm(~itway 'my relative' and kwmak pt'i/(ma 'those girls'. Ichishkiin
also has other noun modifiers, here called adjectivals as only some fall into a word class
'adjective', that give more descriptive information about the noun. Here are some
examples: tU~ 'different'; at'ish 'ripe, cooked'; tamaki 'roasted'; maMa 'clean'.
There is a great deal of overlap in meaning and grammatical behavior between
nouns and adjectives. laymut means 'the youngest one' and acts as a noun, but can also
modify other nouns: laymut myanash 'youngest child'. Usually, a noun modifier will
precede the noun it modifies, and it may agree with the noun in number and case. There
are special plural forms of some adjectives, for example iks(ks 'little (Sg)' ikks 'little (PI)'.
Adverbs and adjectives also overlap, with some words, such as yalmllk 'careless,
carelessly' being used as both an adjective and adverb.
More on adjectives, as well as the prefix mayk-'more' and the suffix -t~aw 'most'
is found in Chapter 8.
199
3.11. Interrogatives
Questions are formed with a sentence-initial interrogative pronoun, or question
word. There are a number of different question words, and the choice of which to use
depends on what is being asked about. In questions, word order is not as free as it is in
other sentences. The position of the question word is fixed; it is the first word. If the
sentence includes a second position pronominal enclitic, the enclitic directly follows the
question word.
Mish is the general interrogative, used for yes/no and some content questions. tun
'what, what thing' and shin 'who, what person' are basic forms that inflect for number
and case. Interrogative pronouns containing the common element m have to do with
location, time, number, and size. These question words can also be used as indefinite
pronouns and in relative clauses, and their use in these contexts is discussed in Chapter 9
(subordinate clauses) and this section (indefinite pronouns).
3.11.1. Yes/No questions
The question markers mish and waat mark yes/no questions.
343. Mish nam shi~ pntishana?
Mish =nam shi~ pnti-sha-na
Q =2Sg good sleep-IMPV-PST
'Did you sleep well?'
344. Mish nam wa skuuliici?
Mish =nam wa sktiuli-ici
Q =2Sg be go.to.school-AGT
'Are you a student?'
Waat is a more polite way of requesting something of someone. Rigsby and Rude (1996)
attribute the form to older speakers.
200
345. Waat nam pawapiitata~nay?
Waat =nam pa-waplita-t~nay
Q =2Sg INV-help-COND
'Would you help me?'
Intonation can be used in addition to a question word. In a yes/no question (with or
without a question word) the rightmost accented syllable carries the highest pitch of the
sentence (Hargus and Beavert 2009). Some yes/no questions use intonation alone to
indicate that a question is being asked.
346. Iwa {chna?
i-wa
3Sg.S-COP
'Is he here?'
{chna
this.LOC
3.11.2. Content questions
Sometimes the people conversing share some knowledge about a situation, but
some aspect or piece of infonnation is not known, and is asked about. The missing
knowledge is the focus of the question. These are called information or content questions,
and use a number of different question words. The question word used indicates not only
that a question is being asked, but also what kind of infonnation will answer it.
Hargus and Beavert (2009) note little difference in intonation between content
questions and declarative sentences, with high pitch sometimes but not always used to
add emphasis to a certain word, and no boundary effects at the beginning or end of the
sentence or question.
mish (along with being a yes/no question marker) can be used to mean 'What? How? In
what manner?' .
201
347. Mish pam t~anasha?"
mish =pam t~ana-sha
Q =2PI become-IMPV
'What's happening to you?'
348. Mish nam nuu?
mish =nam nuu
Q =2Sg say
'What are you saying?'
349. Mish nam wa?
mish =nam wa
Q =2Sg be
'How are you?'
For questions asking about a process or how one does something, the instrumental case
ending -kin can be added to mish:
350. M(Shkin nam ashuw~a nusu~nan z1a~awitay?
Mish-kin =nam a-shuwa-xa nusu~-nan
Q-INST =2Sg 3ABS-cut-HAB salmon-OBJ
'How do you cut salmon for drying?'
z1axyawi-t-ay
dry-NZR-BEN
tun is a question word meaning 'what.' It inflects for case (see 3.10.4). Dual and
plural subject forms tuwin (dual) and tuman (plural) are used. Case forms are in Table
3.16; not all of the case forms given are common.
Note there is no associative case form because tun is not used with animates. The
following examples show how forms of tun are used:
351. Tun {kw'ak iwa?
tun {kw'ak i-wa?
what that 3Sg.S-COP
'What's that?'
352. Tuyay nam w{nasha?
Tuyay =nam w{na-sha
for.what =2Sg go-IMPV
'Why are you going?'
353. Tukin nam ciwaytwa&a pya&{nan?
tukin =nam ci-wciytwa-&a pya&{-nan
with.what =2Sg 30-flavor-HAB pya~i-OBJ
'With what do you season bitterroot?'
202
354. Tun awkU kw'ink {kw'ak iwci sinwit?
tun awku kw'ink
what then that.aforementioned
'What kind oflanguage is that?'
{kw'ak i-wa sinwit
that 3Sg.S-COP-be language
TABLE 3.16. QUESTIONS WITH TUN 'WHAT'
subject tun
object of transitive clause
(OBJ) tun/ tuun
3rd person S of transitive clause
with 3rd person 0 (3)3 Erg) tuwin
3rd person S of transitive clause
with SAP 0 (3)SAP Erg) tunim
genitive tum{n(of what)
benefactive tuyay(for what, why)
instrumental tukin(about what, with what)
locative tupan(at, in what)
allative tukan(towards what)
ablative tuknik(away from what)
dative tuyaw(to what, into what)
203
Both tun and tuun can be used to ask about an object in a transitive sentence. According
to Virginia Beavert, tuun functions like English 'which' and is used when the asker has
an idea of the range of possible answers. Both of the following are grammatical
questions. In a, the questioner knows the possible range of answers. In b, the answer is
open and unknown.
355. Tuun nam atki~sha?
Which do you want? (from a selection on table)
Tun nam atki¥ha?
What do you want? (asker has no idea what the answer will be)
shin is used in questions asking about humans: 'who', 'whom', 'for whom'. Dual and
plural forms are used, as are forms inflected for case. Because shin refers to humans, the
human case markers are added to the base forms: shin (Sg); shiyin or shi'in (DI)
shinma (PI). The singular forms are given in Table 3.17. Examples 356-358 include
forms of shin.
356. Shin iwamKsha?
Shin i-wamK-sha
who 3Sg.S-be.named-IMPV
'What is his/her name?'
357. Shin lKw'ak iwa ayat?
shin lKw'ak i-wa
who that 3Sg.S-COP
'Who is that woman?'
ayat
woman
358. Sh(ntm lKush ikUya?
Sh(-nim lKush i-kU-ya
Who-3>SAP.ERG thus 3Sg.S-do-PST
'Who did this to you?'
204
TABLE 3.17. QUESTIONS WITH SHIN 'WHO'
subject
Object of transitive clause (OBJ)
3rd person S of transitive clause
with 3rd person a (3)3 Erg)
3rd person S of transitive clause
with SAP a (3)SAP Erg)
associative
(with whom)
genitive
(whose)
benefactive
(for whom)
instrumental
(about whom)
locative
(at whose place)
allative
(to / towards whom)
ablative
(away from whom)
dative
(to whom)
shin
shinnan
shfyin
shinnim
shfyin
shimin
shimfyay
shimikin
shimipan
shimikan
shimiknik
shimfyaw
Questions about location, time, length, number, size, quantity
A variety of question forms asking about location, time, numbers and size have
the common element m. The analyses of Rigsby and Rude (1996) and Jacobs (1934)
include mish in this grouping. As seen above, it can ask about manner or way of doing
something. Since it is the most common interrogative marker and also marks yes/no
questions it has been set on its own in this analysis.
205
Four different questions words indicating various meanings of 'where' are based
on the four cases having to do with location and direction. In answering the question, the
case marker corresponding to the question word is used. These four question words are:
359. minein where at (locative)
miin where toward (allative)
minI'k where from (ablative)
(min where to or into (dative)
The following are examples of 'where' questions and answers. The answers include the
case marker that matches each question word.
360. Minan iwei Maa1i?
Minein i-wei Maa1i?
where.at 3Sg.S-COP Mary
'Where's Mary?'
361. Minik nam wa?
minik =nam wa?
where.from =2Sg be
'Where are you from?'
362. Miin nam w{nasha?
miin =nam w{na-sha
where.towards =2Sg go-IMPV
Where are you going?
363. fmin nam w{nasha?
fmin =nam w{na-sha?
where.to =2Sg go-IMPV
'Where (specifically) are you going?'
inlitpa iwei
inlit-pa i-wei
house-LOC3Sg.S-COP
'She's at the house.'
Wash nash ulikanknik.
Wash =nash Ulikan-knik
COP=lSg Oregon-ABL
'I'm from Oregon'
Simneishukan nash w{nasha
simneishu-kan =nash w{na-sha
Simansho-ALL=lSg go-IMPV
'I'm going to Simnasho'
W{nashaash inlityaw.
W{na-sha=ash inlit-yaw
go-IMPV=lSg house-DAT
'I'm going to the house.'
The following examples show other interrogative pronouns with the element m.
These ask about numbers, time, and size.
364. mit how many, how much
206
maal how long / tall / far /length of time
mun when
muman how long ago, how old
365. Mit iwei?
mit i-wei
how.many 3Sg.S-COP
'How many are there?'
366. Mit nam eitk'i?{sha?
Mit =nam ei-tk'i?{-sha?
how.many =2Sg 30-want-IMPV
'how many/how much do you want?'
367. Maal nam eiwiwa?{)la?
Maal =nam ei-iwei?{i-ya
how.1ong =2Sg 30-wait.for-PST
'How long did you wait for him?'
368. Maal nam ititeima?{a tu?{tkan?
Maal =nam ititeima-?{a tu?{-t-kan
how.1ong =2Sg count-HAB retum.home-NZR-ALL
'How long does it take you to get home?'
(this can be answered by amount oftime or distance)
369. Mun mash wa im{nk peiwyakyuut ikw'i?
Mun =mash wa im{nk
when =2Sg.GEN COP 2Sg.PN.GEN
'When is your birthday?
peiwyakyuut ikw'i?
birthday
When case markers are added to question words the meaning of the question word
changes slightly. Many of these uses have been presented earlier (e.g. -pa for telling time,
3.1 0.2.5,-yaw for prices, 3.1 0.2.8).
370. Miipan aw iwei?
Mit-pan aw
how.many-LOC now
'What time is it?
i-wei
3Sg.S-COP
371. Miiyaw aa~yawi~a nusu~?
mii-yaw aa~yawi-~a nusu~
how.many-DAT dry-HAB salmon
'How much (does she charge) for drying salmon?'
372. Maalyaw isinwiya?
Maal-yaw i-sinwi-ya?
how.long-DAT 3Sg.S-talk-PST
'How long did he talk?'
373. Munyay nam nfchsha fchi ~yaaw nusu~?
Mun-yay =nam nfch-sha fchi ~yaaw nusu~
when-BEN =2Sg put.away-IMPV this dry salmon
'For what occasion are you saving this dry salmon?'
mamknik 'which' is used for alternative questions. The form mam means 'where at' in
Klikitat but it is not used by itself as a question word in Yakima.
207
374. Mamknik nam ashi~in~a tkwatat, yaamash u ti'alk?
Mamknik =nam a-shf~i-n~a tkwatat, yaamash
which =2Sg 30-like-HAB food mule.deer
'Which do you prefer to eat, deer or elk?'
u ti'alk
or elk
Nominal suffixes (5.4) and modals (8.4) can attach to question words. Sometimes the
resulting question is idiomatic.
375. Shfnk'a aw?
Shin-k'a aw
who-next now
'who's next?'
376. Mish?Pt iwa amchnik?
mish-~it i-wa
Q=MOD 3Sg.S-COP
'What's it like outside?'
amchnik
outside
377. Mfshatiwfnsh ik'inushayaamashnan?
Mfsh=at i-k'inu-sha yaamash-nan iwfnsh
Q=MOD 3Sg.S-see deer-OBl man
'Do you suppose the man sees the deer?'
208
3.11.3. Indefinite pronouns
The question words are used as indefinite pronouns, which refer to something that
is not specifically identifiable. When mish is used in this way it can be translated
'however, somehow, anyhow'. minanmeans 'somewhere, anywhere'. When used as
question words they are at the beginning of the clause. However, indefinite pronouns do
not have a fixed word order.
378. taaminwa mish pamitat'asha
taaminwa mish pa-ml-tat'a-sha
always Q 3Pl.S-do-DES-IMPV
'they always want to do (wrong) somehow'
379. ln~ay k'a~nu lchna minan inishaatwa
{n~ay k'a~nu
my.man 's.male.friend prairie.chicken
lchna mman
this.LOC where.LaC
i-nishaatu-wa
3Sg.S-dwell-PPF
'my friend the prarie chicken lives here somewhere'
Other examples of indefinite uses are as follows.
380. maal
mit
mun
shin
tukin
tun
'however long or far, some distance or length of time'
'however many, some amount'
'whenever, sometime, anytime'
'whoever, someone, anyone'
'whatever with, with something, with anything'
'whatever, something, anything'
These indefinite pronouns are sometimes paired with the interjection kwak preceding or
following which adds the idea of wondering or making a conjecture about something, as
in the example below:
209
381. Kwakmaal. Mifkwak putaptit anw{kt
kwak- maal mii- kwak putaaptit anw{kt
I.wonder-how.long how.many-I.wonder hundred year
'No one knows how long. Probably hundreds of years. '
With the negative marker chaw, the indefinite pronouns become negated, for example:
382. chaw shin
chaw tun
chawmun
chaw m{shkin
'no one'
'nothing, none, not any'
'never'
'no way'
If chaw tun occurs with a noun, it means 'not any'.
383. chaw tun awa wiwamKtpama
chaw tun a-wa wiwanik-t-pama
NEG what 30-COP read-NZR-thing.forbook
'he doesn't have any books'
With ti'aa2{W 'all' the meaning of 'every' is added, as in ti'aa?fwshin 'everyone' and
ti'aa2{W tun 'everything'.
384. ti'aa?fw shiyin pawyaych'uun?fana
ti'aa2{W shiyin pa- wyaych 'uu-n?fa -na
all who-3>3.ERG INV-fear-HAB-PST
'everyone used to fear them'
Question words/indefinite pronouns also are used in relative clauses, discussed in
Chapter 9.
3.12. Morpheme index
The final section of this chapter is a list of commonly encountered morphemes
that teachers and students may want to know more about. Each item on the list includes a
very short explanation, the gloss or abbreviation used, and where more information can
be found. The table of contents is another resource for finding items that were not
covered in Chapter 3.
ana- SUB See Chapter 9. ana- marks a subordinate clause in a sentence. For
210
example: Anaku pawyanawita niwlt nam tkwatat awanyanita 'When they arrive, make food
for them right away'.
-(t')awa(a)s INST See 5.2.4. -awaas is a suffix added to verbs to indicate the tool or
instrument used to carry out the action of the verb. For example: pak'ink- 'block off;
pak'inkawas 'lid or stopper', panati- 'climb'; panatit'awas 'ladder'.
-i, -ni ,-wi, -yi STAT See 8.2.2. -i (-ni!-yi/-wi), see creates a stative adjectival or an
adverb from a verb. For example: tU2{.una- 'shoot' tU2{.unani 'shot'.
-fa AGT See 5.2.2. -fa is an agent nominalizer that is suffixed to a verb and
means 'one who'. For example: wawya- 'whip'; wawyafa 'whip man'.
-pama thing.for See 5.2.5. -pama is a suffix added to nouns that means 'pertaining to,
having to do with, thing for'. It indicates that a thing or place is used for the purpose of
the noun. For example: tikay 'dish' tikaypama 'cupboard'. Ifit is added to a verb, the verb
is nominalized with -to For example: wat'a- hit, strike'; wat'atpama 'drumstick'.
shapa-
211
CADS See 4.2.3. shapa- is a causative verb prefix. When added to a verb, it
means that someone or something has been caused or made to carry out the verb. For
example: ash- 'enter'; shapci'ash- 'make enter'.
-t NZR See 5.2.1. -t creates nouns from verbs. For example: sapsikw'a-
'teach'; sapsikw'at 'teaching'.
-ya(y) See 5.2.6. -ya(y) changes a common animal name to a legendary
animal's name. The difference is indicated here wth the use of capital letters. For
example: spr1ya 'coyote'; Spilyay 'Coyote'; ashnam 'flea'; Ashnamyay 'Flea'.
212
CHAPTER IV
THE VERB
A substantial portion of this chapter will be published in the International Journal
of American Linguistics (Jansen and Beavert in press a). Joana Jansen and Virginia
Beavert are the co-authors of the article. Virginia Beavert contributed the language data
and reviewed the completed analysis. I prepared and analyzed the data and drafted the
article.
4.1. Overview of verb structure
The most morphologically complex structure in Ichishkiin is the verb. Jacobs
(1931) identifies fifteen or more position classes, although a more restricted choice is
available per verb, with perhaps six or seven morphemes being the usual upper limit. This
chapter will discuss structural properties of verbs and the morphemes that comprise the
verb, paying particular attention to the within-theme elements that were not addressed in
Chapter 3. In the previous chapters, the within-stem elements of the verb were not shown
in the morpheme break lines as they are shown in this chapter.
Examples 1-7 below show some of the complexity and morpheme ordering of the
verb (in boldface). The copula or a verb in present perfect aspect can consist of a single
213
morpheme if the subject is a speech act participant (SAP), as SAP's are indicated with a
second position clitic (see 3.2.2) rather than a verb prefix:
1. Mish pam wa wishuwani?
mish=pam wa wishuwan-i
Q=2Pl COP be.ready-STAT
'Are you ready?'
2. aw nash t~hi
aw=nash ta~shi
now=1Sg wake
'Now I have wakened'
However, verbs are typically comprised of several morphemes:
3. ku pawanpiya ti'aa~ tlinmaman
ku pa-wanpi-ya ti'aa~ t{in-maman
and 3PI.S-summon-PST all person-PI.OBJ
'and they summoned all the people'
4. iw{'ani~ana
i-w(-ani-~a-na
3Sg.S-DST-make-HAB-PST
's/he used to make (them)'
5. pa'ashtwanana
pa-ash-twana-na
INV-enter-foil ow-PST
's/he followed him/her inside'
6. itwa'isz'kw'asha
i-twa-is(kw'a-sha
3Sg.S-LP.long.instr-show-IMPV
's/he is designing it'
7. pinach~lpanita tpish
pina-chci-~ilp-ani-ta
RFL.Sg-CAUS-DPR.open-APPL-FUT
'she will lift up her face'
tpish
face
214
Example 3 shows a monomorphemic verb with a third person prefix and
tense/aspect suffix. Examples 4-7 show verb themes of more than one morpheme, again
with person and tense/aspect affixes.
The verb consists ofthree broad positions (following Rigsby and Rude 1996): (1)
pronominal prefixes; (2) the theme; and (3) tense, aspect, directional, conditional, and
imperative suffixes, termed the "auxiliary suffix complex" by Rude (1994). Table 3.3
reviews this set of suffixes. Verbal inflectional morphology - the pronominal prefixes and
auxiliary suffix complex, including the cislocative and translocative - was discussed
extensively in the last chapter and will only be referred to here. The theme is the host of
that morphology.
The verb theme can contain multiple parts, as seen in the examples above. Rigsby
and Rude propose that the derivational affixes that make up the theme "do not comprise a
semantically or syntactically unified set" (1996:685) but there are distinct semantically
and syntactically defined categories within the theme. Here, I identify the part of the
theme that is surrounded by valence changing slots (causative and applicative) as the
stem. The stem can be monomorphemic or complex, as seen above. This is what Jacobs
(1931) analyzes as the root complex.4o
A complex stem can be a combination of two independent stems, as in ashtwana-
'follow in' (example 5). Both ash- 'enter' and twana- 'follow' are independently used as
verbs. The stem can also include - or be fully comprised of - bound morphemes that do
40 Jacobs (1931) analyzes verbs as having five broad positions. Two of these are cl itics (pronominal
enclitics, see 3.2.2 and modal enclitics, see) and as they attach to word classes other than verbs, they are
not included in the analysis of verb structure here. The three remaining are (1) prefixes, (2) the verb root
complex and (3) suffixes.
215
not stand alone as verbs. Examples (6) and (7) show stems with bound elements: lexical
prefixes (LP) or causative prefixes and dependent posterior roots (DPR), morphology to
be addressed in 4.3.2 and 4.3.3. LP's are dependent root elements that typically indicate a
body part, instrument, or motion used to carry out the verb. DPR's are oftwo broad
semantic types, one indicating a change of state (COS) and a second indicating a location
or direction (LD).
Theme-internal prefixes to the stem indicate adverbial notions of time or manner,
as well as a distributive and causative. Applicatives follow the stem. Desiderative,
purposive and inchoative are additional suffixes to the verb stem. The causative prefix
and applicative suffixes affect the valence of the verb and will be covered as well in
Chapter 6.
In summary, Yakima Sahaptin verbs are typically morphologically complex,
rarely having fewer than 3 morphemes. Figure 4.1 is an outline of Yakima Sahaptin
verbal morphology. The first line shows Jacobs' (1931) analysis and the second line
shows Rigsby and Rude's (1996) three broad positional categories. The bottom line gives
examples of the types of morphemes found in the Yakima Sahaptin verb, based on my
work and that of these previous researchers.
FIGURE 4.1
ICHISHKIIN VERB STRUCTURE
Jacobs prefixes I root suffixes
1931 : complex
Rigsby and pronom. theme auxiliary suffix
Rude 1996: Prefixes complex
types of Manner 1: Manner 2: DES TNS,pronom. DST wii- ka- CADS * APPL INCH ASP DIR IMP,morphemes: Prefixes
wya- la- PDRP COND
* verb stern, consisting of any ofthe following:
independent stern
independent stern + independent stern
LP + independent stern
independent stern + DPR
LP+DPR
LP+LP+DPR
DPR (if causative precedes)
DPR (with transitivizer (-)
-----.-- I
tv
........
0\
217
4.2. The Verb theme
The first section in this chapter will review the prefixes and suffixes that are
shaded in the third row of the chart above. The second section will look in depth at the
part of the verb I have termed the stem.
A strictly position class analysis ofIchishkiin verb structure is not a
straightforward undertaking, and a chart like Figure 4.1 does not give a full picture of the
intricacy involved. A concern about presenting the analysis in this way is that underlying
semantic or diachronic connections between elements in different position slots is lost. A
second concern is that a disproportionate amount of order is imposed or implied. There is
a great deal yet to be learned about Ichishkiin verb structure. The system has shifting or
at least not fully fixed elements in a number ofplaces. The prefixes are particularly fluid,
and it is not always possible to set them only inside or only outside the stem. To the
extent that I am aware of these matters I will address them as they come up here and
more fully in 4.3.
4.2.1. Distributive
The distributive prefix wl- follows inflectional person-marking prefixes. It
indicates that a number of objects are affected or being acted on. In 8 below, the sense is
that homes were made for each uncle.
8. Pachciynachya kti. paw{'anya awkti. nishciykt nakcikasma
pa-chciynachi-ya ku pa-w{-an{ -ya
3P1.NOM-man.marry -PST and 3P1.S-DST-make-PST
nishciykt nakcikasma
nishciykt nakcikas-ma
horne my.MoBr-Pl
'My uncles married and then made (their) homes'
awkti.
then
218
9. kush awiwanikanitQKnay m{iman
ku=sh ci-w{-wanik-ani-ta~nay
and=lSg 30- DST-name-APPL-COND
'and I could name however many'
mIt-man
howmany.OBJ.Pl
It is used with the verb m{- (often in addition to an indefinite pronoun) to mean 'do
things'.
10. Mishkw'ak paw(m~ana, papalyti.u~ana
Mish-kw'ak pa-w{-mi-~a-na pa-palyti.u-~a-na
Q-Lwonder 3P1.S-DST-do-HAB-PST 3P1.S-play.bone.game-HAB-PST
'They used to do things, I don't know, they played bone game'
An individuated / distributive alternation is built into a few verbs and prefixes. One such
verb is pcituk- / ptuk- 'place, set down'. When setting down one object, pcituk- is used; if
setting down more than one (for example, plates of food on a table) ptuk- is used.
Causative prefix shapci- has variant shcip- used for distributive objects. The diminutive
variants are scipa- / scip-. And, verb prefix tamci/tcim- 'throw, drop, put', analyzed here as
a lexical prefix, also shows an individuated /distributive alternation.
4.2.2. Manner prefixes
A set of verbal prefixes gives adverbial information indicating the time frame of
action. These are wli- 'for just a little while', wyci- 'while going along', kci- 'suddenly, all
219
at once' and la- 'slowly or leisurely,.41 Each one of these is stressed. We will also see
predominantly stressed prefixes in the later discussion of stem-intemallexical prefixes.
vrya-, ka- and la- follow the distributive prefix and wli- is not used with
distributive w(- in the elicited examples I have. (I have no text examples with these
prefixes and the distributive.) Two of the prefixes, wli- 'stop for a little while' and vrya-
'while going' (marmer 1 in the chart above) can precede the others but do not occur with
one another. Again, that is attested only in elicited data, not text data. More text data is
needed on this point; due to the homophony of many of these prefixes, examples without
a great deal of context can have more than one interpretation.
wfi- 'for a little while'
The language makes many uses ofw((i)- prefixes on verbs. With a short vowel it is
a distributive, and with a long vowel it can be a politeness marker (see 3.5). Speed or
motion is also indicated by this prefix with vowel lengthening used to emphasize speed.
It also occurs in intransitive constructions. These uses will be discussed in section 4.4.
wli- also means 'stop to do something for a little while', and this is the sense we
see in the following examples.
11. ku natash (chi p(kchashpa wlihaashhaashsha
ku =natash (chi p(kchash-pa wli-haashh6.ash -sha
and =IPl.EXC this picture-LOC short.while-rest-IMPV
'And in this picture we are resting for a little while'
41 Jacobs (1931) lists a few additional prefixes to the root complex that appear on very few examples and
seem to be lexical items rather than prefixed verbs, or that are not in my data.
220
12. anaku pakko.ashata ku pawli'ashsha tso.'at
anaku pa-kkaas-sha-ta
SUB-and 3P1.S-hurry-IMPV-FUT
ku pa-wli-o.sh-sha ts'o.'at
and 3P1.S- short.while -enter-IMPV short.while
'when they are in a hurry and stopping in for a short while,'
wyo.- 'while going'
This is another prefix with multiple uses, and like wli- it will be discussed further
in 4.4. When it precedes an independent stem or fully functional composite stem, it
means one is moving along or going along as one is doing the action of the verb.
13. iwyo.pshatata
i-wyo.-psho.ta-ta
3Sg.S-while.going-gather-FUT
'she will go along gathering'
14. iwyo.tamahaykshana
i-wyo.-tamo.-hayk-sha-na
3Sg.S-while.going-LP.throw-LDS.down-IMPV-PST
'he was throwing them off (hay bales from a moving truck)
wyo.- can also indicates that an action is happening over time.
15. iwyo.latisha
i-wyo.-lat{-sha
3Sg.S-while.going-bloom-IMPV
'it keeps on blooming'
The following prefixes (manner 2: ko.- 'suddenly, unexpectedly', 10.- 'leisurely') can
follow the above two prefixes.
ko.- 'suddenly, quickly'
Adverbial prefix ko.- carries the idea that something happened quickly, suddenly
or unexpectedly.
16. patuk-
'set down (Sg.)'
wapaw~i­
'let go'
~apatuk-
'suddenly set down, suddenly place'
~awapaw~i­
'spill or drop'
221
lcf- 'leisurely or casually,42
This prefix implies that the action is being done casually, leisurely, without hurry
or concern.
17. in-
'tell'
aytk-
'sit'
lci'in-
'casually say to'
lci'ayk-
'sit around comfortably, leisurely,43
18. ilawachiya taakwinnan k'usiiwn
i-lci-wachi-ya taakwin-nan k'usi -nan
3Sg.S-leisurely-watch-PST whatchamacallit -OBJ horse -OBJ
'he casually kept an eye on the - whatchamacallit - horse'
These prefixes show qualities of stem-external adverbial prefixes but can also be
very tightly associated with a following stem. The causative shapa- can precede or follow
~a-. This seems to be a matter of scope - 'quickly causing to X' as opposed to 'causing to
quickly X'. Although la- and ka: are more likely to be found with independent stems or
derived stems than they are with other dependent stem elements, at least ka- can occur
with other bound stem elements, as in kachayk- 'stand quickly'. As with the manner
prefixes wli- and vrya-, described above, these are transitional elements, not fixed to a
particular position.
42 A homophonous lexical prefix means 'with heat, with fire'.
43 This pair (ayzK- /ld'ayk-) demonstrates de-stressed high vowel deletion, see 2.10
222
A third morpheme ~a- 'uncaused, unexpected' belongs with this group
semantically, although it seems to be always stem-internal, bound to additional LP's or
DPR's. Jacobs lists kci-, ~a-, tka- and t~a- together, noting that t~a- is used by Walla Walla
speakers.44 There are some lexical alternations of forms with/without t: ~alkw'k- /
t~alkw'k- 'be startled'. ~a- often occurs with LP tama- 'throw'. Stems formed with ~atama-
having to do with falling (for example ~atamahayk- 'fall down', ~atamalii- 'fall into
water'). These maintain the semantics of unexpectedness or suddenness.
19. pa~awatikashashnam
pa-~a-wat{k-asha-sh=nam
INV-unexpected-step-LDS.on-PPF=2Sg
'you just stepped on me!'
Other adverbial prefixes:
Temporal information can be added with the prefixes may- 'in the morning' and
taw- at night. While perhaps the most used of these, such as maytkwata- 'eat breakfast'
(from tkwata- 'eat') and tawtkw'anati- 'sleepwalk' (from tkw'anati-'wa1k around') are
complete lexical units and not clearly divisible to speakers, the prefixes do freely
combine with verbs.
20. itawnp'iwitana
i-taw-np'{wi-ta-na
3Sg.S-at.night-dip.net-PURP-PST
'he went to fish at night'
44 There are historical links between the uvular stop [q] (k in the practical alphabet used here) and the
uvular fricative (here J)' Lexicalized verbs that show this include ~asunati- 'ride on horseback'; kcisuhayk-
'ride down on horseback' and ~ciyk- 'dawn'; kciy~- 'get light'. Some NP / Ichishkiin correspondences show
this as well, with NP [q] corresponding to Ichishkiin.J. (See Aoki 1962 for more on Sahaptian
correspondences.)
223
Speakers can also indicate the time of an action with a noun with locative suffix (maytski-
pa 'moming-LOC', sts'at-pa 'night-LOC', see 3.10.1.2).
Another form that Virginia Beavert attributed to older speakers is chim- 'do while
frightened'. Without more examples than are available to me, it is not clear how best to
classify it. Here, it precedes a bipartite stem:
21. ichimwyani~ana
i-chim-wya-nin-Ka-na
3Sg.S-in.fright-go-around-HAB-PST
'he would travel around frightened'
4.2.3. Causative and applicatives
The two position slots to either side of the verb stem are valence changing: the
causative and the applicatives. Potential sources ofthese constructions are addressed later
in this chapter; they are also covered in Chapter 7, which addresses transitivity.
Causative shapa- is the productive causative in the language. When used with an
independent stem, it adds an argument to make intransitive verbs transitive and transitive
verbs ditransitive.
22. iwuukshana na'lfas
i-wuuksha-na na'lfas
3Sg.S-stay.back-IMPV-PST my.mother
'my mother stayed behind'
ishapawuukshana na'{iasaan
i-shapa-wuuksha-na na'lfas -aan
3Sg.S- CAUS-stay.back -PST my.mother -OBJ
'he made my mother stay behind'
This causative prefix can also be added to bound stems that could not otherwise stand
alone. This will be addressed further in the next section.
224
Several applicatives follow the verb stem. These are benefactive/genitive -ani,45
directive -uu, associative -twli. These promote a semantically oblique argument to the
direct object. In the example below, Spilyay, a notional possessor of the footsteps, is the
grammatical direct object, indicated with the object suffix -nan.
23. pak'(nunaniya watiksh Spi/yaynan
pa-k'(nu-nani-ya watiksh
3Pl.S-see-APPL.GEN-PST tracks
'They saw Spilyay's tracks.'
Spi/yay-nan
Coyote-OBJ
There are several directional stems that adopt the grammar of applicatives with a
human object, for example -asha 'on' (see example 19 above). Further discussion in 4.3.3
will address the semantic and position class similarities of applicatives and DPR's
indicating direction or location and suggest that the directional stems are a source of
applicatives.
4.2.4. Inchoative
The inchoative form -k'ay occurs just twice in my text data. Jacobs lists it as a
JSwa~waypam (Klikitat) form meaning 'inchoative at time of another action'.
24. (pvi awku iwlikiitkk'aysha awku anakush mish ishalawik'aysha
(pvi
later
awku
then
i-wii-kiitk-k'ay-sha awku anakUsh
3Sg.S-wii- trot-INCH-IMPV then like
mish
Q
i-shalawi-k'ay-sha
3Sg.S-be.tired-INCH-IMPV
'and then he begins to trot, as if he is getting tired.'
Two other morphemes with similar meanings, -uy 'start' and -nak'i 'finish' are discussed
as part of the verb stem. Both attach to independent stems as well as bound stems.
45 From n{- 'give'.
225
4.2.5. Purposive and desiderative
-(a)ta 'go to, go in order to' (purposive)
-(a)t'a, 'want to' (desiderative)
-tat'a 'want to go in order to'
These morphemes are no doubt related to future -tao -(a)ta 'go to, go in order to'
(purposive) indicates that one is going in order to do something.
25. awku pawaMtatana tkwatat
awku pa-wag(t-ata-na tkwatat
then 3Pl.S-Iook.for-PURP-PST food
'then they went to look for food'
26. ashapnitak
a-shapni-ta-k
30-ask-PURP-IMP
'Go ask her!'
27. kush kw'a~i sitkumsaanita~ana
ku==sh kw'a~i sitkumsaani-ta-~a-na
and =lSg again eat.lunch-PURP-HAB-PST
'then I would go back to eat lunch'
The form of the morpheme -(a)ta is conditioned by the final segment of the stem
as well as the number of underlying vowels in the stem (Hargus and Beavert 2006a). All
consonant-final roots and those ending in u (w is then inserted) take -ata, as in 25. Stems
ending in i or a that contain one vowel take the longer form, again with inserted glide y.
Stems ending in i or a with two or more vowels take -ta, seen in 26 and 27.
-(a)t'a'want to' (desiderative) indicates wanting to or intending to do something.
28. pawa~iyat'ana
pa-wa~i-yat'a-na
3Pl.S-wait-DES-PST
'They wanted to wait'
226
29. ipnuwat'ana
i-pnu-wat'a-na
3Sg-stay.home-DES-PST
'she wanted to sleep'
30. Aw iwuu~miya ku Asumyay itu~at'ana
Aw i-wuu~mi-ya ku Asumyay i-tu~-at'a-na
now 3Sg.S-become.spring-PST and Eel 3Sg.S-return-DES-PST
'It became spring and Asumyay (Eel) wanted to go home.'
If the stem ends in i or u a glide (y or w) is inserted, exemplified in 28 and 29. If
the stem ends in a consonant, as in 30, the full form is used. If the stem ends in a, there
are two patterns. In one, the stress shifts to the stem-final vowel and the vowel is not
lengthened. In the second, glide y is inserted (wuukshcit'a- / wuukshayat'a 'want to stay
home' from wuuksha-). I have found no difference between these two options.
Stress-stealing suffixes take word level stress, as discussed in 2.6. So,
desiderative -(a)t'a overrides a stressed prefix to keep the word level stress. This is seen
in in 31 below, where the inverse prefix pa- does not maintain word level stress.
A similar idea can be expressed with a nominalized complement of the transitive
verb tk'i~- 'want, desire'. Complex clauses are covered in Chapter 9.
The form -tat'a is analyzed here as a combination of the purposive 'go to' and
desiderative 'want to' morphemes. It is a very common collocation. Sometimes the 'go
to' meaning is not evident, perhaps due to a good deal of overlap between the two
concepts, in that wanting to do something often entails going to do it. The -tat'a form for
some speakers may simply be a variant of at'a, or there may be phonological influences
that are not evident in my data.
227
31. patkwatatcit'ashana Asumyciynan Wa~puuyayin
pci-tkwata-tci-t'a-sha-na Asumyciy-nan Wa~puuya-yin
INV-eat-PURP-DES-IMPV-PST Eel-OBJ Rattlesnake-3>3ERG
'Wa~puuya (Rattlesnake) wanted to go eat Asumyciy (Eel)'
Rude (2009) identifies this form as nominalizer -t (see 5.2.1) preceding
desiderative -cit'a. This does not explain the alternations I find; the full form is not always
used.
Both the purposive and the desiderative follow the patterns of other a-final stems
and themes. So, the form of the past tense that follows them is -na, as in (25); the stative
is -ni. 2.11 reviewed verb classes and suffix alternations.
The rest of this chapter looks at the verb stem and the ways it is formed, as listed
in Figure 4.1.
4.3. The Verb stem
Ichishkiin shows a robust pattern of verb stem formation in which two or more
morphemes combine to make a complex verb stem incorporating meanings from each
part. Throughout this section, it will be useful to keep in mind the various types of stems:
monomorphemic independent stems (example 3 above: wcinpi- 'call, summon',
called independent verb stems here)
complex stems that are two independent stems joined together (example 5
above: ashtwcina- 'follow in')
complex stems that include an independent verb stem and one or more
dependent stems (example 6 above: twa'is{kw'a 'show')
228
two or three dependent stems, neither of which can serve as the sole verb stem
(example 7 above: chci?Silp- 'open', bipartite and tripartite stemst6
As stated above, I am identifying the part of the theme that is surrounded by
valence changing slots (causative and applicative) as the stem (see Figure 4.1). It mayor
may not have additional theme-internal derivational prefixes and suffixes surrounding it.
The stem is fully formed and functional, ready for inflectional person-marking prefixes
and suffixes of the auxiliary suffix complex. (As discussed above and summarized in
Table 3.3, the auxiliary suffix complex is comprised of tense, direction, aspect,
conditional and imperative suffixes.)
As was mentioned in the last section, it is difficult to classify morphemes as
belonging to a particular class on distributional grounds. Looking for the morpheme with
the core semantic information in a verb stem also may not be productive, as the meaning
of a stem often depends on equal contributions from more than one part. Therefore,
treating the Ichishkiin verb as comprised of roots and affixes is not particularly
illustrative. Rather, the discussion below focuses more on the contributions of the
morphemes, whether elements of the stem are bound, and jfso, to what.
Much of this section analyzes the fourth type of stem listed above, bipartite and
tripartite stems. Bipartite stem is a term used by Jacobsen (1980) to refer to similar
constructions in Washo, in which morphemes within the verb stem are not in a root/affix
relationship. The feature is an areal characteristic of a set oflanguages spoken in western
46 As will be discussed in 4.4.4, there are a few examples which suggest that even more elements can
combine to create a stem.
229
North America (DeLancey 1996), including Klamath, Washo, Sahaptin, Yana, and
Atsugewi. Mollala also shows this type of stem formation (Pharris 2006) and Nez Perce
has some elements of such a system (Aoki 1970; Cash Cash 2004). In bipartite stems,
two morphologically dependent elements, neither of which ever occurs as the only stem
element in a verb, can combine into a complex stem. Ichishkiin has a rich pattern of
tripartite stem formation as well, and a number of examples that suggest that more than
three elements also combine.
This section is organized as follows. A brief discussion of independent stems and
reduplication of the stem to indicate repeated action is followed by an in-depth look at the
bound morphemes of stem formation: lexical prefixes (LP) and dependent posterior roots
(DPR). We will then look at how these elements combine to make fully functional
bipartite verb stems. Examples of tripartite stems, those with three bound morphemes,
and stems where even more elements are identifiable are then discussed.
4.3.1. Independent stems
Ichishkiin speakers use multimorphemic verbs to express movement in particular
directions, manner of motion and changes of state. Speakers are very adept at doing so
and are supported by a rich array of grammatical devices. There are also a number of
concepts expressed with independent stems, not synchronically analyzable. Many
examples in the early sections of Chapter 3 include monomorphemic verbs: wa- 'be';
washa- 'ride'; anawi- 'be hungry'; tkni- 'weave fishnet'. In some cases, there is a choice.
washa- means ride but the prefix ~asu- 'on horseback' allows for more information about
230
location or direction to be added, as in ?;asunaynak- 'ride into'. There are many ways to
express falling with a combination of~a-tama- 'unexpected-throw' and a DPR with the
general meaning 'down' (-hayk 'down, descending' -kanwi /-chanwi 'down off of, down
from', -yawk 'down a slope') but there is also an unanalyzable stem walaawi- 'fall down,
off.
Verbs are typically multi-syllabic and many are no doubt historically derived
from more than one morpheme but are not synchronically analyzable. A number of stems
have one morpheme that can be identified and another that is not found elsewhere. For
example, many verbs for cooking or heating begin with the prefix la- 'with heat, fire'.
lawayla- 'to explode' contains LP la- but the form wayla- has not been found in other
combinations. wisa/z1- 'to hunt' includes -lil 'here and there' (an allomorph of -nin) but
wisa- is not broadly productive.
Iterative
To express repeated action, a monomophemic stem, or part of the stem, is
reduplicated.
32. lik'p-
'blink once'
twp-
'jump'
wak(t-
'look for'
lik'pUk'p
'blink repeatedly'
twptwp
'jump up and down'
wak(twakit-
'keep looking for'
In some cases, the first iteration ends in nominalizer -to
231
33. iwciy~titway~tisha
i-wciy~ti-t-wciy~ti-sha
3Sg.S-run-NZR-run-IMPV47
'she's running around and running around'
In complex stems I find the lexical prefixes reduplicated but not the complete
stems. Jacobs (1931: 154) writes that it is possible for the whole stem with LP to be
reduplicated,as in the following example.
34. ciwitunawaynattunawaynatna
ci-wi-tuna-wayna-t-tuna-wayna-t-na
30-DST-LP.with.foot-DPR.away-NZR-LP.with.foot-DPR.away-NZR-PST
'he kicked and kicked it away' (MJ31: 154)
The next sections discuss the within-stem elements that are prefixes and suffixes
to independent verbs as well as the elements that combine to make bipartite stems. These
are lexical prefixes (LP's) and dependent posterior roots (DPR's). DPR's can either
indicate location and direction (LD) or a change of state (COS). The examples below
show how these morphemes combine, and will give an overall illustration before we
move on to look at each of the categories in depth.
Example 35 shows the independent verb stem way~ti- 'run, go fast' with
inflectional morphology indicating person agreement and tense/aspect. 36 shows the
same verb stem with the same inflectional morphemes, plus a bound suffix that indicates
direction of movement.
35. iwciYJ<.tisha
i-wciYJ<.ti-sha
3Sg.S-run-IMPV
's/he is running'
47 Reduplicated verbs often include nominalizer -to The nominalized stem is also used in Jacobs' materials
with inceptive and completative suffixes and, as mentioned on page 227, has been hypothesized as part of
the desiderative. Its use in these constructions needs to be systematically investigated.
232
36. iw6.y?{.ti?;aluksha
i- w6.y?{.ti-?;aluk-sha
3Sg.S-run-DPR.under-IMPV
's/he is running under (something)'
In example 37 below, the independent verb stem t{ma- 'write' is shown with only
inflectional morphology. In 38, the independent stem t{ma- is prefixed with a bound
morpheme that indicates the instrument used to carry out the action expressed by the
verb. This results in a change in meaning.
37. it{masha
i-t{ma-sha
3Sg.S-write-IMPV
's/he is writing'
38. itwatimasha
i-twa-t{ma-sha
3Sg.S-LP.long.instr-mark-IMPV
's/he is drawing, inscribing'
Neither the suffix shown in 36 nor the prefix shown in 38 can stand on its own as an
independent verb stem. However, they can combine to make a fully functional stem in a
bipartite construction, seen in the following example:
39. itwcf?;aluksha
i-twa-?;aluk-sha
3Sg. S-LP.long.instr-LDS.under-IMPV
's/he is hitting it under'
4.3.2. Lexical prefixes
Bound initial elements ofIchishkiin verb stems can indicate some aspect of the
instrument, motion, or body part that is used to carry out the action expressed in the
clause. Cross-linguistically, forms with these semantic and syntactic properties are often
233
referred to as instrumental prefixes, as some of the set's members index the shape of an
instrument. This feature of a range of North American languages has been well discussed
(see Mithun 1999; Sherzer 1976). Languages that have been grouped as Hokan and
Penutian, as well as languages of the Siouan family and Numic branch ofUto-Aztecan
have instrumental prefixes. As in other languages, the semantic range of the Ichishkiin
lexical prefixes extends beyond simple identification of the instrument to other ideas of
motion, manner, direction, and gesture. Also as is found in other languages, the prefixes
tend to be short morphemes, many with only two or three segments. Languages
geographically and/or genetically close to Sahaptin have instrumental prefixes (for
example, Nez Perce: Aoki 1970; Klamath: DeLancey 1999; Molalla: Pharris 2003, 2006;
Northern Paiute: Thomes 2003), and the areal distribution of this feature is noted as far
back as Sapir (1916). Mithun (2007) discusses the range and pervasiveness of these
prefixes in languages of California and nearby areas, noting that the region is unusually
rich in these forms.
Jacobs (1931) describes these as anterior roots and notes that there are around
100, a large set in part because Jacobs includes roots that can also occur as independent
verbs, and he lists multiple dialect variations and lexical senses. He writes that the
function of anterior roots is to "limit, localize, by referring specifically to some precise
action, manner, time, or body part, the meaning of the posterior verb root or roots"
(1931: 153). A subset of Jacobs' anterior roots, perhaps 40-50, are LP's, participating in
bipartite constructions and serving as verbal prefixes to independent roots. The
independent anterior roots that Jacobs includes are not members of the LP category that I
234
describe here. In addition, a few of Jacobs' examples are not familiar to Yakima
speakers, due perhaps to dialect variation.
There are two subsets of LP' s, with some overlap. This limited overlap contrasts
with the sets described for Klamath (DeLancey 1999) where the subsets of LP's are more
categorical. One subset shares features of other languages' instrumental prefix sets,
discussed above. I refer to these as instrumental LP's. Members of this set combine with
COS stems to indicate a change of state, and with LD stems to indicate caused motion.
40. su~-ti'k- (change of state)
LP.po1e-COS.break
'pry apart, break off (with pole)'
41. su-wCi-ttx- (caused motion)
LP.po1e-wii-LDS.upward
'push (something) upward with pole'
Example 42shows some of the instrumental LP's that participate in bipartite
constructions to indicate change of state or caused motion, all combined with -ti'k
'break'.
42.
pci-ti'k-
LP.hand-COS.break
'break apart'
chci-ti'k-
LP.teeth-COS.break
'bite in two'
~ul-ti'k­
LP.ground-COS.break
'break by lying on'
w~-ti'k-
LP.chop-COS.break
'chop off'
su~-tfk­
LP.pole-COS.break
'pry apart'
shci~-ti'k-
LP.knife-COS.break
'cut or saw apart'
Along with referring to an instrument's shape, instrumental LP's often give
information about a gesture or motion typically used with that instrument. So, twa-,
235
although is it glossed simply 'long instrument', means not only a longish handheld
implement, but specifically holding it at an angle and moving it radially, in the way that
one writes, stirs batter, scrapes a hide or shaves. Example 43 gives additional
combinations with the LP twa-:
43. twci-lii- 'fish by dipnet'
twa-pxw- 'scatter with a long instrument'
twa-k'aatk- 'scrape, shave'
twa-]sw'ilk- 'mix, stir'
A second subset ofLP's is restricted to indicating an entity undergoing motion or
being located somewhere. For example, hands/lower arms and feet each are referred to by
two separate LP's, one that is used in transitive constructions (such as 'kick something
away', 'kick apart'), and the other that is used more generally to indicate involvement in
the clause. Example shows the contrast between the two LP's that refer to the foot: tuna-
'with the foot', and t{Sp- 'foot'.
44. tuncf-kwi-
LP.with.foot-COS.open.up
'kick open'
tw-naynak-
LP.foot-LDS.into
'put one's foot into s.t.'
Some LP's are members ofboth subsets, occurring in transitive and intransitive
clauses, and so indicate caused motion/change of state as well as undergoing motion/
involvement in the clause. twa- is an example of such an LP. In 45, twalii- is literally
'long instrument into water'. The verb is not transitive, as indicated by the dative suffix-
yaw on the nominal object. This is in contrast to 46, twapxw- 'use long instrument to
scatter', which triggers the object marker -nan.
45. itwaliisha nusu~aw
i-twa-lii-sha
3Sg.S-LP.1ong.instr-LDS.into.water-IMPV
'he's dipnetting for salmon'
nusu~-yaw
salmon-OAT
236
46. itwapxwsha nus~nan
i-twa-pxw-sha
3Sg.S-LP.1ong.instr-COS.scatter-IMPV
'she's scattering the salmon'
nusu~-nan
salmon-OBJ
This example shows that it is not the LP alone that determines whether a bipartite
stem is transitive or intransitive, since in many cases the same LP can be in either a
transitive or intransitive clause. The transitivity profiles of various bipartite combinations
will be discussed in 4.3.4
Table 4.1 gives selected examples of LP's.
TABLE 4.1. SELECTED LEXICAL PREFIXES
LEXICAL
PREFIX
awkala-48
chci-
chlm-
ka-
la-
GLOSS
roll
teeth, pull
fear
mouth
fire
MEANING
by, rolling, when rolling, action of rolling
by biting, by pulling, lifting (also causative uses)
in fear, with fear
with mouth, eating, tasting
with fire, heat, light, smoke
4& This long prefix is certainly composed of more than one part, given the length of the sequence as
compared to other LP's.
LEXICAL
PREFIX
msh-
ncik-
pci-
psha-
GLOSS
ear
carry
hands
bunch
237
TABLE 4.1. (CONTINUED ).
MEANING
hearing, with the ear
carry, lift
with hands, pushing motion, pushing w/upper part ofbody
a bunch, handful, group of inanimate things
sci- knife
diminutive of sha-: cutting, scraping, often a smaller
implement such as scissors, plane
scip~w- crawl while crawling, on all fours
shci(~)- knife
cut at with knife, slice vertically or horizontally, plow
(with -! indicates cut through)
with a long implement like tepee/ fence poles, knitting
su(~)- pole needles, prying or pushing action (with -! indicates
push through)
shooting, power, with extra force behind it-like a gun,
tci- shoot
missile, arrow
tam (ci)- throw by throwing, with (overhead?) throwing action
t{- butt butt, anus, backwards
tkw'ci- walk while walking, manner of movement
tkwcip- lower arm lower arm, hand, also with toes in one ex.
LEXICAL
PREFIX
tu-
tuna-
tuta-
tu~s-
twa-
t~p-
GLOSS
stick
foot
head
point
stick
foot
instrument
238
TABLE 4.1. (CONTINUED).
MEANING
with a stick, like a cane, vertical movement up and down?
foot, by means of the foot, by kicking
with head, butting motion
pointed implement, with point, with end
long implement, radial motion, as writing, shaving, golfing
foot as object
with instrument, chopping motion as when using an axe,
hammer (with -! indicates chop through)
wala- belt
wap- eyes
wisha- paddle
wli- wii
wya- wya
xa- unexpected
xatama- fall
by circling and tying something around
eye motion, seeing
with paddling motion, in canoe
with speed
with movement
(also see discussion in 4.2.2)
falling motion, uncaused
combination ofxa- 'uncaused' and tama- 'throw'
~u-, ~w- ground
water
by reclining, by lying on something
with water, in water, by putting water on
239
The etymological source of most LP's is not apparent. Most bear no resemblance
to an independent noun indicating a body part or object. Exceptions are pa- 'with hand',
resembling ipap 'hand, arm'; msh- 'with ear' and mishyu 'ear'; may- 'in the morning' and
maytski 'morning'.
Some LP's show an alternation between their base form and one that ends with -}'.
The longer morpheme gives the sense that something was done to completion, all the way
through, completely severing or breaking. This is seen in examples 40 and 41 above with
the prefixes su- and su~- 'with long implement'.49 This is not an entirely productive
alternation, perhaps having in part to do with the semantics of the DPR: while one can
chop something completely apart, it is more difficult to find a difference between
shattering something and shattering it completely apart. The phonological form of the
prefix also plays a role, as the alternation is attested on CV- prefixes only. In addition,
frozen forms that are derived from the prefixes may not keep the semantic alternation, as
in su~aas 'spoon', most likely a combination ofLP and nominalizer. The forms wa- /wa~-
/waw- demonstrate the one instance of a three-way contrast in an LP: using an instrument
in a chopping or hammering motion, breaking something through with that motion, and
repeating the motion over and over. As seen above, reduplicated Yakima verbs indicated
repeated action; LP's also show this. The LP waw-, indicating repeated action, is perhaps
a reduced reduplication of wawa_. 50
49 The LP ya(y- 'with, in, water' is not a consistent example of this semantic alternation. While some
uses ofyao:!"- do indicate completion (e.g. cross a body of water), not all do. Independent stems yci,~sha­
'pour into' andyci,~ta- 'spill, pour out' are lexical items that may affect the lack of consistent alternation.
50 This observation is thanks to an associate editor ofIJAL.
240
4.3.3. Dependent posterior roots
The suffixes to verbs that indicate location / direction and change of state, as seen
in examples 36 and 39 above, have been given a larger variety of names - dependent verb
stems (Jacobsen 1980, for Washo), locative directive suffixes (DeLancey 1996, for
Klamath), motion-location auxiliaries (Shipley 1964, for Maiduan). Jacobs calls these
elements dependent posterior roots (DPR), a term I adopt here. There is a large group of
dependent posterior roots. Like lexical prefixes, these are bound forms. Jacobs (1931)
lists around 80 posterior verb roots. As in his anterior root category, some of the forms he
lists can occur independently, and dialect variants are often listed separately. Some are
quite specific in meaning - e.g. into the base of the fire, come into view at the crest of a
rise - while others are more general: move across, up, down. As in Klamath and Washo,
these stems are typically longer than LP's and phonologically resemble independent
verbs. DPR's are of two semantic subtypes, change of state (COS) and locative/directive
(LD). Specific examples of these subtypes are given in the next sections, where we
examine each of the four types ofbipartite constructions.
There are several reasons to consider DPR's as verbal in origin. LD stems ~Gluk-
'be, go beneath' can be nomina1ized with the productive nomina1izer -t:
47. '8,ulukt k'usik'usi iWG aykawaaspa
'8,ulukt k'usik'usi i-wG aykawaas-pa
under dog 3Sg.S-be chair-LaC
'the dog is under the chair'
However, many DPR's do not take this nominalizing suffix (unless the entire verb is
nominalized, see 5.2.1).
241
Remnants of verb classes suggest that some DPR's are verbal in origin. As
discussed in 2.11, Sahaptin has a verb class distinction between stems that have a final In!
in some enviromuents, and those that do not. The fact that some DPR's also have this
class distinction argues for their verbal origin. Some Yakima LD stems include the final
segment In! when indicating past tense. 48 shows a progressive suffix, without In!, and
then past tense, where the In! surfaces.
48. anakyat'ashaash
a-nak-yata-sha=ash
30-LP.carry-LDS.separate-1MPV=1Sg
'I am carrying it away'
anakyat 'anaash
, 'k " ha-na -yat a-na=as
30-LP.carry-LDS.separate-PST=1Sg
'I carried it away'
Others DPR's do not have In! in progressive or past:
49. anaknatishaash
a-nak-nati-sha=ash
30-LP.carry-LDS.along-1MPV=1Sg
'I am carrying it along'.
anaknatiyaash
a-nak-nati-ya=ash
30-LP.carry-LDS.along-PST=lSg
'I carried it along'
1chishkiin has lost some verb class distinctions of this sort through reanalysis
(Rigsby and Rude 1996), with -na having become a past tense marker for many verb
themes, including all that ewnd in -a and most that end in -u, as discussed in 2.11. The
evidence ofpairs like those in examples 48 and 49, though not indisputable, suggests that
DPR's follow the same pattern as other verb stems in the language.
242
In sister language Nez Perce, Aoki (1970, 1994) analyzes stems cognate to
Ichishkiin DPR's as verbs and LP's as verbal prefixes. In Aoki's analysis, Nez Perce verb
stems are 's-class' or 'c-class', depending on changes to the stem when certain suffixes
are added. Nez Perce bipartite constructions follow the same stem alternations and fall
into the same classes as independent verbs.
Independent verb stems combine with each other (recall example 5, cishtwana-
'follow in') as well as with LP's and DPR's, and this is a clear place for
grammaticalization from an independent to a bound stem to occur.
Other DPR's include a fossilized suffix -k that suggests that the root is not
inherently verbal. This element is characterized as verbalizing a non-verbal element
(Noel Rude, p.c.). In sister language Nez Perce -k is analyzed as a fossilized allative
(Crook 1999) that has a transitivizing effect, as seen in p'ciyca 'it is drained' vs.
cap'cip'ayksa 'I wring it out, I make it drain'. A final -k is often found on DPR's. It is seen
in some transitivelintransitive alternations: chay- 'spoil', fchayk- 'cause to spoil'; lciam-
'disappear', I1aamk- 'erase, cause to disappear'. (The prefix f- seen on these pairs is
addressed below). It is also found in some alternations of adjectival and verbal forms:
ts'waay 'straight', its'wciyk- 'make straight'. Examples where DPR's contrast with a form
without -k were derived at some point in the past, and these were not verbal in origin.
A look at applicatives suggests that they have LD stems as their sources. As
introduced in 4.2.3, there is a small group of app1icatives that are suffixed to the verb
stem, adding a core argument to the clause and indicating the semantic role of a human or
animate object. Applicatives directly follow the verb stem. 50 and 51 show ik'fwi- 'play'
243
both with and without the applicative twli- 'with'. The verb plus applicative in 51
requires the object form of the distal demonstrative (kumanak), showing that the addition
of the applicative has changed the transitivity of the verb.
50. Kwnak nash ik'{wi~ana.
kwnak =nash ik'{wi-~a-na
that.LOC =1 Sg play-HAB-PST
'I used to play there'
51. Kush kumancik ciik'iwitwii~ana
Ku=sh kumanak ci-ik'iwi-twii-~a-na
and =ISg that.P1.0BJ 30-play-APPL-HAB-PST
'And I used to play with those (ones)'
Syntactically, LD stems and applicatives are synchronically distinct categories
in that they can co-occur. An applicative very close in meaning to LD stems is the
directive applicative uu-. It is used when one is moving to or towards a human
participant. (As stated earlier, legend animals hold human qualities and are treated as
human by the grammar). In 52, this applicative occurs with the bipartite stem wlihayk-
'descend quickly', an otherwise intransitive verb.
52. pciwiihaykuuna Spi/yciynan
pa-wli-hciyk-uu-na
INV-wii-LDS.down-APPL-PST
'he flew down to Coyote'
Spi/yay-nan
Coyote-OBJ
Some LP + DPR stems are syntactically transitive and so a human object is case-marked,
as is the (human) object of an applicative construction. This is seen in the example below.
53. iwapwiiluuka Spily6ynan
i-wap-wii-luu-k-a
3Sg.S-LP.eye-wii-LDS.in.air-TRNS-PST
'he looked up at Spilyay'
Spilyay-nan
Coyote-OBJ
244
DPR's can suffix to independent stems as well as combining with lexical prefixes.
In example 54 below, -nanp'a 'onto, bump into' (more generally indicating that some sort
of contact was made) is part of a tripartite construction. This construction is not
grammatical without -nanp'a- in other words, tkwapwii- is not a verb stem).
54. patkwapwiinanp'anaam
pa-tkwap-wli-nanp 'a-na=am
INV-LP.1ower.arm-wii-DPR.bump.into-PST=2Sg
'You brushed against me'
In 55 (repeated from 19 above), -asha is used with independent intransitive stem watlK-
'step', filling the role of an applicative and adding an argument.
55. pa~awatikashashnam
pa-~a-watlK-asha-sh=nam
INV-unexpected-step-LDS.on-PPF=2Sg
'you just stepped on me!' (origMJ31, agreed to by VB)
Applicatives and directiona1s share a number of qualities. There is a overlap in the
semantics of app1icative and directiona1s. They fall in the same position in the verb. Both
occur with transitive morphology. -nanp'a can act as either DPR or applicative, and shows
a midway point between the categories, suggesting a diachronic link: between directional
DPR's and applicatives.
4.3.4. Bipartite stems
Each combination of LP with DPR provides a unique meaning, and the semantic
contribution of each of the elements is not always predictable. At times, the meaning of
the stem diverges from that expected given the semantic contribution of each part. While
most bipartite stems are 1exicalized, others are formed and used in context, in discussion,
r----------------------- --------
245
as events happen and as speakers choose what aspect of an event they wish to highlight.
For fluent elders, this is a productive, creative system. With so few remaining speakers,
however, this may be changing, as elders have fewer opportunities to join together for
conversation and less-fluent learners memorize verbs as a whole, rather than learning
which LP's and DPR's it is possible and appropriate to combine.
There is overlap of the qualities and categories found for Ichishkiin bipartite
constructions involving LP's and DPR's with those described for Washo (Jacobsen
1980), Klamath (DeLancey 1999, 2003, 2007) and Mollala (Pharris 2007). All have a
COS construction (type 1,4.3.5) and a bipartite stern construction that refers to entities
moving to or being in a position, with the LP indicating the entity and the stern the
location (type 3: movement or location of an entity, discussed in 4.3.6.2). Klamath,
Molalla and Ichishkiin have caused motion constructions (type 2, 4.3.6.1 and manner-
type bipartite constructions (type 4, 4.3.6.3). Klamath relies more heavily than Ichishkiin
on bipartite sterns, with motion, position and location verbs being expressed almost
exclusively by bipartite constructions (DeLancey 2007). Ichishkiin may use a simple, or
at least synchronically unanalyzable verb stern to express many of these notions.
The four types of bipartite constructions can be broken into two groups based on
transitivity and, to the limited extent that LP's fall into two subsets, on the LP's used in
the construction. As discussed in 4.3.2, the two subsets are not categorical, and some
LP's occur in all types of bipartite constructions. The first two types of bipartite
construction discussed, change of state and caused motion, are transitive, and occur with
instrumental LP's. The second two types, motion/location of an entity and manner of
246
motion, are intransitive, and occur with LP's indicating an entity in motion or being in a
location. Figure 4.2 outlines the types of bipartite stem constructions.
FIGURE 4.2. STEM TYPES
plus a dependent
A lexical forms a bipartite
posterior root that is:
prefix construction of this type:
(DPR) expressing:
(LP)
Change of state Change of state
transitive
(COS) (Type 1, section 4.3.5)
Caused motion transitive
(Type 2, section 4.3.6.1)
Location or
Motion/location of an entity intransitive
direction (LD)
(Type 3, section 4.3.6.2)
Manner of motion intransitive
(Type 4, section 4.3.6.3)
247
4.3.5. Bipartite construction 1: Change of state
Change of state constructions are bipartite. In a COS construction, an instrumental
LP referring to an instrument or body part combines with a DPR indicating a change of
state. The instrumental LP indicates the means or manner by which the change of state
occurs. The resulting stems are transitive, as indicated by verbal and nominal
morphology. Below, the first example takes obviative prefix a-, indicating a 3rd person O.
The second includes object marker -nan.
56. apak'ink!
a-pa-k'ink
30-LP.with.hand-COS.stop.off
'Close it!'
57. ipa~nan ayatma patwak'aat~a
ipa~-nan ayat-ma pa-twa-k'aat~a
hide-OBJ woman-PI 3Pl.S-LP. LP.long.instr-LDS.scrape.away-HAB
'the women scrape the hide clean'
Table 4.2 includes selected COS stems.
TABLE 4.2. SELECTED CHANGE OF STATE STEMS
-ch '~ split, break
-k'aat scrape to bare state, shave, sweep, rake
-k'li bend
-k'~ tear
-k'ink close off, block, impede flow
-kwl split open
248
TABLE 4.2. (CONTINUED).
-kw't/ grind up
-k'p fasten up, close up
-p'sk/ -p'ik pIerce
-shtk/stk tie, tangle, knot
-t'a strike, impact, sting
-tku make hole in
-tkw'k shatter, break, crack
-ti'iip break into pieces, chips, chunks, slices
-t{'k break, smash
-pni layout, make flat
-pxw scatter
-wshp knock out
-~t/p open up
4.3.6. Bipartite constructions 2-4: LP + LD stem
As noted previously, three distinct types ofbipartite constructions result from the
combination of an LP with a locative/directive DPR. This section looks at each type of
bipartite construction that falls into this category. Table 4.3 gives examples ofDPR's that
are used in these constructions.
249
TABLE 4.3. SELECTED LOCATIVE/DIRECTIVE STEMS
-chapa into brush
-chay extend
-hayk go up
-k'ik caught up, stuck on
-ki{{ move a short distance
-lat?{ into fire
-Iii into water
-luu hanging, in air
-it{{ descend
-nanp'a against
-nati51 along
-naynak to inside
-nin here and there
-pni emerge, take out
-skU around, in a circle
-wayk across
/
-wayna away
-{{aluk under
/
-yawna over
51 This, and several other DPR's, show n~l alternations. This was discussed in Chapter 2 as a diminutive; in
verb stems, the forms with 1seem more likely to be fossilized with particular LP's.
250
4.3.6.1. Bipartite construction 2: Caused motion
LP's combine with bound posterior roots coding location or direction to indicate
means and motion or direction of caused travel. The cause of the movement is coded by
the LP. In this construction, the LP acts as a "cause satellite" (Talmy 1985), and, as in
Atsugewi, it is an "obligatory indication of the cause of the action expressed by the verb
root" (1985: 112). This type of bipartite construction is also present in Klamath and
Molalla, as well as in other languages with instrumental prefix sets. The set of lexical
prefixes used in this category overlaps with the set that occurs with COS stems. Like the
LP + COS stem bipartite constructions discussed in the previous section, the resulting
stems are transitive.
58. pa-~aluk-
LP.hand-LDS.under-
'push (something) under'
59. su-wii-ft~-
LP.pole-wii-LDS.upward
'push (something) upward with pole'
Many examples ofcaused motion include the central stem wii-. This serves to accentuate
the speed or perhaps exertion needed and will be further addressed in 4.4.4. Note that 60
could include object marker -nan (optional on inanimate objects).
60. itunawiiitxsh shp'aw(nan)
i-tuna-wa-it~-sh shp'aw(-nan)
3Sg.S-LP.with.foot-wii-LDS.upward-IMPV ball(-OBJ)
's/he's kicked the ball up in the air'
251
4.3.6.2. Bipartite construction 3: Motion/ location of an entity
Another category of bipartite stem construction is a combination of an LP
indicating an entity - often a body part - and a posterior root coding the location or
movement of that entity.
61. tuta-/ii-
LP.head-LDS.water
'put head in water'
The following examples show a range of possibilities for involvement of the
hand/lower ann using the lexical prefix tkwap-. This is not the instrumental LP that refers
to use of the hand or a pushing motion, but instead refers to an entity undergoing motion
or being located somewhere. Note that example 62 (b) includes, optionally, wii.
62. (a) tkwap-tksh-
LP.ann-COS.splinter
'have a splinter/be splintered in the hand'
(b) tkwap-(wli-)chayk-
LP.ann-LDS.extend
'put hand out' (when shaking hands)
Klamath and Molalla also have bipartite stem constructions that refer to entities
moving to or being in a position, with the LP indicating the entity and the stem the
location. These are typically intransitive constructions in all three languages.
4.3.6.3. Bipartite construction 4: Manner of motion
A combination of LP and directional stem can also indicate intransitive
movement, in contrast to the transitive caused motion of construction 2 above. The LD
stem indicates the direction and the LP names the manner of motion.
252
63. nak-sklik-
LP.carry-LDS.around
'carry around, in a circle'
64. wii-hayk-
wii-LDS.down
'fly, go down'
65. ya-wayna
LP.water-LDS.away
'drift away'
4.4. Additional types of stems
The elements of the bipartite construction are not always categorical. They can be
prefixed to otherwise independent verbs, combine with a second dependent element, or
precede - or in some cases be sandwiched between - two other dependent elements.
There are several suffixes that are difficult to classify. For some combinations, the degree
oflexicalization affects this, as stems have built up over time. A number of bound
prefixes cannot be assigned to only one position slot. These "outlier" morphemes and
combinations make it difficult to draw solid boundaries between different types of
affixes.
At this point, I have discussed the first four of the stem types outlined in Figure
4.1. They are: independent stems, independent stem + independent stem, LP +
independent stem, independent stem + DPR, and LP + DPR.
This final section investigates additional categories ofprefix + DPR - those that
have motion prefixes wei and wyci-, causative prefixes shapci- and chci- + DPR, and
transitivizer {- + DPR. We will also look at stem-final elements -uy 'start' and -ncik'i
253
'finish'. This is followed by a discussion of tripartite stems, many but not all with central
element wli-, and stems that show evidence of having more than three elements (at least
diachronically).
4.4.1. Stems with motion prefixes
The earlier discussion of verb theme-internal manner prefixes wya- 'while going'
and wii- 'stop for a while to do something' noted that these were also used in bipartite
and tripartite stems, and some of the examples seen thus far have included those
elements. These two prefixes are based on wi, a root with the lexical meaning' go' or
'move', according to Jacobs (1931). He writes of wi that it "is ancient and has specialized
in variant directions; it never occurs unbound" (1931: 156). The most frequent use of a
form of wi is the verb wina_,52 which means 'go'. wya- is also based on the root wi. Like
wina, this form likely has its origins in a combination of wi and some other particle.
Jacobs suggests a former root ya meaning'go, go along'.
As lexical prefixes, the meanings ofwya- and wli- are different from the adverbial
meanings discussed earlier. As noted in 4.2.2, wya- as an adverbial prefix means' go
while doing'. It does not occur as a freestanding stem or with other LP's. However, it
does occur with LD stems in bipartite constructions. Here, it adds movement, meaning
going in the direction or manner given by the DPR. It is glossed in these examples as
'go'.
52 Jacobs analyzes -na as a no longer productive directive. Rude 1991 reconstructs proto-Sahaptian *-en
'thither' and further addresses this directional as the source of the objective case marker.
254
66. wya-ft~-
go-LDS.upward
'go up'
67. wya-pni-
go-LDS.emerge
'emerge' (e.g. from brush, come out into open area)
The stem wii- similarly does not occur on its own. It can emphasize speed of
motion or action with an LD stem.
68. wii-hayk-
wii-LDS.descend
'drive, roll, slide down; descend quickly'
The following contrast wii- and wya- (Sharon Hargus, p. c.):
69. wyahayk- get off, step down wiihayk- quickly descend
wyaft:s.- go up wiift:s- run or fly up
wyapni- emerge wiipni- run out, hurry out
wyasklik- tum around wiisklik- spin around
wli- is also used with COS stems. Although many languages, even other dialects
of Sahaptin, contrast a transitive use of a COS stem with an intransitive use, giving an
unaccusative/causative contrast, Yakima does not use COS stems as independent stems:
70. i-sha-kwtk-ta
i-sha- kwtk -ta
3Sg.S-LP.cut-COS.shatter-FUT
'he will plow (something)'
71. *i- kwitk -ta
'it will shatter'
A neighboring dialect, Umatilla Sahaptin (Columbia River), does allows intransitive uses
of some, but not all, COS stems. Umatilla Xlip 'open' , corresponds to Yakima :sUp:
255
72. i-xUp-a pels (Umatilla Sahaptin, Noel Rude p.c.)
3Sg.S-open-PST door
'the door opened'
73. i-ca-xlip-a pets (Umatilla Sahaptin, Noel Rude p.c.)
's/he opened the door'
Sister language Nez Perce (NP) allows intransitive/transitive alternations oftranslation
equivalents:
74. k'up (Nez Perce, Aoki, 1994)
'to break; used especially when a stick-like object breaks'
eepe-k'ti'p-se (Nez Perce, Aoki, 1994)
'I break (e.g. a branch) by applying pressure' (causative)
k'ti·p-ee (Nez Perce, Aoki, 1994)
'(My stick like object) breaks'
Because there are not constructions like 71, in the Yaklima dialect, it must look to
other constructions to express intransitive unaccusativity. For some COS stems, the
prefix wii- provides this.
75. iwli~ilpa pehtsh
i-wli-~ilp-a
3Sg.S-wii-COS.open-PST
'the door opened'
pehtsh
door
76. iwliti'ksh kaa
i-wli-ti'k-sh kaa
3Sg.S-wii-COS.break.down-1MPV car
'the car broke down'
The nouns in the above examples cannot take an object marker; the clauses are
intransitive. It is not clear how the prefix wfi- as used in intransitives is related to its use
in bi-and tripartite constructions, although consistent variation across dialects for the
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whole set of uses ofwli-, discussed in 4.4.4, suggests that the varying uses have a single
historical source.
In Jacobs' discussion of verb stems, he places wii- and ~va- into two different
categories. He lists them both as anterior roots and as central roots. The status of these
forms as members of the LP class is not clear cut, as syntactically they behave for the
most part as do other LP's but their meanings do not fit neatly with the rest of the
members of the LP class.
4.4.2. Stems with causative prefixes
The two morphological causatives in the language also share a number of
syntactic properties with LP's. Section 4.2.3 introduced shapa- as the general and
productive causative. The second causative to be discussed, cha-, occurs with a limited
set of verbs and tends to produce more lexicalized meanings. These causatives share
some structural and position class properties with LP's.
LP's and COS sterns are bound. Like LP's, bound causatives combine with COS
sterns to indicate caused action. 77 shows causative and lexical prefixes with DPR k'ik-
'fasten on, stick on, attach to'.
77. shapci-k'ik-
CAUS-stick.on
'hang up (coat on hook)'
chci-k'ik-
CAUS-stick.on
'fasten on (feather tied to stick)
257
pci-k'ik-
LP.with.hand-stick.on
'stick on (paper on spike)'
walci-k'ik-
LP.belt-stick.on
'belt, tie around'
Causatives and lexical prefixes, as seen above, can occur in the same position slot
in the verb stem. Like lexical prefixes, causatives follow pronominal and adverbial
morphemes (i- and kci- in example 78 and 79) and can precede independent verb roots
(examples 80 and 81).
Bipartite construction with pronominal and adverbial prefixes:
78. ikcitutatfka
i-kci-tuta-ti'k-a
3Sg.S-suddenly-LP.head-COS.break-PST
'he suddenly hit his head'
Causative construction with pronominal and adverbial prefixes:
79. ikcishapalkw'ka
i-kci-shapci-lkw'k-a
3Sg.S-suddenly-CAUS-scare-PST
'she made (someone) scare her suddenly'
Independent verb stem with lexical prefix:
80. ipcikukusha
i-pci-kuku-sha
3Sg.S-LP.hand-knock-IMPV
's/he is knocking'
Independent verb stem with causative prefix:
81. ishapcittawQKShana
i-shapci-ttciwa~-sha-na
3Sg.S-CAUS-grow-IMPV-PST
's/he grew it'
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However, there are two differences between lexical prefixes and causative prefixes.
Only some lexical prefixes co-occur in sequence,53 but the causative shapa- can occur
before any LP-initial stem:
82. shapatik'anayk
shapa-ti-k'anayk-
CAUS-LP.butt-LDS.bend.over
'make s.o. bend over'
83. shapatkwapwiiluuk
shapa-tkwap-wii-luu-k
CAUS-LP.lower.arm-wii-LDS.in.air-TRNS
'rob' (lit, make s.o. raise hands up)
A second difference is that reduplication ofLP's is possible, but not reduplication
of causatives. Some lexical prefixes undergo reduplication to indicate repeated action, as
do freestanding verb roots. This same pattern is seen in Washo lexical prefixes, where
reduplication indicates repetition of action (Jacobsen 1980). The example in 84 shows
reduplication of the independent verb 'dig,' and in 85 of the LP of the bipartite formation
'cut through':
84. pa~nim~nim~a
pa-~nim-~nim-~a
3Pl.S-dig-dig-HAB
'they keep on digging'
85. iwawa~ti'ka
i-wa-wa~-ti'k-a
3Sg.S-LP.instr-LP.instr-COS.break-PST
'he chopped and chopped it up (with an axe)'
It is possible that causative prefixes developed from lexical prefixes, as is argued
to be the case for other languages. A path from instrumental prefixes that refer to the
53 We will see this in 4.4.4.
259
hand to causatives is attested in Northern Paiute (Thomes 2003), Haida (Hori 1998), and
various other languages (Mithun 1999). Causative prefixes are similar in form to two
lexical prefixes. One of the more common lexical prefixes is pa-, having to do with using
the hand. It typically refers to a pushing motion:
86. apa~alukshaash
a-pa-~aluk-sha=ash
30-LP.with.hand-LDS.under-IMPV=lSg
'I'm pushing it underneath'
This stressed form pa- may be the source of the second part of the causative shapa-.
If the morpheme pa- is part of shapa-, we must account for the remainder of that
form. There is an LP sha- 'with a knife, cut,' but, as noted above, LPs do not typically
combine and so this seems an unlikely source of the causative. The corresponding Nez
Perce causative is sepe- and the LP 'with.hand' is we:p-, showing no clear relation
between the two forms in that language. However, the general causative in Klamath is s-
/snf2.-, which DeLancey, Genetti and Rude (1988) relate to Sahaptian *sep-, noting that
Sahaptian *p needs to be accounted for. I suggest that *p arises from, or from the same
historical source as, pa- 'with.hand'.
The causative cha- also has an internal source that is an LP. A lexical prefix cha-
refers to pulling, lifting, or use of the teeth. The common semantic base for these three
senses is the action ofpulling; one can use the teeth to pull or tear off a bite of food.
87. ich6.~ti'ka
i-ch6.~-tfk-a
3Sg.S-LP.teeth-COS.break-PST
's/he bit it in two'
260
As can be seen in examples such as 77 above, the causative uses of shapa- and
cha- are no longer restricted to actions that have to do with the use of the hands or teeth
or pulling motions. With cha-, there is sometimes ambiguity between the causative and
the LP meanings: chciti'i'ip- can mean 'cause something to break into pieces' or 'break
something into pieces' or 'break off a piece of something with your teeth'. Context
typically resolves this ambiguity.
The more restricted use of the causative cha- relative to shapa- and the more
transparent relation between the LP cha- and causative cha- suggest that the paths of the
two causatives were not parallel and that the use of cha- as a causative is a more recent
development. If LP's were the source of causatives, as is suggested above, this explains
the syntactic and semantic overlap between the two types of affixes.
4.4.3. Stems with transitivizing prefix
Some verbs have an alternation between a form that begins in {- and is transitive,
and a base intransitive form without this prefix. Examples include t~shi- 'awaken',
{ta~shi- 'wake someone up'; ti'yciwi- 'die', {ti'yawi- 'kill';yati'pi-'be soaked', {yati'pi-
'make soaked, make wet'; tu~- 'return home'; {tu~- 'give back'. This prefix is not
synchronically productive. It occurs with transitivizing suffix -k (also not productive) in
some combinations: iamciy- 'be hidden, lost, {iamayk- 'hide'.
The prefix is also found with a number of change of state stems. This allows the
otherwise dependent root to function as a transitive verb stem. The forms below have
related DPR's, seen in Table 4.2.
88. {shtk-
{pxw-
l]s'p-
{k'ink-
'tie, tangle, knot'
'scatter'
'close up, make secure'
'block, barricade'
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The prefix {- is also is found with at least one LP: {twa- 'mix in, mix with' from twa-
'longish object used radially to mix, shave, scrape'. It also occurs with some stems that
are lexicalized in that the second element occurs only in a few words: 11kw- 'make a fire',
{tkw'k- 'straighten'.
A topic for further research is to find out to what extent this prefix is productive
with cos stems, and whether the stems it is prefixed to in any way form a subclass. In
addition, work needs to be done to determine to what extent sets of stems prefixed with
wli- (in its intransitive/unaccusative reading) shapa- (causative) and (- (transitive) exist, as
in 89.
89. wlishtk- 'get tangled
shapashtk- 'make tangled or knotted'
{shtk- 'tie, tangle, knot'
Dependent roots -uy 'start' and -nak'i 'finish' have syntactic similarities to COS
DPR's, but like the other forms addressed in this section are not clear-cut members of any
particular class. A related morpheme discussed in 4.2.4 is k'ay 'start' They seem to most
often attach to independent stems and are found in some lexicalized combinations. -uy is
used more in its nominalized form (uyt 'first, the first one') but also is used in
combination with wli- to mean start.
90. Aw na w{i'uysha
aw=na
now =1 PI.INC
'Let's start now'
wli-uy-sha
wii-start-IMPV
262
nak'i 'finish' is the more productive of the pair. It attaches to a few LPs, as in ka-nak'i-
'(LP.mouth-finish) 'finish eating'. When prefixed with transitivizer {- it means 'finish'.
91. miimiish aWinak'iya
miimi-ish ciw-{nak'i-ya
long.ago=1Sg 30-finish-PST
'I already finished it'
4.4.4. Tripartite stems
Most lexical prefixes do not occur in sequence, and those that do seem to be frequent
collocations that have have merged. These will be discussed below.
A productive tripartite combination includes central element wii-. In these
combinations, none of the composite parts of the stern stand alone as an independent
verb:
92. tuta-wii-sklik
LP.head-wii-LDS.tum
'tum one's head around' (like an owl when startled)
In some combinations, the inclusion of wii- is required between an LP and
directional stern, and with other combinations its use is optional. When it is optional, it
accentuates the motion or speed involved in the action. The following two examples both
have the same lexical prefix and directional stern, but wii- is included in the second:
93. it~pnciynaka
i-t~p-nciynak-a
3Sg.S-LP.foot-LDS.into-PST
'he put his foot inside (something)'
it~pw{inaynaka
i-t~p-w{i-nciynak-a
3Sg.S-LP.foot-wii-LDS.into-PST
'he put his foot inside (something)' (faster, shoving movement)
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94. cinakyat'anaash
ci-ncik-ycita-na=ash
30-LP.carry-LDS.elsewhere-PST=lSg
'I carried it away'
cinakwliyat'anaash
ci-ncik-wli-ycit'a-na=ash
30-LP.carry-wii-LDS.elsewhere-PST=lSg
'I carried it (quickly) away'
With some combinations, its inclusion makes a clearer meaning difference related to
movement.
95. ipcihayka
i-pci-hciyk-a
3Sg.S-LP.hands-LDS.down-PST
's/he put it down'
ipciwiihayka
i-pci-wli-hciyk-a
3Sg.S-LP.hands-wii-LDS.down-PST
's/he pushed it down'
In text examples the inclusion of wii- highlights speed and movement:
96. K'miipa ciyawiihaykma {kush ti/{wal.
k'mii-pa ci-yci-wli-hciyk-m-a {kush ti/{wal
cliff-LOC 30-LP.water-wii-LDS.down-CSL-PST thus blood
'His blood poured down the cliff.'
In many cases, the stem formed by wii- and the LDS is a fully functional verb
stem, ready for inflectional morphemes. wiihayk- 'quickly descend' occurs in examples
95 and 96 with an LP and in example 69 on page 254 without. Therefore, an additional
LP (such as yci- in example 96) could be analyzed as prefixing an already-formed
bipartite stem. wtiluuk- 'rise, go up' is a stem. With the LP tkwcip- 'lower hand or arm',
the central element must be present: tkwcipwiiluuk- 'raise arms' is acceptable, tkwcipluuk-
is not. However, with LP su- 'long pole', wli- is not used: suluuk- push pole up, raise
264
pole'. tkwap-, as noted earlier, is of the subset of LPs that is not an instrumental LP, and
this may playa role.
In addition, since some combinations with wli- have become lexicalized, adding
an LP does not always give a meaningful result. wlichayk- (literally wli- + -chayk 'extend')
now means' get angry'. Combinations of this stem and LP's do not make sense.
tkwapchayk- 'extend hand' cannot take central element wli-, presumably because it would
be analyzed as the LP preceding the lexical item wlichayk- 'get angry'.
Prefixing by an additional LP is is also seen with stems formed with wya-. wyciit?;-
'go up' and wli'lt?;- 'run or fly up' can both take a lexical prefix such as ?;asu- 'by horse'.
Again, none of the three pieces stands alone as a stem.
Jacobs (1931) describes tripartite constructions by including a short series of
central verb roots in his analysis: wli-, waa-, and way(a)-. The first two are dialectal
variants, with Northwest (Yakima) wli- corresponding to waa- in some Northeast and
Columbia River dialects. Umatilla waanaynac- 'go inside' corresponds to Yakima
wlinaynak-. The third central root Jacobs lists, way(a)-, may also be a dialect variation of
wli-: his Klikitat example waynaynak- (motion through to inside) (1931, 182)
demonstrates a three way distinction with Umatilla waanaynac -and Yakima wlinaynak-.
Jacobs also includes ipawaychaliina 'he shoved (something) into water,' corresponding to
Yakima ipawiichaliina. These variations related to dialect are consistent across all uses of
the form wli (Noel Rude p.c.). Some of the variations are no longer tied to a specific
dialect. wayawayk- 'cross quickly' looks like a Klikitat form, but is used in Yakima.
265
Jacobs' analysis of central roots is clouded by partial homophones in Yakima, in
particular wa- 'be'; wayk- (DPR) 'go across'; wayna- (independent verb stem) 'fly'.
Jacobs does note these meanings in his analysis, and indicates that dialect variations are
at times difficult to tease apart.
There are a number of stems composed of three morphemes. Many of these fall
into a pattern of additional LP's prefixing stems that are already fully formed, as seen
above with stems with wli- and vrya-. The form 2{.atama- was discussed earlier as a
combination of 'unexpectedly' and 'throw'.
There are a number of stems with initial element(s) wapa- that refer to activities
with the fingers.
97. wapakutkut-
wapak'ink-
wapakw'ilk-
'rub'
'block, hold in with hand'
'squish up with fingers'
These presumably include 'with hand' pa-, but the source of the first piece is not clear.
Using an overhead chopping motion can be indicated with wa-, but the actions referred to
are finer movements. We could be seeing a dialectal alternation (of Yakima wli-) that has
fossilized.
Another set of tripartite stems involves a central piece -la-, as in the unusually
long LP awka(la) 'by rolling'. 54 Combining this with a central element and DPR yields
54 Although, in a highly speculative fashion, one sees the adverbial prefix kci- 'suddenly' and the particle
aw'now'.
266
verbs such as awkalawlinknik- 'roll around'55. At first glance, it could be expressing
iterative partial reduplication:
98. awkala-hayk-
'roll off
awkala-la-hayk-
'bounce off
But other examples, such as the one below with the independent verb 'jump' are not
iterative.
99. tfup-wii-la-cha-lii
jump-wii-la-into-water
Example 99 shows at least 4 parts, although the purpose of la is not clear. And,
synchronically, -chaW is probably best analyzed as a single unit. Although -Iii (also -nii)
'into water' is found without cha, I only know of cha (in this position) connected to -Iii as
above, and in -chapa, 'into brush'.
The complexity of Ichishkiin verb stems suggests layers added over time, slipping
into the system. Verb stems in the language are long, and there are a lot of remnants of
the process of verb formation that still hold meaning, although they are not productive.
We would expect the pieces to either end of the stem to be the most fluid, identifiable and
recent, but in Ichishkiin we see the possibility for elements such as wli to synchronically
move in and out of a central position as well.
55 The 'rolling' examples are thanks to Regan Anderson, Virginia Beavert and Greg Sutterlict.
267
CHAPTER V
NOUNS
The last chapter showed that Ichishkiin verbs can be structurally complex. Nouns
are less so, but are subject to a number of inflectional and derivational processes.
Inflectional processes that apply to nouns are pluralization and case marking. Refer to
Chapter 3 for more complete information; as these were covered at length in that chapter,
they are only summarized here. Numbers and kinship terms were also included in
Chapter 3. This chapter covers derivational processes applicable to nouns, and a set of
nominal suffixes that expresses meanings like 'next', 'only' and 'again'. The chapter
ends with a brief discussion of noun phrases. For information on pronouns, the reader is
referred back to sections 3.10.5 (personal pronouns) 3.10.6 (demonstratives) and 3.11.3
(interrogative pronouns). Adjectives are discussed in 8.2.
5.1. Review of number and case
As discussed in 3.10.3, animate nouns take suffixes to indicate number. Human,
animate (mobile animals) and inanimate entities are treated differently in the marking of
number. The singular, unmarked form of a noun is used for singular animate, generic or
mass entities and collective plurals. Inanimates are either not marked for number or are
268
reduplicated to indicate distributive. Several inamimate nouns also have specific plural
forms. Typically only humans receive the dual suffix -in. Humans and animates can be
suffixed with plural -ma, which indicates distributive plural, that members of a group are
being referred to as individuals rather than a set. Irregular dual and plural marking on
nouns referring to humans is shown in section 3.10.3
An infrequent noun prefix pa- also ret1ects number. It carries the meaning' one to
another, mutually, reciprocally, both'. It is a part of many lexical items: pawitk 'halves'
from witk 'half; palaxs 'pair' from laxs 'one.HUM'. See also the discussion of the numeral
panlipt 'four' as 'two by two' in 3.10.1. The prefix pa- also is used productively on
nouns, as in the following example.
1. kutya awku mlimi ipapatala~itki~ana pamyanash
kutya awku mlimi ipapa-tal~itk-i~a-na pa-myanash
rather then long.ago RCP-discipline-HAB-PST RCP-child
'But then long ago the children used to discipline one another'
Note that this example shows an older form of the reciprocal prefix, which is
includes third person singular i-. The plural suffix -ma is not used on the noun. Noun
prefix pa- has the same form as 3rd person plural prefix pa- (see 3.2.1) and is likely related
to that as well as the third person reciprocal papa- discussed in (3.2.3). In addition, pea)
indicates plurality in clitics: =pam '2PI'(with second person base m) and =pat '3PI'.
Nouns take case-marking suffixes, discussed at length in 3.9 and 3.10.4. One set
of case markers indicates core grammatical roles: subject, object and possessor (see
section 6.1). A second set of case markers is used for obliques.
269
5.2. Nominalizing morphology
The derivation of nouns from other word classes is productive and common. In
addition, derivational suffixes derive nouns with related meanings from other nouns.
Nominalizing suffixes indicate a relationship in meaning between the derived
noun and the base form of the word from which it was derived. The various productive
morphemes are discussed here, followed by a listing of some less productive noun
affixes. In example 2 various nominalizing suffixes are added to the verb t(ma- 'write,
mark'.
2. timafci
t(mash
timat'ciwaas
timatpamci
'writer, secretary'
'paper, letter, book'
'pencil, pen'
'blackboard, typewriter'
5.2.1. Action nominalizer -t
The general nominalizer deriving nouns from verbs is -to This is a productive and
frequently occurring suffix.
3. pcishwi-
'be worth'
tkwcita-
'eat'
shukwa-
'know'
pcishwit
'value'
tkwcitat
'food'
shukwat
'knowledge, teaching'
Many nominalizations formed with -t are lexicalized. Their meaning is related to but not
entirely predictable from the verb.
4. winat-
'exit, go out'
ttawa::;-
'grow, mature'
winatt
'spring'
ttawa::;t
'family, upbringing'
270
Nominalized verbs behave as do non-derived nouns. In the copular constructions in
example 5, nouns formed from wliw~i- 'exchange gifts in wedding trade' and papawinp-
(lit. RCP + 'take, get') 'marry, mate' are used.
5. ataw awacha papawii~t niim{,
ataw a-wacha papa-wiiw~i-t nnml
valued 30-COP.PST RCP-exchange.at.wedding-NZR IPl.PN.GEN
tmaakni awku awacha papawinpt.
tmaak-ni awkU a-wacha papawinp-t
respect-STAT then 30-COP.PST marry-NZR
'Our dowries were valuable long ago, marriage was highly respected. '
As does reciprocal prefix papa- in 5, a number of verbal suffixes and prefixes,
such as causatives, purposives and desideratives, can remain on a nominalized verb.
Verbs nominalized with -t are used as infinitives or gerunds.
6. itk'{~sha winanlit
i-tk'{~-sha winan{i-t
3Sg.S-want-IMPV swim-NZR
's/he likes/wants to swim/swimming'
7. ku kunklnk awacha ts'waaywit wisalat ku np'{wit
ku kunklnk a-wacha ts'waaywit wisala-t ku
and that.INST 30-COP.PST right hunt-NZR and
'and with that he had rights to hunt and fish'
np'{wi-t
fish-NZR
Nominalization with -t plays a role in other complex constructions, to be discussed in
Chapter 9.
271
5.2.2. Agent nominalizer -ta
The suffix -ia added to a verb indicates the agent or 'doer' of the verb. It is a
stress-stealing suffix and so takes word level stress (2.6).
8. wat{-
'tell legends '
sapsikw'a-
'teach, explain'
watHa
'legend-teller'
sapsikw'aia
'teacher'
naktkwanin- naktkwaninia
'care for, be responsible for' 'caregiver, nurse'
A malefactive agent nominalizer -iam shifts stress to the penultimate syllable, as in
pa?{W(iam 'robber' from pa?{Wi- 'steal' and iti'yaw(iam 'killer' from (ti'yawi- 'kill'.
The inverse prefix pa- (discussed in 6.3 and 7.3) is used on nominalized forms of
some verbs. It occurs with the agentive suffix -ia; it also occurs on verbs nominalized
with the productive nominalizer -to
9. ~itway­
'befriend'
wawya-
'whip'
tlixwa-
'inform'
wamK-
'name, be named'
pa~twayid
'friendly person'
pawawyaid
'whip man'
patiixwat
'lesson'
pawanikt
'naming ceremony'
For some nominalizations the prefix is optional. For example, wawyaia and pawawyaia
are both used for 'whipman'. For other nominalizations, the prefix is invariant, as in
paykia 'obedient person' from yik- 'hear, listen, understand'.
272
5.2.3. Patient nominalizer -sh
Patient nominalizer -sh indicates the result ofa human's action. This is not as productive
as nominalizer -t and applies to a more limited set of verbs. I
10. sha~aap- sha~aapsh
'slice' 'board, plank'
watlK- watlKsh
'step' 'track, footprint'
(/kw- (/kwsh
'build a fire' 'fire'
pcik'ink- pcik'inksh
'block off 'dam'
Contrasts between nouns formed with -t and those formed with -sh show that -sh
nominalizations highlight human involvement. The verb ~ni- 'dig roots' is usually
nominalized with -t to yield ~nit, the general word for edible roots. In the following
example, ~nish is used instead of~nit, as it refers specifically to the first roots dug by a
particular girl.
11. {chi ciwa uyt ~nish
(chi ciwa uyt ~ni-sh
this 30-COP first dig.roots-PAT.NZR
'These are her first roots'
I also have some examples of pairs of -t / -sh nominalizations that do not clearly show
that meaning difference: pcituksh/pcitukt 'bet '(from pcituk- 'place, set'); chawiluuksh/
chciwiluukt 'flag, banner' (from chciwiluuk- 'raise'). These words may be used in specific
contexts that I have not been able to tease apart.
.----------------- --------
273
5.2.4. Instrument nominalizer -(t')awaas
-(f)awaas indicates the tool or instrument with which the action is carried out, and
is suffixed to verb roots. The Yakima form has a long vowel at the end, although there is
some variation among speakers. Other Ichishkiin dialects have a short vowel (-(f)awas,
see Jacobs 1931: 217).
12. walag'ik-
'tie up, wrap and tie'
sutf'wanp-
'dip out'
twak'aatk-
'scrape, shave'
walag'ikawaas
'lacing'
sud'wanpawaas
'dipper, cup'
twak'aatkawaas
'scraper'
Ifit is added to a verb ending in a vowel, the form is -t'awaas.56
13. ig'(wi- ig'iwit'awaas
'play' 'plaything'
panati- panatit'awaas
'climb' 'ladder'
5.2.5. Thing or place for, pertaining to: -pama
The suffix -pama means 'thing or place for' or 'pertaining to'. It applies to nouns.
14. achaash achaashpama
'eyes' 'eyeglasses'
tlKay tikaypama
'dish, plate' 'cupboard'
56 This could historically be nominalizer -to The glottalization would stil need to be accounted for, as this is
the only case in which a consonant is glottalized before the instrument nominalizer. Also, it does apply only
vowel-final verbs and so synchronically is phonetically conditioned.
274
When it is added to verbs they are first nominalized with -to
15. wat'a-
'strike, hit'
pnu-
'sleep'
wat'atpama
'drumstick'
pnutpama
'bed, bedroom'
The following sentence is a part of a description of a wapaas, a small gathering basket.
16. Wapaas iwa taakwinpama, pshatatpama ~n{t.
wapaas i-wa taakwin-pama
gathering.basket 3Sg.S- COP whatchamacallit -thing.for
pshcita-t-pama ??n{-t
putin -NZR -thing.for dig.root-NZR
'Wapaas is a thing for gathering roots'
There is some overlap between -(t)awaas and -pama; for example, panatitpama (from
pamiti- 'climb') is used for ladder or stairs, as is panatit'awaas.
The suffix -pama (pama + -pa 'LOC ') refers to a time once removed from the noun
that is suffixed.
17. wat{m
'yesterday'
inw{m
'last year'
mays??
'tomorrow'
watimpamapa57
'day before yesterday'
inwimpamapa
'year before last'
mays??pamapa
'day after tomorrow'
It seems as though the default interpretation (if the noun does not include past or future
meaning, as do the examples above) is that the time has passed.
57 It seemed at first that these forms should just have the -pama suffix and that -pa LOC situated an event
'on the day before yesterday', as -pa does with other times, see 3. I0.4. However, for some speakers,
watimpama means 'tomorrow'. The full suffix is needed to get the time before/after.
18. ncipikw'i
'Tuesday'
napikw'ipamcipa
'last Tuesday'
275
5.2.6. Legend animal -yay
Legendary animals' names have the suffixes -yay or -ya (-ya triggers stress shift to
the preceding syllable) added to a common animal name. Spilyay 'Coyote' (from spI1ya
'coyote') is the best-known example.
19. asum
'eel'
cishnam
'flea'
kw'ayaw{
'cougar'
pich'im
'bobcat'
yi~a
'beaver'
Asumyciy
'Eel'
Ashnamyciy
'Flea'
Kw'ayawiyay
'Cougar'
Pch,{imya
'Bobcat'
Yi~ciya
'Beaver'
There is variation within and across dialects and speakers as to what form of the
suffix will be used and whether vowels are lengthened. Tiskciaya, Tiskayaaya, and Tiskayciy
(from tiskciy 'skunk') are used by )Swciiwaypam Klikitat speaker Joe Hunt in Jacobs' 1929
texts. I have recorded both Waxpuuya and Wa~pushyay (from wci~push 'rattlesnake') from
Yakima speakers. Morrison (1990) writes that for single syllable Warm Springs nouns
ending in a consonant and vowel final nouns, the suffix is -yay. For consonant-final nouns
of more than one syllable and diphthong-final nouns, it is -ya, with stress on the
preceding syllable.
276
5.2.7. Additional nominalizing suffixes
There are a number of additional nominalizing suffixes that are less productive
and less frequent. They are listed in Table 5.1. Although the words they form are usually
morphologically transparent, these suffixes are less than fully productive in present day
use. Jacobs (1931) provides an extensive listing.
TABLE 5.1. ADDITIONAL NOMINALIZING SUFFIXES
negative agentive, forms tkwata- tkwataneli
-eli nouns/adjectivals from
'eat' 'one who hasn't eaten'
verbs (See 3.7)
Perhaps related to patient wapvayk- wapvaykaas
NZR -sh? 'cross' 'bridge'
-aas
I1kw- I1kwaas
'build a fire' 'wood'
place or food source; noun wlwnu wiwnuwaash
'huckleberry' 'huckleberry patch,59
-aash58 suffix
suspan suspanaash
'strawberry' 'strawberry plant'
'thing that is or has'; forms mits'u~ mits'uu~l(
nouns from 'spout' 'coffee pot, teapot'
-I(
nouns/adjectives tf'waay ti'waayl(
'stiff, starched' 'canvas'
58 -aas and -aash seem related to patient nominalizer -sh in that they indicate some form of human
involvement or purpose, for example a place people go or a plant used for food. There also are a number of
nouns with -(a)as endings that are not morphologically transparent (for example kiwkzwlaas 'drum').
59 This example shows a stress shift to the penultimate syllable, but this does not happen in all instances, cf
kayc:iasuwaash 'service berry bush' (traditionally used to make arrows) from kayaasu 'arrow' and
suspimaash from suspc:in in this example.
277
TABLE 5.1. (CONTINUED).
k'pit k'pi:tiima
'covered with, coated 'bead' 'beaded'
-iima
with'; noun suffix likUk liklikiima
'slime' 'covered with slime'
privative 'without', forms
-mit nouns/adjectives from taala taalamit
nouns (See 3.7) 'money' 'without money, poor'
-pam people, typically added to Wayam Wayampamplace names 'Celilo' 'Celilo Indians'
tilfwal
tiliwalwaaku.i
'like, resembling, similar 'blood' 'beet'
-waakui to'; often derives plant and
sit'?{Ws
animal names, noun suffix
'Indian rice' (edible sit'?{Wswaaku.i
root) 'corn'
miima miimawit
'old' 'olden times,traditional
ways'
'abstractive'; forms nouns wak'fsh wak'fshwit(') 't6O 'alive, awake' 'life, soul'- a WI from nouns/adjectives
twati twatfwit
'medicine man, 'medicine doctor's
woman' power, shamanism'
Jacobs (1931) lists a number of additional noun prefixes and suffixes. Some of his
examples are attested on only a few words and are not productive; not all of the forms he
gives are included here. An example of this type of morpheme is ata- 'too, very, great'.
This is seen in atachiish 'ocean' (ata- + 'water'). This morpheme is listed in Jacobs'
60 This suffix shifts the stress to the penultimate syllable.
278
inventory of noun morphology (1931 :212) and he gives all four examples he found (some
with variant natci-), but it is not a productive affix. Others of his forms are not found in
Yakima, to my knowledge, or are analyzed here as separate words (miimci 'old, ancient').
5.3. Noun to verb derivation
The suffix -i derives verbs from nouns and adjectives. (A suffix -i also derives
stative adjectives from verbs and nouns, see 8.2). This is a productive process. In the case
of an -i or -u final root, a glide is inserted.
20. cil~ay~
'moon'
chciynach
'bridegroom'
p{kchaash
'picture, photo'
shp'ciw
'ball'
tciatpas
'shirt, clothing'
cil~ay~i-
'shine' (said of the moon)
chciynachi-
'get man-ied' (refen-ing to a man)
p{kchaashi-
'take a photo'
shp'ciwi-
'play ball'
tciatpasi-
'get dressed, put on shirt'
The following examples shows the use of this suffix on adjectives.
21. citaw
'valuable, important'
hananuy
'bothersome'
pciyu
'sick'
citawi-
'value, love, honor'
hananuywi-
'be bothered, be wasting time'
payuwi-61
'be sick'
61 I cannot explain the stress shift here.
279
5.4. Nominal suffixes
A set of suffixes attaches to nouns, personal, demonstrative and interrogative
pronouns, and occasionally other word classes. Their use with interrogative pronouns is
discussed in 3.11.3. They have been previously termed nominal suffixes and enclitics,
and are predominantly found on pronouns and nouns, therefore they are included here.
The set is as follows:
22. -sa
-sim
-k'a/-ch'a
-xi
-xush
'alone'
'only'
'also, next, now'
'same'
'first'
These suffixes can occur sequentially. When they do they are attached to the noun
in the order they are given above. Only -sa, -sim and -k'a/ ch'a can begin sequences, -~i
and -~ush must always be the last in a sequence.
Rude (2008) gives examples of the third person singular pronoun pink plus
nominal suffixes found in Jacobs (1929,1937).
23. pilksa
pilksasimk'a
pinch'a
pinch'ak'a
pin?{.i
pin?{.ush
'he alone'
'he also only alone'
'he also'
'he also now'
'he the same'
'he first' (Rude 2008, 113-114)
Jacobs categorizes these as suffixes but questions that categorization, stating
'these are almost enclitics in feeling and in freedom of attachment' (1931,233). He refers
to -~i 'same' as a suffix and a 'quasi-enclitic' (253). Rude analyzes them as nominal
enclitics.
280
Their freedom of attachment to words of different classes is more clitic-like than
affix-like. In addition, they follow inflectional morphology on nouns, unlike the
nominalizing suffixes addressed above which precede number and case suffixes. Here, I
analyze this set as suffixes rather than clitics. They most often (but not always) occur
with a pronoun or noun and so many of them suffix a particular word class. They modify
the word they attach to, rather than operating at clause or phrase level. One of the
morphemes listed above (-sa 'alone') carries word level stress, as do other affixes in the
language. The clitics do not. These suffixes have different qualities from the two other
sets of Ichishkiin morphemes that are classified as clitics (pronominal enclitics, 3.2.2, and
modal enclitics, 8.4). The nominal suffixes are not tied to second position, as are the
clitics. When they occur on a sentence-initial word they precede any second position
modal or pronominal enclitics.
This is an area of Ichishkiin grammar that needs to be more systematically
investigated. The range of meanings of each suffix has not been fully described, or how
the meaning of a sequence of suffixes differs from the sum of the individual meanings of
each morpheme. It is not known which co-occurrences of morphemes are possible and
which are not. In addition, although they are given and described here as a set, the
behavior of each differs slightly, and it may be that a different classification is in order.
For example, -k'a and -~i attach to word classes other than pronouns and nouns more
frequently than the others. -sa is found in texts only on pronouns. In addition, as
discussed below, whether pronoun-final k deletes prior to these suffixes varies by suffix.
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Below are examples of each suffix, along with sequences of the suffixes found in
texts. The sequences are listed under the first morpheme ofthe sequence (for example -
ch'a~i follows -k'a/- ch'a).
-sa 'alone, by oneself'
This suffix occurs on only personal pronouns in my data and that of Jacobs
(1931 :253). When -sa 'alone' is added to a pronoun, typically the resulting words show
the diminutive sound pattern n to 1(see 2.12 for more on this shift), which reinforces the
idea that the subject is alone: pilksa (pink '3Sg.PRO') 'he or she alone, by himself or
herself', ilksa (ink' 1Sg.PRO') 'only I, by myself', lamaksa (namak' IPl.PRO') 'we alone'.
24. Aw nash awku lal(wan~a ilksa
aw =nash awku lal(wan-~a
now = 1Sg then be.lonely-HAB
'I get lonely all by myself'
ilk-sa
1Sg.PN-alone
ilksa 'only I' can also indicate selfishness, boasting or self aggrandization.
Note that because this suffix only is found on pronouns, it is not immediately
clear whether the best analysis is -sa or -ksa. Personal pronouns in Yakima end in k. The k
is stripped off prior to the addition of some suffixes. For example, the 1st person singular
subject pronoun is ink, but the genitive form is inm{ Some suffixed pronouns such as
pin~i 's/he the same', (from pink-~i) are formed on the pronoun base (without k).
Choosing the form -sa is consistent with other descriptions (such as Hargus and Beavert
2009, Rude 2008) and so is given here. However, the argument for choosing one over the
other is not convincing. On the one hand, Umatilla personal pronouns do not end in k (in
'1 Sg', pin '3Sg') but suffix -ksa (Rude, pc), suggesting -ksa as the correct form.
282
However, Yakima and Umatilla pronouns suffixed with the k-initial suffix -k'a 'also'
show palatalization, presumably resulting from k's joining at the morpheme boundary:
pinch'a 's/he also', from pink-k'a. The palatalization was also seen in 3.10.4 with some
fossilized case endings (such as anachnik 'in the back, behind' from anak -knik 'last-
ABL'). If the best form for this suffix is -ksa, we would need an explanation of why the
palatalization did not occur, as it did for -k'a.
-sim 'only'
-sim occurs on demonstratives, personal pronouns and nouns.
25. {kw'ak nash awku t'kw'a"ksim t{/a ap~inuu~ana
{kw'ak =nash awku {kw'ak-sim t{/a a-p~{-nuu-~a-na
that =ISg then that-only MoFa 30-think-APPL-HAB-PST
'That one only I thought of as my grandfather'
Jacobs (1931 :202) lists several examples of -sim 'only' on verbs as well with the meaning
'always' or 'all the time'. One such example is ich{itsimi~a 'he is always drinking'.
Jacobs' examples all involve nominalized verbs that have then been re-verbalized with-i
(5.3). This supports the analysis of -sim an affix rather than clitic, and a noun suffix rather
than a verb suffix. The following Yakima example shows the same pattern.
26. ikks ttaw~tma asapuukasitsimisha
ikks ttawa~-t-ma a-sapuukasi-t-sim-i-sha
small.Pl grow-NZR-Pl 30-repeat-NZR-same-VZR-IMPV
'the young people only repeat by rote memory'
-simk'a
This combination indicates that only the suffixed amount or person remains.
27. myanashmasimk'a
myanash-ma-sim-k'a
child-Pl-only- also
'Only the children now (are left)'
283
The word ti'aa~wsimk'a means 'for the last time'.
28. Aw mash tfa~simk'a shapnisha
aw =mash ti'aa~w-sim-k'a
now =1 Sg>2Sg all-only-also
'I'm asking you for the last time'
shapni-sha
ask-IMPV
-k'aj-ch'a 'also, next, now'
This suffix has a range of meanings: 'also, next, now, additionally'. It occurs on
nouns, pronouns, adjectives and adverbs.
29. t~k'a awku ilaamsha
ta~us-k'a awku i-lciam-sha
milkweed.hemp-also then 3Sg/S/A- disappear-IMPV
'Ta:&us (milkweed hemp) is now disappearing'
It strengthens the meaning of adjectivals, as in 30 below, where ~yaawk'a (based on ~yaaw
'dry') means 'very dry, all dried up'.
30. ti'aa~w ?D'aawk'a awku iwacha {kush
ti'aa~w ~yaawk'a awku iwacha
all dry-also then 3Sg.S-COP.PST
'thus then he was all dried up'
{kush
thus
When nominal suffix -k'a 'again, too' is found on a subject pronoun (recall that
these end in k), the form is -ch'a. This is due to no longer productive palatalization rules.
The first person form {nch'a can be used to humble oneself. The third person form pinch'a,
along with meaning 's/he too' can also impart a familiar, humbling or deprecating
meaning, especially in 1egends.62 In the legend about Sikni 'Yellowbell,' included here in
Apendix C, Sikni is always behind her sisters, not organized, not ready, not as beautiful.
62 It seems that some of this derogatory meaning comes from the use of the pronoun in conjunction with the
suffix. For example pin:iSi 's/he same, again' can also be used in a derogatory way, something like 'oh, that
one again' but the word does necessarily have this connotation.
284
She is referred to as pinch'a, meaning 'that lowly one'. Further conversations with elders
about this usage include explanations such as 'Oh, that Coyote, we all know how he is'.
31. Ku pinch'a Spilyay ikwlitama.
ku pin-ch'a Spilyay ikwlitama.
and 3Sg.PN-also Coyote 3Sg.S-go.along-CSL-PST
'That Spilyay (Coyote) came along'
chawk'a, negative chaw suffixed by -k'a means 'no longer, not anymore'.
-ch'ak'a
-ch'a and -k'a can occur together on pronouns, meaning 'one's tum (to do something)'.
32. {mch'ak'a
{mk-ch'ak'a
2Sg.PN-next
'You next'
-ch'lIKi
This combination on pronouns means 'too, also, the same'
33. Paysh nam sh{~ anaktkwaninta ku
Paysh :::nam sh{~ a-naktkwanin-ta ku
if ==2Sg good 30-care.for-FUT and
imanach'lIKiim panaktkwaninta
imanak-ch'a-~i:::nam pa-naktkwanin-ta
2Sg.PN.OBJ- also-same ==2Sg 3Pl.S-care.for-FUT
'If you take good care of them, they will take care of you too (in the same way)'
The word anach'a~i 'again' is formed with these suffixes but the root is not known. A
possibility is that it is the subordinate particle ana but anach'a~i is not used to introduce
subordinate clauses. The second vowel of this word may not be present in fast speech
(anch~i) and at times just anach'a is used.
-~i same, similarly, again
285
This suffix is found on nouns, pronouns, adjectives and adverbs. Unlike those,
described above, however, there are also some instances of its use on verbs. If -?Si is used
on a personal pronoun, there is no pronoun-final k.
34. anaku pink iti'yawya, ti'aa?SW kUulgi k'us(k'usima pati'yawya
ana-hi pink i-ti'yawi-ya
SUB-and 3Sg.PN 3Sg.S-die-PST
ti'aa?SW kuuk-?Si k'us(k'usi-ma pa-ti'yawi-ya
all atthattime-same dog-PI 3Pl.S-die-PST
'When she died, all her dogs died too (at the same time)'
In addition to being used on verbs, -?Si differs from the other suffixes described here in
that it can occur on more than one element of a phrase. Note below that kwnak?Si 'there-
same' is suffixed along with pmach'a?Si 'they-also-same'. The -ch'a 'also' suffix occurs on
the personal pronoun, but not the demonstrative.
35. Ayatma pmach'~ kwncflgi ?swyachpa pat?Sana?Sa sapsikw'ani
ayat-ma pma-ch'a-?Si kwnak-?Si ?Swyach-pa
woman-PI 3Pl.PN-also-same that.LOC-same sweathouse-LOC
pa-t?Sana-xa sapsikw'a-ni
3Pl.S-become-HAB teach-STAT
'Women, those too there at the sweathouse, become instructed.'
This also could be a repetition ofthe suffix for intensifying the meaning. In the following
example from Jacobs (1937) the suffix occurs on both verb and noun.
36. iwachcf?Si miyaw~ tUn inishcituna
i-wachci-?Si myawa?S-?Si tUn i-nishcitu-na
3Sg.S-COP.PST-same chief-same Indian 3Sg.S-live-PST
'there was similarly a chief person dwelling there' (MB7, 16.23.1)
The following example shows another use of -?Si on verbs.
286
37. kush aw {nch'a pinawi~ch'kaKi
ku=nash aw ink-ch'a pina-w{~ch'k-a-~i
and=ISg now ISg.PN-also RFL.Sg-take.off-PST-same
'And now I too similarly got naked'
Lexicalized uses of this suffix include kw'a~i 'next, back, again', from distal
demonstrative {kw'ak 'that', chaw~i 'not yet' based on negative chaw, and kus~i 'in the
same way' from {/msh 'thus, in that way'.
-~ush first, in the lead, in front
This suffix is found on nouns, personal pronouns and demonstratives. The final k
of personal pronouns is deleted before this suffix. It does not follow other nominal
suffixes.
38. ku i~atamaliikika wanayaw plnxush
ku i-~atamalii-kik-a
and 3Sg.S-fall.into-water-TRL-PST
'and he fell into the river first'
wana-yaw pln-xush
river-DAT 3Sg.PN-first
39. Luts'ay~h ikwlitama
Luts'ayay-~ush i-kwlita-m-a
Red.fox-first 3Sg.S-go.along-CSL-PST
'Luts'ayay (Red Fox) came along first'
In sum, while the suffixes described in this section are similar, their freedom of
attachment to words of varying classes, suffixation to a full pronoun or pronoun base, and
ordering properties vary. -?(ush 'first' only occurs by itself, never in combination with
another suffix. -?(i 'same' does not precede other suffixes. -?(ush and ~i cause the final k
of a preceding pronoun to delete; -sim 'same' does not. (Given the analysis of -so. as the
proper form, pronoun-final k does not delete, and -ch'a is affected by no longer productive
palatalization). Table 5.2 sums up what word classes can be suffixed by each as attested
287
in my data. Here, the adjectives considered were forms that are identifiable as non-
derived adjectives, rather than stative forms (see 8.2 for more on adjectiva1s).
TABLE 5.2. PROPERTTES OF NOMINAL SUFFIXES
personal
demonstratives adjectives verbsnouns
pronouns
,
'alone' YES NO NO NO NO-sa
-xush 'first' YES YES YES NO NO
-sim 'only' YES YES YES YES NO/YES?
-k'a/-ch'a 'also' YES YES YES YES NO
-~i 'same' YES YES YES YES YES
5.5. Noun phrases
The previous sections have described the morphology associated with nouns as
well as some specific semantic fields with relevance to noun phrases - kinship terms and
numerals. The final section of this chapter looks briefly at noun phrases (NP): the
elements that are involved, ordering, and number and case agreement with a head noun.
Ichishkiin noun phrases include nouns, adjectiva1s (8.2), numerals (5.5), genitive
pronouns (3.10.5), demonstratives (3.10.6), and indefinite pronouns (3.11.3). Indefinite
pronouns are used to form negative pronouns (chaw tun 'nothing') and inclusive pronouns
(tf'a~ shin 'everyone'). Relative clauses are finite and are addressed in Chapter 9.
Further examples are found in the sections discussing each constituent.
288
Coordination of non-human nouns is indicated by the word ku 'and'. If the
coordinated nouns are in a role that receives case marking, often only the second of two
coordinated nouns will be case-marked. Note that in 40 below, the plural form of the
adjective iks{ks 'little' is used, even though wyaninM 'insect, bug' (lit. 'traveler') is not a
plural form.
40. itkwata~a mu~l{ ku ikks wyaninMnan
i-tkwata-~a mu~l{ ku ikks wyaninfa-nan
3Sg.S-eat-HAB fly and little.PL bug-OBl
'it eats flies and little bugs'
41. pawisah~a yaamash ku tf'alkyaw.
pa-wisa/{/-~a yaamash ku
3Sg.S-hunt-HAB mule.deer and
'They hunt for mule deer and elk'
tfalk-yaw
elk-DAT
Nouns referencing humans indicate coordination with the use of the associative case
marker -in, which requires plural verb agreement.
42. pawachci ~ayin Sam Puyatin
pawacha ~ay-in
3Pl.S-COP.PST man's.male.friend-ASSOC
'he and Sam Puyat were close friends'
Sam Puyat-in
Sam Puyat-ASSOC
A noun phrase can be a single word or noun/modifier plus modifier(s). All the
elements listed can serve as the referring element that corresponds to a specific referent,
as in palalciay 'lots', kuma 'those' (animate), nch'i 'the big (one)'; in other words, any of
these elements can function as the head of an NP. Demonstratives, indefinite pronouns
and genitive pronouns can be marked for case and reflect number if they refer to humans.
Some adjectives have plural forms. Adjectives can be case marked.
Often the modifier precedes the head, but word order in NPs can vary. In a study
of Klamath (also Plateau Penutian), Underriner (2002) found that while having a noun
289
modifier precede the noun is an apparent preference, ordering is very free. She
hypothesizes that the modifier precedes the noun when it is serving a disambiguating
function, and that otherwise its position is not fixed. Discourse pragmatic factors, such as
clause-initial position (preceding second position particles) as a place for new or focused
information playa critical role in Klamath NP word order. A similar study ofIchishkiin
ordering is needed to determine what role order of elements plays.
The following examples of various noun-modifier combinations from texts
exhibit the order as found in the text.
43. determiners
a. kwmak tlin-ma
those.PI person-PI
'those people'
b. kw'ink ma~a~
aforementioned clay
'that aforementioned clay'
quantifiers
c. palalaay tkwala
lots small.fish
'a lot offish'
adjectivals
d. tamaki nusu~
bake-STAT salmon
'baked salmon'
e. tta~sh kaatnam
willow.PI long
'long willow (branches)'
numerals
g. p{niipt anw{kt
four year
'four years'
genitive
h. ishchit kaasm(
path train-GEN
'railroad track'
1. niim( tiinmam(
lPl.PN.GEN person-Pl.GEN
'our Indian tobacco'
noun-noun modification
J. tmyuia iw(nsh
plan-AGT man
'decider man'
tawa~
tobacco
290
Modifying nouns may be suffixed by -pama 'thing for, pertaining to'.
k. tiichampama in{it
tiichcim-pama
land-thing. for
'earth houses'
infit
house
The following examples show case agreement between nouns and modifiers.
44. Tamanwiici itmfyuna {chinki tiichcimki
tamanwiia itmfyuna {chinki
creator 3Sg.S-plan-PST this.INST
'The Creator planned out this earth'
tiichcimki
earth-INST
45. w(yatpa nixyaawipa pit'~anukpa
w(yat-pa nixyaawi-pa pit'~anuk-pa
far.away-LOC Nixyaawi-LOC mountain-LOC
'far away at the Nixyaawi Mountains'
Modifiers can stand alone as the referring element of a noun phrase with no
associated noun.
46. kutash {chi napu ay{ksha
ku=tash (chi napu ay{k-sha
and=2Pl.EXC this two.HUM sit-IMPV
'and we two are sitting here'
291
47. {chitya iwd imnimwdy
{ch{=tya i-wd imnimwdy
this=MOD 3Sg.S-COP shy
'this one, on the other hand, is shy'
Noun phrases can be discontinuous. To a certain extent, case marking ties the
elements of a noun phrase together, but the case forms of the various modifiers can be
very different from the case ending of nouns. For example, the locative case marker is-
pa, the interrogative form is mindn 'where.LOC', the distal demonstrative is kwnak
'that.LOC', and the 3rd person pronominal locative is pinmipdynk.
The following are examples of discontinuous NP's. In these, the verb occurs in
between two coreferential nominal words. In the first example below, both the word
ti'aa~ 'all' and the demonstrative pronoun ikumandk 'those.OBJ' (a variant ofkumandk)
are marked as objects. ti'aa~ 'all' can be suffixed by plural marker -ma but is not in this
example.
48. ti'aapvnan pam dwanpita ikumandk
ti'aapv-nan=pam d-wdnpi-ta ikumandk
all-OBJ =2PI 30-summon-FUT those.OBJ
'You will summon all those'
The following example has a demonstrative and noun with the same referent. They are in
the absolutive case, and again to either side of the verb, although here, the demonstrative
precedes the verb.
49. {chiish dnisha tlinmaman sinwit
{chi=ish d-n{-sha tlin-maman
this=lSg 30-give-IMPV people-PL.OBJ
'I am giving the people this message'
sinwi-t
talk-NZR
And in 50, more elements come between the genitive pronoun and the noun it modifies,
although again, the NP elements are to either end of the clause.
50. pinm{nk~ash {chi awa nishciykt
pinm{nk=~ash {chi a-wa
3Sg.PN.GEN=MOD this 30-COP
'this must be his home'
nishciykt
home
292
We see above that, as in Klamath, in Ichishkiin a noun is not needed to 'head' an
NP, NP word order varies, and the modifying elements can be discontinuous. An in-depth
study of nouns and modifiers to consider what other factors are at play when the general
or default order ofmodifiers preceding nouns is violated, is needed.
293
CHAPTER VI
TRANSITIVITY AND GRAMMATICAL RELATIONS
The first sections of this chapter present the intransitive, transitive and ditransitive
constructions ofIchishkiin. Much of this was included in Chapter 3, and additional
examples can be found there. This chapter goes into greater depth regarding possessive
clauses, the obviative verb prefix ci-, and ditransitives. In addition, valence-changing
constructions, including the applicative and causative, reflexives and reciprocals, and the
passive are addressed. The last sections ofthe chapter cover grammatical relations,
alignment patterns and word order. Chapter 7 is also relevant to the discussion of
transitivity. It reviews the inverse alignment and voice constructions, covering the
function and historical sources of these systems.
6.1. Overview oftransitivity
Throughout this discussion, I use the notions of intransitive subject, transitive
subject, and transitive object, labeled S, A, and 0 following Dixon (1994). I distinguish
core grammatical relations to the verb, indicated in Ichishkiin with pronominal prefixes,
second position pronominal enclitics, and A and 0 case markers, from oblique
arguments, indicated by case-marking on nouns and case forms of demonstratives and
294
pronouns (pronouns and demonstratives have forms with inherent case that do not
necessarily match the case endings for nouns). Core arguments can be subjects, objects
and possessors.
Grammatical relations are well-defined, and are morphologically indicated.
Specific combinations of participants in A and 0 roles are grammatically coded in
distinct ways. Syntactic behavior and control properties (as discussed in Giv6n 1995)
appeal to categories of subject and object. This is seen in reflexives, reciprocals,
passives, inverse constructions, and eligibility for the external possession construction.
Word order is flexible, serving discourse/pragmatic functions. Syntactic alignment is
primarily nominative/accusative but there are also ergative and absolutive patterns. The
language has a directlinverse alternation in which the coding ofparticipants depends on
person and topicality hierarchies.
Transitivity in Ichishkiin is an inherent property of verbs, and the transitivity of a
clause can be determined by several tests, discussed below. I distinguish four subclasses
of verbs: intransitive, optionally transitive, transitive, and ditransitive. This differs from
the analysis of Rude (for example 1997,2009) who divides verbs into three classes
(intransitive, mono-transitive and ditransitive) based on their semantic transitivity. While
I have not done an exhaustive testing of all verbs in my database, my initial findings are
that a small set ofverbs can take both transitive and intransitive morphology and so fall
into the 'optionally transitive' category.
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6.2. Intransitive clauses
6.2.1. Introduction
Subjects of intransitive clauses are indicated with verb prefixes if3 rd person and
second position pronominal enclitic if SAP's. Those forms are given in Tables 6.1 and
6.2 be10w.63
The forms given in the tables code subjects of intransitive clauses, as seen in the
examples below. 1 and 2 show third person verb prefixes.
1. itutisha
i-tuti-sha
3Sg.S-stand-IMPV
's/he is standing'
2. paw{nana
pa-w{na-na
3Pl.S-go-PST
'they went'
The next two examples include second position pronominal enclitics. Here, there is no
agreement prefix on the verb.
3. {~i nash pnuwat' asha
{?{Wi =nash pnu-wat'a-sha
still =lSg sleep-DES-IMPV
'I still want to sleep'
4. ku natash winanli?;ana
ku =natash winanli-?;a-na
and =lPl.EXC swim-HAB-PST
'and we would swim'
63 Additional examples with third person intransitives are found in 3.2.1. More information on second
person enclitics including generalizations about when the full and reduced forms of SAP enclitics are used
is in 3.2.2.
TABLE 6.1. THIRD PERSON INTRANSITIVE VERB PREFIXES
person codes prefix
3Sg S i-
3Sg S a-
3 possessor a-
3P1 S pa-
TABLE 6.2. FIRST AND SECOND PERSON CLITICS
person meaning/ gloss c1itic(s)
I
1 =nash,=ash,=sh
=lSg
we all
1 =na (not used following verbs)
=lP1.INC
1
I and other(s) but not you
=natash,=atash,=tash
=lP1.EXC
we =natash, =atash, =tash (when verb-final)
1
=lP1 =natk, =namtk (less frequent forms)
2
you
=nam, =am
=2Sg
2
you all
=pam
=2P1
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297
6.2.2. Absolutive prefix a-
The prefix a- is used in Klikitat and in a handful of examples in Yakima to
identify a 3rd person subject of an intransitive clause, alternating with the prefix i_.64 For
reasons discussed below, I label it an obviative prefix.
5. ikwlitana Spilyay
i-kwlita-na Spilyay
3Sg.S-go.along-PST Coyote
'Coyote was traveling along'
6. akwUtana Spilyay
a-kw{ita-na Spilyay
30-go.along-PST Coyote
'Coyote was traveling along'
The use of the prefix a- to indicate 3rd person S varies by dialect. In Northeast or
Columbia River dialects, it is not used in intransitive alternation with i- (Rude 1988). It is
used across dialects to indicate 3rd person possession and 3rd person objects (to be
discussed below). Jacobs analyzes the use of the prefix a- "relative passivity or
existentiality" when used with intransitive verbs in Northwest dialects (1931,144).
Rude (2009) analyzes the alternation in Klikitat as indicating a primary topic with
prefix i- and a secondary topic with a-, an analysis that differs from his earlier (1988) text
counts but is supported by the meager Yakima data. Further work correlating factors of
animacy and the presence/absence of an overt NP, as well as including information from
the direct/inverse transitive clauses in the same texts, would help to give a better overall
picture of the use of this prefix in these JSwa~aypam (Klikitat) legends.
64 In addition, in the Jacobs texts, sometimes third person has no verb prefix. I do not see this in Yakima
(except vowel-initial verbs where it is expected, see 3.2.1).
298
In the Yakima data, the prefixes i- and a- are both used in intransitive clauses,
although a- is found infrequently. The following examples give the only contexts in
which I have found this construction. Note that these examples are from one speaker,
Virginia Beavert, so may not be representative of all Yakima speakers. Again, given
more data, a correlation of intransitives prefixed by a- with the way direct and inverse
clauses are coded, and with whether a full NP is used in the clause could be beneficial in
detennining the function of the prefix.
The prefix a- is used in introductory lines of legends in an existential copular
construction to introduce characters or set the scene, as in the following:
7. awacha pa~naw aw{nshma
a-wacha pa~naw aw{nshma
30-COP.PST five.HUM man.PI
'there were five men'
8. awacha nay
a-wacha nay
30-COP.PST INT]
'that's the way it was, nay?,65
In an episode of one text, the primary character is a prophet who died and has
come back to life to deliver a message to the people. After he has returned, the prefix a- is
used in several intransitive clauses. Earlier in the text, the prefix i- was used for this same
referent.
9. ku awku miskilliki asinwi~ana
ku awku miskilliki a-sinwi-~a-na
and then barely 30-speak-HAB-PST
'and he had difficulty talking'
65 This is said when telling a legend and calls for a response (iii 'yes') from the listeners.
299
10. ku aw kuuk awiiK-tuwya
ku aw kuuk a-wli-K-tu-wi-ya
and now atthattime 30-wii-stong-VZR-PST
'and then he became stronger'
In other examples, the prefix a- aligns with a passive or stative situation and verbs with a
stative reading.
11. Uuu! Aah, apuxsha myanashma, ti yawyi.
Uuu aah a-pux-sha myanash-ma ti yawi-yi.
Uuu aah 30-be.spread-IMPV child-PI die-STAT
'Ohh, ahh, there the children were scattered, dead.'
Note that in 11, myanashma 'children' is plural, but the verb prefix a- does not indicate
this.
12. ti'aapv awku tun ciiamayna
ti'aapv awku tun a-iamay-na
all then what 30-be.1ost-PST
'everything was missing'
And finally, again in such limited circumstances that no broad conclusions can be
drawn, it contrasts two third person participants in a written text by Virginia Beavert. The
actions of two participants, one a spirit and the other a human, are contrasted. The spirit
being follows the man home. When the text refers to the human, the verb prefix used is i-.
When it is the spirit, the prefix is a-. In the example below, the abbreviations PRX
'proximate' and OBV 'obviative' have been added to the translation to show the
alternation.
13. a. ku iy(kna tuun anachan
ku i-yIK-na tuun anak-kan
and 3Sg.S-hear-PST what.OBJ behind-ALL
'and he [PRX] heard something from behind'
300
b. "ku~ ku~" cfwyawatika
ku~ ku~ a-wya-wat{k-a
thud thud 30-while.going-step-PST
'''ku~ ku~" he [OBV] came stepping'
c. igatutya ku iw~a
i-katuti-ya ku i-wa~i-ya
3Sg.S-stop-PST and 3Sg.S-wait-PST
'he [PRX] stopped and he [PRX] waited'
d. Chchuu! pinch'a~i agatutya
Chchuu pinch'a~i a-katuti-ya
quiet 3Sg.PN-again-same 30-stop-PST
'Silence! That one [OBV] also stopped'
e. igatutya, ku agatutya.
ikatutya, ku a-katuti-ya
3Sg.S-stop-PST and 30-stop-PST
'he [PRX] stopped, and that one [OBV] stopped'
In example 13, the alternation of the prefixes a- and i- distinguishes a second
referent from a character who has been involved throughout the text. In addition, the
referent marked with the obviative prefix belongs to the spirit world, not the everyday
world of humans.
Finally, the elicited examples below show the use of the prefix in referent tracking
across a clause boundary.
14. ig'{nuna anakU iwinan{na
i-k'{nu-na ana-ku i-winan{n-a
3Sg.S-see-PST SUB-and 3Sg.S-escape-PST
'hej saw himj and hei ran away'
15. ig'{nuna anaku awinanina
i-k'{nu-na ana-ku
3Sg.S-see-PST SUB-and
'hej saw himj and hej ran away'
a-winan{n-a
30-escape-PST
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In the Algonquian family, notably also in Kutenai, like Ichishkiin a language of
the inland Pacific Northwest, an obviative third person (sometimes referred to as fourth
person) contrasts with a proximate third person in discourse. According to Mithun, the
proximate is "typically the person from whose point of view events are described, the
protagonist in narratives, the focus of the speaker's empathy" (1999, 76).
The assignment ofproximate and obviative status can be automatic/obligatory or
not. Possessions in Algonquian and Kutenai are obligatorily obviative. Possessors could
be either, depending on the surrounding context. Factors influencing the choice of
proximate/obviative apply at the level of the clause and/or the level of the discourse. At
the clause level, the proximate argument is chosen sentence by sentence, and may change
frequently. When the proximate/obviative distinction is maintained throughout a text, at
the discourse level, one proximate topic is contrasted to any others throughout. In this
case, a clause need not have a proximate argument. Algonquian languages vary in what
level is used to assign proximate and obviative status (Rhodes, 1990). In Kutenai, there
can be at most one proximate third person participant per clause, and any others must be
coded as obviative through verbal inflection and on nominals. Within a clause (and across
combined clauses) the Kutenai proximate will be the highest 3rd person nominal on a
ranking of Subject> Primary object> Secondary object or oblique (Dryer 1992, 1997).
Returning to the Yakima and Klikitat prefix a-, intransitive examples above and
examples in possessive and transitive clauses (in Chapter 3 and below) show that it
codes:
302
a less active, contrasting or perhaps less topical 3rd person 0 in some
intransitives66
possession by 3rd person (Sg/PI) in intransitives
3rd person 0 (Sg/PI) in all SAP>3 and some 3PI>3 clauses
The prefix does not distinguish singular from plural third persons in possessive
clauses or when indicating the 0 of a transitive clause. However, third person S and A are
differentiated for number. In some cases - when coding possessor and object - the choice
ofprefix is automatic. In the intransitive contexts, the choice ofprefix is clause or
discourse-based.
This prefix shares some of the characteristics of the Algonquian and Kutenai
obviative, and here it is analyzed as indicating an obviative argument. In the Klikitat
dialect of Ichishkiin, with a more robust contrast between i- and a- in intransitives, its use
in non-obligatory contexts is more in line with the Algonquian and Kutenai data.
Describing it as a split-S system, may be the best solution for it in Klikitat. However, in
Yakima, the intransitive construction with a- occurs infrequently: the data I have are less
abundant and conclusive. The morphological overlap of the three contexts in which '
prefix a- is used suggests some functional unity, but it could be that these constructions
have their own unrelated sources and history.
In Chapter 7's discussion of the inverse/direct alternation in Yakima, we will see
additional grammatical devices that distinguish a proximate from an obviative 3rd person.
This particular prefix (a-) does not have a large role in that system, although it is used in
66 If the contrast were more robust, this would be a spIit-S system, and this may be the best description for
it in Klikitat. However, in Yakima, the intransitive construction with a- occurs infrequently.
303
some 3PI>3 clauses when the 0 is human (otherwise plural prefix pa- is used). In
Yakima, 3Pl>3 constructions with a- do not alternate with a construction with the active
prefix i-, although in Klikitat, there is an alternation, as there is in intransitives, between i-
and a- in 3PI>3 constructions.
6.2.3. Copular clauses
Copular clauses (covered in full in 3.8) are based on the verb wa- 'be'. The copula
is used for predicate nominal, adjectival and locative clauses and existential clauses. It
also expresses possession. It does not take imperfective (-sha), present perfect (-sh, -a, -0)
or habitual (-~a) suffixes. It can appear with future (-ta) and has an irregular past tense
(wacha 'COP.PST').
16. iwa naakni inlitpa
i-wa naakni
3Sg.S-COP around
'It's around the house'
inlit-pa
house-LOC
17. pawa shi~
pa-wa shi~
3P1.S-COP good
'they are good'
When the copula begins a sentence with an SAP S in present tense, the irregular
form wash is used, followed by the full form of the clitic, as in 18.
18. wash nash sh{~t~aw k'{nupa
wash=nash sh{~t~aw f{nu-pa
COP-PPF=ISg best see-LOC
'I am the best looking'
304
6.2.4. Possessive clauses
Possessive clauses use the copula. If the possessor is 3rd person, the form awa
(past awacha) is used for both singular and plural.
19. awacha tkwatat
a-wacha tkwata-t
30-COP.PST food-NZR
'she had food'
20. (kush awa piim{nk ttdwa~t
{/msh a-wa piim{nk
thus 30-COP 3Pl.PN.GEN
'That is their way'
ttawa~t
family
If the subject is an SAP in a possessive copular clause, the appropriate clitic is
used with wa-. The clitic forms for 1st person are the same as those given above. For 21ld
person, the clitics used to indicate possession are different from those listed above. Table
6.3 gives the set of clitics used to indicate possession. (Full and reduced fonns of 1Sg and
lPl.EXC clitics are used, although only the full forms are repeated below.)
TABLE 6.3. FIRST AND SECOND PERSON CLITICS INDICATING POSSESSION
person clitic
=lSg =nash
=1 PI. INC =na
=lPl.EXC =natash
=2Sg =mash
=2Pl =matash
,--------------
305
As in other intransitive clauses with an SAP S, there is no verbal prefix and the clitic
indicates the subject/ possessor.
21. ku nash wacha pyap
ku =nash wacha pyap
and =ISg COP.PST older.bro
'and I had an older brother'
22. Mish mash wa takmaaf?
mish =mash wa
Q =2Sg.GEN COP
'Do you have a hat?'
takmaaf
hat
The translation of these clauses into English depends on context. For first person
there is no grammatical difference between predicating clauses and possessive clauses. If
a pronoun is also used (see Table 3.10 for the pronoun paradigm), this clarifies the
meaning; genitive pronouns are used in possessive clauses and subject pronouns in other
copular constructions. In example 23, the possessive pronoun niim{ 'our' is used. In 24,
the pronoun is the subject pronoun namak 'we'. Both use the first person plural inclusive
clitic =na and the copula wa-.
23. tun~tya na wa niim{ ttaw~t
tun~=tya =na wa
different-instead =IPl.INC COP
'Our heritage is different'
niim{
IPl.GEN.PN
ttawa~t
family
24. ku na tun~ wa namak
ku =na tun~
and =IPl.INC different
'and we are different'
wa
COP
namak
IPl.PN
With 3rd person, the difference in the verb (awa vs. iwa) differentiates possessive
from attributive clauses. Both English translations of the example below are acceptable
and provided. And, the sentence would be grammatical with the verb iwa 'it is'. I do not
306
know at this time whether translating a possessive relationship with the English verb
'have' versus expressing it with a possessive NP is better in a given circumstance.
25. Ataw awa yapaash shushaynshm(
Ataw a-wa yapaash shushaynsh-m(
valued 30-COP fat steelhead-GEN
'Steelhead has valuable oil / Steelhead's oil is valuable'
An in-depth study of the word order in possessive copular clauses might help to
determine the contexts of use and better representations/translations of these clauses.
The SAP examples above show the copula with a clitic and with no verb prefix. In
this way, the verb agrees with the SAP possessor. This is not an obligatory construction.
Possession can also be indicated with the copular form iwa 's/he, it is' and a possessive
pronoun, as in the following example.
26. kush~i tamsinwit niim{walptaykt anakush iwcf awtni
kush~i tamsinwi-t niim( walptciyk-t
similarly sung.in.words-NZR IPl.PN.GEN sing-NZR
anakush i-wa awtni
thus 3Sg.S-COP sacred
'The sung words of our songs are similarly sacred'
In example (26), the SAP possessor is not in a core relationship to the verb. There is no
second position pronominal clitic and the verb has the 3rd person singular prefix i-. Again,
it seems that there are overlaps with word order, in that the NP above (which I identify as
[tamsinwit niim(walptayktJ) is not in the 'default' modifier-noun order.
The examples to this point have shown the copula expressing a possessive
relationship. This same grammar - using the prefix a- (with 3rd person) or a clitic (with
SAP's) to code possession - is found with all intransitive verbs to indicate possession.
The following examples show third person possession.
307
27. Ku til{wal ti'aa~w awiit'ishka
ku til{wal ti'aa~ a-wli-t'ishk-a
and blood all 30-wii-extinguish-PST
'and his blood spilled out. '
28. Kpaylk atiyawya (pinm{nk) asham
kpaylk a-tiyawi-ya (pinm{nk)
later 30-die-PST 3Sg.PN.GEN
'His wife died recently'
asham
wife
In the above examples, inserting the 3rd person genitive pronoun pinm{nk is grammatical.
In related examples with the prefix i-, the pronoun is needed to specify possession.
29. Kpaylk itiyawya pinm{nk asham
kpaylk i-tiyawi-ya pinm{nk
later 3Sg.S-die-PST 3Sg.PN.GEN
'His wife died recently'
asham
wife
Examples 30 and 31 show the alternation with SAP possessors. Both examples include
the genitive pronoun niim{'our'. In 30, the clitic =na 'lPl.INC' is used, and there is no
verb prefix on tiyawi- 'die'. In 31, there is no clitic and the verb is prefixed with 3Sg.S
prefix i-.
30.
31.
ku na awlai kunklnk cly~a {chi niim{tkwatat
ku =na awku kunklnk tiyawi-~a {chi
and =1 PI. INC then that.INST die-HAB this
'and in that way, all our food dies'
Ku ti'aa~tun awku niim{{chi tkwatat ayayat i1a~a
ku ti'aa~-tun awku niim{ {chi
and all-what then IPl.GEN.PR this
ayayat i-lat{-~a
beautiful 3Sg.S-bloom-HAB
'And all of our foods bloom beautifully'
niim{ tkwatat
IPl.PN.GEN food
tkwatat
food
The above examples show an alternation between SAP constructions in which the
possessor is the grammatical subject (such as 23 and 30) and those in which the possessor
308
is not the grammatical subject (26 and 31). Clauses like 23 are external possession
constructions. Payne presents external possession as a voice-type construction, giving the
possessor more prominent syntactic coding (1999, 20). Rude (1999) characterizes its use
in Ichishkiin as providing emphasis: external possession correlates with focus on the
possessor rather than the possessed. As Rude notes, this function is difficult to prove. In
forms with the copula, two Yakima consultants prefer 3rd person possession to be coded
with the prefix a- and SAP possession to be coded with a clitic regardless of my attempts
to alter focus or importance.
Rude's (1999, 2009) explanation of this construction with third persons and with
SAP's is that the possessor is 'advanced' to subject with the obviative prefix a-. In this
analysis, example 28, with the verb prefix a-, is coding external possession and example
29, with verb prefix i-, is not. It seems that here, as in so many places in Ichishkiin
grammar, a recognition of the distinction between SAP and third person grammatical
devices is useful. SAP possessors coding person and number in constructions such as 23
show the same verb agreement as in single argument clauses, a clitic with an unprefixed
verb stern (although the forms for second person =mash '=2Sg'; =matash '=2P1'are the
same as that coding the 0 in transitive clauses). This is shown in (a) and (b) below. These
contrast with the form iwa 's/he/it is', shown in (c).
32. (a) wash nash ?{niici
(b) wash nash kapin
(c) iwa inm{ kapin
'I am a root digger'
'I have a kapin (digging stick)'
'This/it is my kapin'
Third person clauses indicating possession, on the other hand, do not show the same
pattern as third person intransitives; the verb prefix is different from that in basic
309
intransitives (but is the same as that coding the 0 in some transitives), it does not
distinguish number, and, as suggested above, codes the obviative (possessed) argument,
not the possessor. Below, the (b) example is the one that does not match the other two.
33. (a) iwa ~nifa /pawa ~nifama
(b) awa kapin
(c) iwa pinm(nk/piim(nk kapin
'she is a root digger / they are root diggers'
'she has / they have a kapin(s)('digging stick')
'it is her/their kapin'
The pattern of the possessive clause in relationship to the pattern of a basic clause varies
by person (SAP vs. 3rd) and it seems possible that the function varies by person as well.
Section 5.6 presented kinship terms, listing some forms that are inherently
possessed by first and second person singular (for example na'(ias 'my mother' if 'your
mother'). If the possessed entity is a family member indicated by one ofthese inherently
possessed kinship terms, the verb must have the prefix i-. The clitics cannot be used and
the 1st or 2nd person possessor does not have a core relationship to the verb.
34. anach'a~i na'{tas i'amanya
anach'a~i na'ftas i-amani-ya
again my.mother 3Sg.S-marry.a.man-PST
'My mother married again'
Note that the alternation is possible with non-inherently possessed relationship terms, as
in 21 and 28. These have the forms asham 'wife' and pyap'older brother'.
The section on applicatives, 6.4.2, will discuss the genitive applicative and its
valence changing properties.
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6.3. Transitive clauses
Each transitive combination of A and 0 is coded morphologically by verb
prefixes and second position clitics, and, in the case of overt A and 0 NP's, case markers.
The case marker -nan marks human objects and is sometimes used with non-human
objects. The ergative case marker -nim is used when 3SgA acts on an SAP. The case
marker -in marks the A in 3SgA>3 inverse constructions. In using the term 'ergative' to
talk about these case markers, I am referring to the unique coding of A in relationship to
Sand 0, not expressing claims about marking of Sand O.
Transitive constructions were introduced in 3.9.5, and examples of each
combination of A and 0 are given there. Examples contrasting direct and inverse
constructions for participant combinations are also given in the next chapter. Table 3.4 is
repeated here as Table 6.4, with labels and ordering slightly changed. It presents all
transitive combinations using the verb k'{nu 'see' with the aspect marker -sha.
Verb prefixes are used in all clauses that include a 3rd person A or O. The only
situation in which a verb prefix is used with no third person argument is in 2Sg>1Sg
clauses. Clitics are used whenever the clause includes an SAP A or O. We will also see in
the next chapter that pat '3Pl.A', used when 3PI>30 (HUM), has clitic-like properties in
some dialects and examples.
TABLE 6.4. TRANSITIVE CLAUSE PARADIGM
311
SAP>SAP
1Sg/Pl>2 Sg/Pl k'{nushamash (both Sg) I see you (Sg)
k'{nushamatash (S, 0, or both PI) lor we see you (Sg/PI)
2Sg> lSg pcik'inushaam you (Sg) see me
2Pl> lSg k'{nushapam you (PI) see me
k'{nushaam you (Sg) see us
2Sg/Pl> lPl
k'{nushapam you (PI) see us
SAP>3
6k'inushaaash I see him/herlit/them
1Sg/Pl>3 6k'inushaatash We see him/herlit/them
6k'inushaash Maalinan I see Mary
6k'inushaash kakyamaman I see the animals
6k'inushaam you (Sg) see him/herlit/ them
2 Sg/Pl>3
6k'inushapam you (PI) see him/herlit/ them
6k'inushaam Maalinan you see Mary
3>SAP
ik'inushaash s/helit sees me
3Sg> lSg/Pl ik'fnushaatash slhelit sees us
ik'inushaash Maalinim Mary sees me
ik'fnushaam slhelit sees you (Sg)
3Sg> 2Sg/Pl ik'inushapam slhelit sees you (PI)
ik'fnushaam Maalinim Mary sees you (Sg)
pak'inushaash they see me
3Pl>1Sg/Pl pak'fnushaatash they see us
pak'inushaash ayatma the women see me
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TABLE 6.4 .(CONTINUED).
3>SAP
pak'inushaam they see you (Sg)
3PI>2Sg/PI pak'inushapam they see you (PI)
pak'inushaam ayatma The women see you (Sg)
3>3
3Sg> 3Sg/PI ik'inusha s/he/it sees him/her/it/them
direct ik'inusha Maali samnan Mary sees Sam
3Sg> 3Sg/PI pak'inusha s/he/it sees him/her/it/them
mverse pak'{nusha Maaliyin Samnan Mary sees Sam
3PI>3Sg/PI pat ak'inusha They see him/her/them
animate A, 0 pat ak'inusha ayatma samnan The women see Sam
3PI>3Sg/PI pak'{nusha They see it
inanimate 0 pak'{nusha ayatma in{it(nan) The women see the house
Table 6.5 looks specifically at the use of verb prefixes and clitics in combination,
with the person of the agent in the left most column and the person of the object along the
top row. This table includes only singular arguments. The final column (S) gives the
intransitive prefix/clitic for each person for comparison. The symbols -0 and ==0 merely
indicate that no prefix or clitic is used in the given scenario.
Given the extensive grammatical coding of transitivity, there are a number of
ways to determine whether an Ichishkiin verb is transitive or not. Several of these are
listed here.
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TABLE 6.5. USE OF CLlTICS AND VERB PREFIXES IN TRANSITIVE CLAUSES
01 02 03 S
0 / 0-Al a-I =mash =nash =nash
/ / 0-A2 pa- a-
=nam I =nam =nam
i- i- i- (DIR) i-
A3
=nash pa- (INV) a- (OBV)=nam
=0 =0
If a verb is transitive, the c1itic =mash indicates 1Sg>2Sg:
35. aw mash {chi lta~hi
aw= mash {chi
now =ISg>2Sg this
'I have awakened you'
{ta~hi
awaken
If the verb is not transitive, this c1itic codes possession.
36. aw mash ta~shi
aw mash ta~shi
now =2Sg.GEN wake.up
'yours has woken up'
The obviative prefix a- is used with a transitive verb with an SAP A and 30, including
imperatives.
37. amits'ixwak!
a-mits'i~a-k
30- attend.to-IMP
'listen to him/her/it'
The prefix is not used on intransitive imperatives:
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38. tutik
tuti-k
stand.up-IMP
'stand up'
If a transitive verb has a topical or human 0, and the object is overt (and if the possessor
of the 0 is not coreferential with the A), the object will take the object marker -nan.
39. itu~unanayaamashnan
i-tu~una-na yaamash-nan
3Sg.S-shoot-PST mule.deer-OBJ
'he shot the deer'
If the verb is not inherently transitive, an oblique case marker is used.
40. iwisalIlshana yaamashyaw
i-wisalIl-sha-na yaamash-yaw
3Sg.S-hunt-PST mule.deer-DAT
'he was hunting for deer'
The coding of inverse and direct will be addressed in detail in the next chapter. This
presents an additional way to determine the transitivity of a verb. The small class of verbs
that can show both intransitive and transitive grammar includes verbs such as tkwata-
'eat'; t(ya- 'laugh (at). This allows for alternations such as tkwatashaash 'I am eating' vs
citkwatashaash 'I am eating him/herlit'.
6.4. Valence-altering constructions
This section looks at valence-altering constructions. This is presented prior to the
discussion of ditransitives, since some of the behavior of derived ditransitives differs
from that of non-derived ditransitives. The section begins with valence-increasing
morphology - applicatives and causatives - then surveys valence decreasing mechanisms:
reflexives and reciprocals, the passive, and object demotion/deletion.
315
6.4.1. Causative
The causative prefix shapa- alters the inherent transitivity of a verb by adding an
A argument (marked as is any other A) to the clause. The causee becomes the
grammatical object. 67 In 41, the 0 is first person, indicated with a clitic. In 42, an
inverse clause, the object is marked with plural object marker -maman. Semantically, the
causative codes successful manipulation and can indicate a range of action from stronger
'make' or 'force' to less forceful 'have' or 'let'.
41. ishapatu~nimshnash
i-shapa-tu~-nim-sh=nash
3Sg.S-CAUS-go.back-CSL-PRF=1 Sg
'he made me come back'
42. ku tfaa~maaman pashapatik'anaykin~ana
ku tfaa~-maman pa-shapa-tl'k'anayk-in~a-na
and all-OBl.PI INV-CAUS-bend.over-HAB-PST
'and he would make them all bend over'
6.4.2. Applicatives
Applicatives add a syntactic direct object to the clause. These added arguments
have the semantic roles of benefactive/ genitive (-ani), directive (-uu) or associative (-
tw{i). There are several semi-productive forms that are also synchronically directionals, as
discussed in 4.2.3. The added argument, if expressed by a noun, is necessarily marked
with the object marker -nan. The following set of examples shows the applicatives with
the verb walptayk- 'sing'.
67 The causative and applicative were introduced in 4.2.3 as part of the verb theme. Section 4.4.2 included
the use of the causative prefix with dependent posterior roots. There, its function was to make a root into a
stem. Proposed historical sources of these morphemes were also addressed in Chapter 4.
316
43. iwalptaykanisha Chuulinan
i-walptayk-ani-sha Chuuli-nan
3Sg.S-sing-APPL-IMPV Julie-OBJ
's/he is singing for Julie' or 's/he is singing Julie's song'
44.
45.
iwalptaykuusha Chuulinan
i-walptayk-uu-sha
3Sg.S-sing-APPL-IMPV
'slhe is singing to Julie'
iwalptayktwiisha Chuulinan
i-walptayk-twii-sha
3Sg.S-sing-APPL-IMPV
'slhe is singing with Julie'
chuulinan
Julie-OBJ
chuuli-nan
Julie-OBJ
Ifhuman, a possessor of the object or benefactor is typically expressed as an
applicative object rather than as an oblique. This is an almost automatic promotion. The
directional and associative are less automatic. The added argument is almost always
human. I have only a few examples of a (non-legendary) animal with a prominent role in
a text being added as an object via an applicative construction.
The directive and associative applicatives take strong secondary stress, and in
some recorded instances take word level stress (following the rules for stressed suffixes
given in 2.6: heavily stressed suffixes override strong roots and stressed prefixes). Stress
in examples from recorded texts is indicated as heard in the text. Other examples were
checked through elicitation, but there are differences between speakers as to how strongly
the applicative is stressed. I can make no further generalizations at this time about stress
and the applicative suffixes. The applicatives -uu and -twii behave as n-verbs and take
past tense suffix -na. Applicative -ani is a zero-verb and takes past tense -ya.
The applicative -ani is used for both benefactors and possessors of the object, and
is most likely derived from the verb ni 'give'. The suffix varies by dialect. It is -ani in
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Yakima and -ay in Columbia River dialects. (This Columbia River form is the same as
the Yakima benefactive case marker.) Jacobs' Taitnapam examples include both forms,
and a Yakima speaker working with Rigsby used both. In addition, I have some examples
with -nani rather than -ani. I do not find a reason for the alternation having to do with, for
example, a particular stem, n-verbs (an alternation seen with the directive applicative) or
C/V stem endings. This could also be a dialect alternation.
Disambiguating the possessive from the benefactive meaning depends on context.
46. wak'{tanisha mash t{mash
wak'{tanisha =mash
look.for-APPL-IMPV
'I'm looking for your book'
t{mash
=1 Sg>2Sg paper
47. Mish nam awinpanitayaamash?
Mish nam a-w{np-ani-ta
Q =2Sg 30-get-APPL-FUT
'Will you get (shoot) a deer for him?
yaamash
mule.deer
The form is sometimes -ini after a vowel in the Jacobs texts, with vowel harmony
affecting the stem-final vowel.
48. piyap patkwatiiniya
piyap pa-tkwata-ini-ya
older.bro INV-eat-APPL-PST
'he ate up his older brother' (MJ29:205:7)
The absence of a marking on piyap 'Older brother' is due to the fact that the possessor is
the A. When the A is the possessor of the object, the object is not case marked with -nan.
In Yakima, the benefactive/genitive alternate form -ini is has been frozen in some
combinations but it is not productively used. For example, the verb nana- 'take' is used in
this way, as in the following example.
318
49. inaniinishaash 2flaam
i-nana-ini-sha=ash 2flaam
3Sg.S-carry-APPL-IMPV=1 SG cedar.basket
'he's bringing the basket for me Ihe's bringing my basket'
The verb ku 'do' also is irregular with this applicative.
50. ikwlinya Laninan
i-ku-ini-ya
3Sg.S-do-APPL-PST
'she did it for Loni'
Lani-nan
Lani-OBJ
The directive applicative uu specifies direction towards a person or people. The
example below indicates that there were people at the place he came to, and highlights
their presence. Otherwise, the verb would be just iwyanawya 'he arrived'.
51. Awku iwyanawyuuna
awku i-wyanawi-uu-na
then 3SG.S-arrive-APPL-PST
'and he arrived there' (at k'a2fnu's place)
The applicative -uu, along with indicating physical direction towards, can also indicate
metaphorical direction, as in directing one's thoughts or words to someone. Note that in
the example below, P2fWi- 'think' is an n-verb, and the n is present before the applicative.
52. kush chaw mish ap2fWinuuna
ku=nash chaw mish a-p2fW{-nuu -na
and=ISG NEG Q 30-think-APPL-PST
'And I didn't think anything about him'
53. ku nam awku ach'ishkuun2fa tlinmaman
ku =nam awku a-ch'tshk-uu-n2fa
and =2Sg then 30-lie-APPL-HAB
'and you then lie to people' (PE)
tlin-maman
person-PL.OBJ
It is used in expressing thankfulness and in the present day language is used to say thank
you.
319
54. kw'afanuusha mash
kw'ata-nuu-sha=mash
be.happy-APPL-IMPV=lSg>2Sg
'thank you'
The associative applicative -twii is seen in the following examples.
55. pa'ayktwlisha ayatnan
pa-ayr'k-twli-sha ayat-nan
3Pl.S-sit-APPL-IMPV woman-OBJ
'they are sitting with the woman'
56. atkw'anantitwiishanaash
a-tkw'anati-twii-sha-na=ash
30-walk.along-APPL-IMPV-PST=lSG
'I was walking with him'
The associative applicative alternates with using the associative case and a plural prefix
on the verb, as seen in the following example. Rigsby and Rude (1996, 678) write that
using associative case marking downplays the marked noun as compared to using the
applicative. In the following text example, the associative-marked noun is not human.
This is not common for either the associative case or the associative applicative; typically
these are used with humans.
57. pawlig'ika k'usiyr'n
pa-wli-g'ik-a k'usi-in
3Pl.S-wii-stick.on-PST horse-ASSOC
'he and the horse were hung up there'
6.4.3. Reflexive and reciprocal
Verbs with reflexive and reciprocal prefixes were discussed in sections 3.2.2.5
and 3.2.2.6, with a paradigm of reflexives shown in Table 3.2. These are syntactically
320
intransitive constructions. Both follow the prototypical pattern of reflexives and
reciprocals in that the subject and object are the same entity or are acting on one another.
The reflexive has the singular form pina- and the plural form pima-. The verbs
below are transitive ((famayk- 'hide' and tk'i- 'look at, watch') but do not take transitive
morphology when the reflexive is added.
58. aswan pina'ifamayksha
aswan pina-(famayk-sha
boy RFL.Sg-hide-IMPV
'the boy is hiding himself'
59. pimatk'i-na
pina-tk'i-na
RFL.Pl-watch-PST
'they looked at themselves'
If the reflexive is added to a verb with the applicative -ani, the possessive reading of
'one's own X' is required. There cannot be an object marker on the possessed.
60. Chaw mun pinach(QSilpanita tpish
chaw mun pina-cha-~ilp-ani-ta
NEG when RFL.SG-CAUS-open-APPL-FUT
'She never lifts up her face'
tpish
face
The reciprocal marker is papa-.
61. papatanawa~na
papa-tanawa~-na
RCP-argue-PST
'they argued with each other'
62. papawyak'u~a
papa-wyak'uk-~a
RCP-gather-PST
'they gather together'
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Note that, if a reciprocal is added to a verb with applicative -twii, the added argument
must be in the associative case. It cannot be the direct object, as the verb is syntactically
intransitive.
63. papatkw'anantitwlishaatash Tuulhinchin
pcipa-tkw'anciti-twli-sha-atash
RCP-walk.along-APPL-IMPV= 1Pl.EXC
'I was walking with Tuulhinch'
Tuulhinch-in
Tuulhinch-ASSOC
6.4.4. Passive
Ichishkiin has a stative passive construction formed with the copula and a stative
form of the verb. The agent cannot be expressed. It is an infrequent construction; Rude
(1997) notes that this occurs with less than 5% of transitive verbs in JSwcii?;waypam
(Klikitat) narrative texts. In the materials I collected, it is often found, as to be expected,
in descriptions of objects and animals. The copula agrees with the subject (ifhuman, as in
examples 64 and 65) and if the subject is overt, it is in the unmarked absolutive case, as
seen in 64.
64. iwacha shapcitu?;ni {chi ciyat
i-wacha shapci-tu?;-ni {chi
3Sg.S-COP.PST CAUS-retum.home-STAT this
'this woman was sent back'
ciyat
woman
65. pawci ta?;nunak'yi
pa-wci ta?;nunak'i-yi
3Pl.S-COP mature-STAT
'they are matured'
66. iwci an{yi wire-ki
i-wci an{-yi
3Sg.S-COP make-STAT
'it is made of wire'
wire-ki
wire-INST
322
6.4.5. Differential object marking
As has been noted throughout, an non-human object expressed by a noun mayor
may not be case marked with the object marker. A human object is obligatorily marked.
Example 67below has the object marker on 11kwas 'wood' in the text in which it occurs,
but the clause is grammatical and accepted without it.
67. aw pam apatukta 11kwasnan
/ / kaw= pam a-patu -ta
now =2PI 30-place-FUT
'Now set up a pole'
l1kwas-(nan}
wood-(OBJ)
When the A is human and the 0 is not, the object marker is not needed to
distinguish A from 0, as case roles can be disambiguated based on animacy. When the
possessor of the 0 is coreferential with the A, the 0 is never marked, as was seen in 48.
Object marking is obligatory with the inverse construction and with applicative
constructions (these constructions also are affected by animacy and are used primarily
with human objects).
In a count of 130 transitive clauses from Yakima texts, counting only those that
could have an overt, marked 3rd person object (so not counting applicatives and inverses
in which a named 0 would invariably be case marked or clauses in which the possessor
of the 0 is the A, which are not be case marked), 73 clauses had a named object. Of these
73,47 (out of 130 transitive clauses) had object marking. Rude (2009) counted clauses in
which both A and 0 appeared as nouns in Jacobs' texts of 1929 and 1937. In 109 clauses
(again not counting inverse but I assume including applicatives), 50 had object case
marking. In both of these counts, oveli objects were case-marked less than half the time.
323
Rude (1997) calls transitive constructions with unmarked objects antipassive
constructions, with demoted objects. In his analysis, the role of the object marker is to
indicate discourse/pragmatic relevance. However, this is not a stereotypical antipassive.
Because of the possessive situation in which the human 0 cannot be marked as well as
the role of animacy in case marking, the absence of a case marker does not always
indicate the same thing. It is the case that in classroom materials and elicited materials,
the object marker is much more common on non-humans than it is in texts, presumably
because the artificial context, the lack of a rich set of participants, and the fact that the
object is designated by a noun add to its seeming importance and therefore increase the
likelihood that it will be marked.
6.5. Ditransitive clauses
As discussed above, transitivity in Ichishkiin is morphologically marked by
pronominal prefixes on the verb, second position pronominal enclitics and case marking
on overt nouns. Ditransitive verbs use the same coding mechanisms as transitive verbs.
A ditransitive verb can be an inherently ditransitive like ni- 'give', (sikw'a- 'show'
or a verb of saying or telling something to someone like in- 'say something to'. The set of
ditransitives is small. Ditransitives can also be derived in applicative or causative
constructions. These are addressed in turn below, as the options for morphological coding
when more than one argument is overt vary slightly among constructions with inherently
ditransitive verbs, those with applicatives, and those with causative shapa-.
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In ditransitive clauses, four nominal case markers indicate the semantic roles of
agent, theme and recipient. Two are the ergative case markers -nim (used with 3>SAP)
and -in (used with 30BV>3PRX). The object marker -nan marks the theme or recipient,
choosing whichever is the human argument. The rare cases of both theme and recipient
being human are addressed below. These case markers were seen in the discussion of
transitive clauses. In addition, in ditransitives dative -yaw can mark a human recipient,
although this is not common. The case marker -yaw when not in a ditransitive indicates
motion to or into the noun it is suffixed to. It implies that a specific destination was
reached and/or entered. It also has a range ofless-literal meanings, including marking the
goal of an action or request. It is discussed in 3.10.2.
The recipient in a ditransitive clause is typically coded as is the object in a
transitive clause. Compare the following.
68. iwawtl 'ika tf'a~aman
i-wawtl'ik-a
3Sg.S-beat.to.death-PST
'he killed everyone'
tf'aa~-maman
all-OBl
69. tf'a~aman infya tkwatat
tf'a~-maman i-n(-ya
all-OBl 3Sg.S-give-PST
'he gave everyone food'
tkwcitat
food
When a human is the recipient and the theme is nonhuman (as is expected), the
human is the grammatical object, marked as the O. Therefore, the system usually reflects
the primary/secondary object pattern of Dryer (1985) rather than direct/indirect object
marking patterns.
325
A ditransitive clause with two objects appearing as nouns is quite rare in texts (as
is a transitive clause with two nouns indicating A and 0, as discussed above).
Ditransitives with two human arguments are also very uncommon. Most typically, one of
the arguments in a ditransitive is human and the other is not. My discussion ofthe
grammatical coding of ditransitives with two human objects is based on elicited
examples.
Before moving on to examples with two explicitly stated human arguments, I will
show text examples of inherently ditransitive verbs with an overt theme and/or recipient.
These include the verb ni- 'give' as well as verbs of saying that entail a person spoken to
and a thing that is said. In the examples below, the human recipient is marked as the
object and the inanimate theme is unmarked. The numbers above each example indicate
the person ofthe agent and recipient. The inanimate theme is always 3rd person.
70. lA 2R
{chi mash nIta
{chi =mash n{-ta
this =lSg>2Sg give-FUT
'I'll give you this'
71. 2A lR
panitaam {kw'ak
pa-n{-ta=am
INV-give-FUT=2SG
'Give me that'
{kw'ak
that
72. lA 3R
{chiish anisha tlinmaman sinwit
{chi=ish a-n{-sha tlin-maman
this=l Sg 30-give person-Pl.OBJ
'1 am giving the people this message'
sinwit
speak-NZR
73. 2A3R
nch'{nch'imaman ttawa~tmaman awati'awita pam sapsikw'at.
nch'{nch'i-maman ttawa~t-maman aw-ati'awi-ta =pam
elder-Pl.OBJ family-Pl.OBJ 3O-ask.for-FUT=2PI
'ask the family elders for their teaching'
sapsikw'a-t
teach-NZR
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74. 3A IR
kush {chi inach'a na~sh pan{ya
ku=nash {chi inak-ch'a
and=l Sg this 1Sg.PN.OBJ
'and they gave me this one'
na~sh pa-n{-ya
one 3Pl.S-give-PST
75. 3>3
ku panya wak'{shwit
ku pa-n{-ya
and INV-give-PST
'and he gave it life'
wak'{shwit
life
76. 3>3
awku ayatin panya sinwit
awku ayat-in pa-m-ya sinwi-t
then woman-3>3.ERG INV-give-PST speak-NZR
'and the woman advised her' (lit. 'gave her words ')
The above examples show that a human recipient is coded as the object. In the
case of an SAP recipient, the second position enclitic indicates the status of this
participant as a core argument of the verb, seen in 70, 71 and 74 In addition, an object
pronoun can be used, as is inak 'ISg.PRO.OBJ' in 74. If the recipient is an overt 3rd
person, as in 72 and 73, the object marker is suffixed to the noun. Inanimate themes, as
seen in each example above, are not case marked.
Applicatives and the causative, the two strategies used to add an argument to a
transitive clause to create a ditransitive clause, were discussed above. These are
addressed here as they apply to ditransitives. The following examples show the use of
causatives with transitive verbs. Most often, the causee is the 0 of the causative
327
construction, with the second argument (the 0 of the original clause) unmarked. If the
theme of the original clause is non-human, and the causee is human, the causee is
obligatorily marked and the theme left unmarked.
77. Awku tash ashapa'imaiaka ayatnan inlit
awku =tash a-shapa-fmaiak-a ayat-nan
then = 1Pl.EXC 30-CAUS-clean woman-OBJ
'We had the woman clean the house'
inlit
house
In example (78) sapsfkw'a- 'teach' is lexicalized, but its form is analyzable as sap-isfkw'a
'CAUS.PL-show'.
78. asapsikw'an~aash fchi myanashmaman
a-sapsikw'a-n~a-ash fchi myanash-maman
30-teach-HAB this child-Pl.OBJ
'I teach this to the children'
Examples 79-81 show ditransitives derived by applicatives. The argument added
by the applicative is the object; any other argument is demoted. Since the argument added
by the applicative is necessarily human (in rare cases an animate non-human is added) is
human, the end result, a human argument suffixed by -nan, is the same as the causative
examples above.
In 79 below, the applicative anf- adds an object to a transitive verb. The
benefactor is marked as the object. In 80 and 81 a possessor is added, using the same
applicative. The possessor is case marked as the object; the unmarked is the inanimate
possessed thing.
79. ku panfchan~ana awku pawawyaidnan
ku pa-nfch-ani-~a-na awku pawawyaid-nan
and 3Pl.NOM-put-APPL-HAB-PST then whipman-OBJ
'and they would put some away then for the whipman'
80. pak'{nunaniya watiksh Spilyaynan
pa-k'{nu-nani-ya watiksh
3PI.NOM-see-APPL.GEN-PST tracks
'They saw Spilyay's tracks.'
Spilyay-nan.
Coyote -OBJ
328
81. pat awya~anisha nishatwaas miimaman tlinmaman
pat aw-iya~-ani-sha nishatwaas miima-man
3PI30-find-APPL-IMPV dwelling old-PI.OBJ
'they found our ancestors' dwellings'
tlin-maman
person-PI.0 BJ
The next examples include ditransitives with two human objects and so show the
possibilities for coding a human theme and human recipient. Note that since phrases with
two human objects do not typically show up in discourse, many of these ditransitives are
odd to speakers. As Noel Rude wrote of his data in an article on Sahaptin dative shift,
"much of it consists of sentences you simply would not encounter in discourse and which
another native speaker might reject" (1997,348). Rude's data was interpretable to other
consultants when the appropriate context was given.
When the theme in a ditransitive clause is an SAP, the SAP theme is necessarily
coded with the second position pronominal enclitic, indicating that it is a core argument
of the clause. The recipient, if overt, is marked by an oblique pronominal in the dative.
82.
83.
pa'is{kw'anaash imyuuk
pa-is{kw'a-na=ash
3PI.S-show-PST=1Sg
'they showed me to you'
pa'isl'kw'anaam inm{yaw
pa-isl'kw'a-na=am
3PI.S-show-PST=2Sg
'they showed you to me'
imyuuk
2Sg.PN.DAT
inm{yaw
lSg.PN.DAT
If the theme is an SAP, meaning it must be coded as the 0, and the recipient is 3rd person,
the dative marker again marks the recipient.
r--------.-- --
329
84. pa'is{kw'anaash ayatm{yaw68
pa-is{kw'a-na=ash ayat-m{yaw
3Pl.S-show-PST=ISg woman-GEN.DAT
'they showed me to the woman'
Rude (1997) analyzes clauses with an SAP theme as blocking dative shift. There
is not a second option for coding them.
If the theme is third person and both arguments are human, there are two
possibilities. Either theme or recipient can be marked as the object. 85 and 86 show this
alternation with 3rd person themes and 3rd person recipients. If the theme is marked as the
object, the recipient is marked with -yaw. In all cases where there are alternate
possibilities for coding in ditransitives, Rude's (1997) analysis is that the grammatical
object is being highlighted, and the unmarked or dative-marked noun is less important.
85. pa'is{kw'ana iWlnshnan ayatm{yaw
pa-is{kw'a-na iw{nsh-nan ayat-m{yaw
3Pl.show-PST man-OBJ woman-GEN.DAT
'they showed the man to the woman'
If the recipient is the grammatical object, as in the following, the theme is not case
marked. Below, we see iw{nsh 'man' in unmarked absolutive.
86. pa'is{kw'ana iw{nsh ayatnan
pa-is{kw'a-na iWlnsh ciyat-nan
3Pl.show-PST man woman-OBJ
'they showed the woman the man '
68 iSlKw'a 'show' is a strong root, and so the inverse prefix does not maintain the word level stress. These
clauses with a 3'd PI A therefore are not distinguishable from those with 3>3 inverse. This could be 'he
showed the man to me'. However, the marking of the patient and recipient is the same with 3Pl or 31NV
prefix. An overtly-named agent would differentiate the two, as only the 3Sg A would get the ergative case
marking -in '3>3.ERG' in an inverse clause.
330
If the recipient is an SAP and the theme is 3rd person, the same pattern holds, seen in 87
and 88. If the theme is the grammatical 0, the SAP is indicated with an oblique pronoun
in the dative case.
87. iw(nshnan pa'isIKw'ana inm(yaw
iw(nsh-nan pa-isIKw'a-na
man-OBJ 3P1.S-show-PST
'they showed the man to me'
inm(yaw
ISg.PN.DAT
Or, the SAP recipient can be coded with a pronominal enclitic. In that case, it is the
grammatical object and the 3rd person theme is unmarked.
88. iw(nsh nash pa'isIKw'ana
iw(nsh =nash pa-isIKw'a-na
man=l Sg 3P1.S-show-PST
'They showed me the man'
In the case of derived causative ditransitives, when the 0 of the original clause is
human, the same possibility exists as in 85 and 86 Either the causee or the o of the
original clause can be object marked with -nan. Typically it will be the causee.
89. Awkritash ashapanaktkwanina myanash ayatnan
awkri =tash a-shapa-naktkwanin-a myanash
then=l P1.EXC 30-CAUS-care.for-PST child
'We had the woman take care of the child'
ayat-nan
woman-OBJ
If instead the object marked argument is the 0 of the original clause, the causee is
marked with the dative.
90. Awkutash ashapanaktkwanina myanashnan ayatm(yaw
Awku= tash a-shapa-naktkwanin-a myanash-nan
then=lPl.EXC 30-CAUS-care.for-PST child-OBJ
'We had the child cared for by the woman'
ayat-m(yaw
woman-GEN.DAT
Rude (1997) shows examples of causative ditransitives with double object
marking in which roles are differentiated by word order. In my limited elicitation,
331
consultants found the following, with both theme and recipient marked as an object, quite
odd, but did not entirely reject it.
91. Awku tash ashapanaktkwanina ayatnan myanashnan
Awku =tash a-shapa-naktkwanin-a ayat-nan
then=1 PI.EXC 30-CAUS-care.for-PST woman-OBJ
,We had the woman take care of the child'
myanash-nan
child-OBJ
An SAP 0 in a causative ditransitive can be coded by a second position c1itic or
by an object pronoun. If it is coded by the c1itic, the cause is marked with the dative.
92. pashapanaktkwaninaash iwfnshm{yaw
pa-shapa-naktkwanin-a=ash iwfnsh-m{yaw
3PI.S-CAUS-care.for-PST=1 Sg man-GEN.DAT
'they had me cared for by the man'
If the SAP 0 is indicated by an object pronoun in a clause such as the above, there is no
clitic. The causee is then marked as the O.
93. pa shapanaktkwanina iwfnshnan inak
pa-shapa-naktkwanin-a
3PI.S-CAUS-care.for-PST
'they had the man care for me'
iwfnsh-nan
man-OBJ
inak
ISg.PN.OBJ
Rude (1997, 2009) reviews behavior and control criteria for objecthood in
ditransitives and concludes that the grammatical objects of ditransitives show the
properties of objects of transitive clauses, reviewing their behavior in reflexive and
reciprocal clauses, the inverse, coreference of a possessed object and the passive. In the
case of the causative construction with two objects marked, the causee (the A of the
original clause) retains object properties.
332
6.6. Grammatical relations
lchishkiin uses a number of grammatical devices to signal core case. The
categories of S, A and 0 show a typologically unusual three-way split in which the case
marking on nouns distinguishes each category uniquely, not simply in relationship to one
another. Mithun (1999) suggests that the rarity of such a system may have to do with the
fact that is it not maximally efficient, as only two arguments need to be distinguished in
any given clause. In addition, the A category is split, first, in that only 3rd person is
marked, and then, in that it has different case markers depending on the person of the O.
The unmarked S (and A), ergative-marked A, and object-marked 0 are seen in the
examples below.
Various combinations of arguments show different patterns of alignment. In a
nominative-accusative pattern, S and A are marked the same, and differently from the O.
In Ichishkiin, S and A (sometimes) pattern together and are unmarked. The 0 argument is
differentially marked. Example 94 is an intransitive clause with a singular third person S.
95 is a transitive clause with an overtly-indicated third person A and O. The S in 94 and
A in 95 both have no case marking. The 0 in 95 is marked with the object marker -nan.
The verb prefixes are the same in both clauses.
94. ilal{washana Wa~puuya
i-lallwa-sha-na Wa~puuya
3Sg.S-be.1onely-IMPV-PST Rattlesnake
'Wa~puuya (Rattlesnake) was lonely'
95. isaptaycikshana Wa~puuya Asumnan
i-saptaycik-sha-na Wa~puuya Asum-nan
3Sg.S-cheat-IMPV-PST Rattlesnake Eel-OBl
'W~puuya (Rattlesnake) was cheating Asum (Eel)'
333
Recall from above that a non-human 0 is not necessarily marked, and when it is
not, a clause can have two unmarked arguments, A and 0, as in 96.
96. iyaxna nakakas tanawit
iyaxna nakakas tanawit
find-PST my.uncle cave
'my uncle found a cave'
However, within a given context, the A and 0 can be identified.
In addition to this accusative pattern, we find clauses in which the A is uniquely
distinguished from the Sand O. This is a split system, applying only to yd person A's.
(Note again, in referring to this as ergative, I am not making claims about the unity of S
and 0 arguments. The last section of this chapter discusses the ergative markers as
indicating a hierarchy of SAP>3PRX>30BV.)
The two ergative case-marking suffixes differentiate overt third person agents in
transitive clauses. -nim is used whenever there is a singular 3rd person agent and an SAP
object.
97. Pilly Puutsnim nam inaktkwaninta
Pilly Puuts-nim =nam i-naktkwanin-ta
Billy Boots-3>SAP.ERG =2Sg 3Sg.S-care.for-FUT
'Billy Boots will take care of you'
-in marks the agent of a 3>3 inverse clause:
98. pa'ina pshitin
pa-in-a pshtt-in
INV-say-PST father-3>3.ERG
'his father said to him'
While both of these morphemes have additional uses in the language, as will be
covered in 7.4, in these AlO combinations they always mark the agents.
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As discussed in 6.2.2, intransitive subjects can be coded with either of two
prefixes, i- (as seen above on the S in 94 and A in 95) or a-. In Yakima this seems
vestigial and is certainly not showing an agent/patient or active/stative pattern, but it does
add another twist to grammatical relations in the language.
6.7. Word Order
Word order in is not used in Ichishkiin to differentiate S, A and O. Jacobs
analyzed word order as being "subject to pattern preferences, to stylistic choices, to
tendencies, not to invariable rules" (1931, 269). Rigsby and Rude describe Sahaptin as "a
free-word-order language" (1996,673). Apart from the second position pronominal and
modal enclitics and a small class of sentence-initial particles (question markers, the
negative marker, and modal adverbs) constituents do not appear in a fixed place.
In a survey of constituent order in 149 clauses in Jacobs' JSwa'hswaypam texts,
Rude (2009) found all possible orders of S, a and V represented, as shown in Table 6.6
TABLE 6.6. CONSTITUENT ORDER IN TRANSITIVE CLAUSES
(from Rude 2009,16)
SVO 50
vsa 36
vas 34
avs 16
SOY 9
OSV 4
total 149
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So, while this count shows a strong tendency for the verb to precede the object (in
120/149 clauses), all orders are possible.
The following examples from Yakima texts show the same varying word orders
of S,V and O. (These examples do not differentiate direct from inverse clauses; see Rude
(2009) for Klikitat examples that show that the directlinverse alternation does not affect
word order.)
99. SVO
kakyama patk'{~shana kush~i twin
kakya-ma pa-tk'{~-sha-na
creature-PL 3Pl.S-want-IMPV-PST
'the animals want such a tail'
kush~i twin
also tail
100. VSO
patmiyuuna Spilyayin Twit'aayanan
pa-tmiyuu-na Spilyay-in Twit'aaya-nan
INV-plot.against-PST Coyote-3>3.ERG Grizzly.Bear-OBJ
'Spilyay (Coyote) schemed against Twit'aaya (Grizzly)'
VOS
inanana natutasaan iw{nsh
i-nana-na natutas-aan iw{nsh
3Sg.S-carry-PST my.father-OBJ man
'the man took my father'
101. OVS
ti'aa~wnan patamanwya Spilyayin
ti'aa~w-nan pa-tamanwi-ya Spilyay-in
all-OBJ INV-create-PST Coyote-ERG
'Spilyay (Coyote) ordained them all'
102. SVO
Yaamashin pawyanawyuuna Twit 'aayanan
yaamash-in pa-wyanawi-yuu-na Twit'aaya-nan
mule.deer-3>3.ERG INV-arrive-APPL-PST Grizzly.Bear-OBJ
'Yaamash (Mule Deer) came up to Twit'aaya (Grizzly).'
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103. OSV
ku kumancik ciyatin pcik' inwa
ku kumancik ciyat-in pci-k'fnu-wa
and that.PL.OBJ woman-3>3.ERG INV-see-PPF
'and the woman has seen those (ones)'
The clauses above are fairly straightforward. Positions of adverbs, adjectives,
inteIjections and elements of noun phrases can vary, and a rich analysis of word order
would take these elements into account as well. As discussed above, clauses with two
overt nominals are not common; orders may vary when only one argument of a transitive
clause is expressed by a noun, or when oblique arguments are included. In addition, a
comparison of older materials - such as those from Jacobs - with more recently collected
texts would show whether English word order patterns have influenced those speakers
who grew up speaking both languages.
A following, and more interesting, question to what orders are possible is why a
particular word order is used in a given situation. I do not have an in depth analysis of
this in Ichishkiin at this time. However, a look at studies done on related languages
suggests possibilities. Nez Perce, also Sahaptian, and Klamath, Plateau Penutian, both are
described as languages in which word order never distinguishes the two arguments of a
transitive clause. Using a text-counting methodology, Rude (1999) found that in the Nez
Perce narrative texts of Phinney (1934) the pre-verbal position is used for less continuous
or expected participants. More continuous and expected participants are post-verbal, and
the most expected/continuous participants are marked only by verb agreement. Rude
concludes that Nez Perce word order functions on a discourse/pragmatic basis. (Note
though, that although there was a correlation between continuity and word order, it was
337
not predictive and there were exceptions.) In a study of Klamath using a similar method,
Sundberg Meyer (1999) found that pre-verbal nouns express a discontinuous participant,
and post-verbal nouns continuous ones. 98% of new subject NP's and 67% of new object
NP's in narrative Klamath texts were introduced pre-verbally.
The following chapter continues the discussion oftransitivity in Ichishkiin by
analyzing the language's inverse constructions.
338
CHAPTER VII
INVERSE ALIGNMENT AND VOICE
7.1. Introduction
This chapter presents the Ichishkiin inverse and provides information about the
morphology, function, and historical sources of the language's direct/inverse
constructions. Inverse systems across languages show grammatical sensitivity to a
hierarchy of participants, with some of the involved core arguments in inverse clauses
receiving a different grammatical treatment than in the corresponding direct clause.
Mithun, referring to Algonquian, interprets direct/inverse systems as coding the ways
speakers present events. Most typically, speakers present events from their own point of
view or that of their listener rather than that of a third person. The point of view of a
proximate 3rd person argument is more typically used than that of an obviative argument.
If the direction of action is not as expected, for example if a speaker presents an event
with 3rd person acting on 1st, the inverse is used (1999,223). In Sahaptin, the coding of
participants is related to their ranking along hierarchies of person and topicality.
Inverse clauses are described here according to the combination of participants in
the clause. In local domains or scenarios, a speech act participant (SAP) acts on a SAP
(abbreviated as SAP-7SAP). Mixed scenarios are clauses with SAP and 3rd person
339
participants. In local and mixed scenarios in Sahaptin, the inverse is obligatory when 2nd
acts on 1st or 3rd acts on an SAP. Non-local events involve only 3rd person participants
(3/3). In 3/3 events in Sahaptin, the use of the inverse is not obligatory, but is governed
by pragmatic and semantic factors, to be discussed in section 7.3.
Throughout this chapter, inverse (clauses or constructions) refers to the entire set
of constructions covering all domains (local, mixed and non-local). Direction-marking is
a key part of the system; the link between a cis10cative marker and inverse case marking
is addressed in 8.3.2. A split between hierarchical or inverse alignment and inverse voice
is described, and I assume functional overlap between alignment and voice. As will be
seen below, there is also formal overlap of some of the morphology used in the inverse
subsystems.
This chapter will first describe the morphological characteristics of inverse
constructions in comparison with the related direct construction (section 7.1). Section 7.2
will further discuss inverse voice, including proposals regarding the conditioning factors
for assignment of proximate versus obviative and the use of the inverse across clause
boundaries. Section 7.3 will look at cognates and possible sources of the forms involved.
The use of the term inverse stems from descriptions of Algonquian languages;
Dahlstrom (1991,59) indicates that the term 'inverse verb' originated with Howse 1944.
Because the Algonquian inverse is a well-known and prototypical system, the first
examples given here are from Plains Cree (Algonquian). In Plains Cree, local, non-local
and mixed domains differentiate between direct and inverse. Third person arguments are
divided into proximate and obviative categories. Direct/inverse and proximate/obviative
340
are grammatically coded: a verbal suffix differentiates inverse from direct; person and
number of obviative arguments are coded on the verb; overt obviative animate nouns are
suffixed. (The examples given below show only the verb suffixes, as the clauses have
singular participants and no full NP arguments.) In Plains Cree, 2 outranks 1 (examples 1
and 2 below.) In mixed scenarios, SAP's outrank 3rd person, as in examples 3 and 4.
1. ki-wapam-i-n
2-see-DIR-Sg
'you (sg.) see me' (Dahlstrom 1991,42)
2. ki-Wa1)am-iti-n
2-see-INV-Sg
'I see you (sg.)' (Dahlstrom 1991,43)
3. ni-wapam-a'-w
I-see-DIR-3
'r see him' (Dahlstrom 1991, 36)
4. ni-wapam-ekw-w
1-see-INV-3
'he sees me' (Dahlstrom 1991,38)
Plains Cree also indicates direct/inverse distinctions in the non-local realm. In
these cases, animacy and topicality determine which participant will be coded as
proximate and which as obviative. Inanimate 3A acting on animate 30 always
triggers the inverse. When both 3A and 30 are animate, factors such as topicality,
focus of empathy, or which participant's point of view is taken by the speaker
determine whether the inverse will be used (Dahlstrom 1991, 91). Note that the
morphosyntax of these Plains Cree non-local clauses overlaps with that in the mixed
scenarios above. (-a'- and -e'- are generally accepted as allomorphs of a direct marker
in transitive animate verb forms, see Zuniga 2006, 75.)
341
5. wapam-e'-w
see-DIR-3
'he [prox] sees him [obv]' (Dahlstrom 1991,45)
6. wapam-ekw-w
see-INV-3
'he [obv] sees him [prox]' (Dahlstrom 1991, 46)
Branching out from the Algonquian prototype, definitions of inverse and what
is accepted as inverse vary. Depending on the scenario (SAP/SAP, SAP/3, 3/3) and
the obligatoriness of the construction, various terms have been used for
subcategorizing the constructions involved. In addition, there is a split depending on
which subsystem is considered to be primary. Givan (1994) terms the 3-73 non-
obligatory scenarios, governed by participant topicality, pragmatic inverse. Givan
defines pragmatic inverse as a type of de-transitive voice in which "the patient is
more topical than the agent, but the agent retains considerable topicality" (1994, 9).
This is in contrast to the active-direct, in which the agent is more topical than the
patient, with both nonetheless topical. The obligatory scenarios, based on topic
hierarchies such as person, gender, animacy and anaphoricity, are semantic inverse.
The semantic inverse depends on language-specific hierarchies; the higher a
participant is on the hierarchy, the more likely it is to be the grammatical subject. The
pragmatic inverse is primary to Givan; semantic inverse follows from it, and is
functionally and formally related to the non-local scenarios. For both, a reversal of
the expected roles triggers the use of the inverse.
Gildea (2009) divides the inverse category as follows. Hierarchical (inverse)
alignment covers all scenarios in which the use of the inverse is grammatically
342
obligatory. This overlaps with Givan's semantic inverse, and involves hierarchies such as
SAP>3; local rankings of either 1>2 or 2>1; animate>inanimate; definite>indefinite.
Inverse voice describes systems in which 3rd persons are divided into proximate (PRX)
and obviative (OBV) categories, with the more topical or salient 3PRX outranking the
less topical 30BY. The inverse is triggered when 30BV acts on 3PRX. This terminology
(hierarchical or inverse alignment and inverse voice) will be used in this chapter.
Gildea asserts that inverse alignment and inverse voice are not as unified as is
assumed, and that a distinction between the two systems within languages is "perhaps
more common than correlations" (1994, 222). Languages may have inverse alignment
without inverse voice, or vice versa, or may express the two with unrelated morphology.
Gildea gives an account of Kari'nja (Carib of Surinam), a language which has both an
obligatory inverse alignment when 3 acts on SAP and an optional inverse voice in 3/3
scenarios. The two systems are not etymologically linked, and therefore call into question
the unity of the category "inverse".
DeLancey (1981, 2001) and Zuniga (2006) argue that deixis is at the center of
inverse systems, or, in their preferred terminology, direction-marking systems (Zuniga
2006, 31; DeLancey 1981, 641). They claim that the SAP/3 directlinverse alternation is
primary and the more common pattern. In these mixed clauses, the direction of action is
either from the SAP to the more removed 3rd person and so direct; or the action originates
with the 3rd person argument and is directed towards the SAP, which is less expected and
inverse. DeLancey (1981, 2001) links person-based split ergative alignment and inverse
constructions, as both involve a mismatch between an event's starting point and the
343
speaker's perspective or viewpoint. In both a 3rd person A, being the less expected
starting point for a speaker to take, receives a different treatment than a SAP A.
Ichishkiin has split ergative alignment and inverse.
In this deictic view, local and non-local scenarios are peripheral or extensions of
the SAP/3 distinction. Both first and second persons are at the "deictic center" of events
(DeLancey 1981); this makes the question of whether 1>2 or 2>1 is primary an irrelevant
issue. This is reinforced by the fact that there is not a single universally-valid ordering of
the SAP's. DeLancey (2001) suggests that the 3>3 voice-type alternations described by
Givan as pragmatic inverse are better described as obviation, a separate phenomenon
with some functional similarities.
There are also varying views on which subsystem of inverse is the source of the
others. For Givan, the semantic inverse is an extension of the pragmatic inverse. An
inverse voice system that is already sensitive to relative topicality readily extends to the
realm ofSAP/3, since SAP's outrank 3rd persons in topicality. For DeLancey, non-local
scenarios represent an extension from the situations involving SAP's to those with 3rd
person only, as (again) relative topicality ofparticipants links the direction-marking
system with the 3/3 voice system. Although issues of directionality and
grammaticalization from one subsystem to are generally beyond the scope of this chapter,
section 8.3.2 will present data that suggests a case marker used in 3>SAP scenarios has
extended to 3>3 scenarios in some dialects of Northwest Sahaptin.
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7.2. The grammatical coding of the inverse category
Examples 1-4 above show only a narrow slice of Algonquian, and as researchers
more familiar with these systems have pointed out (Rhodes 1994; Zuniga 2008, 2009),
the morphosyntax of Algonquian languages is not necessarily as neatly organized as the
above examples suggest. We see a similarly less-than-orderly system as we tum now to
examine Ichishkiin data. Although this system does not entirely conform to the
Algonquian prototype, the language shows a directlinverse distinction in which the
coding of participants is related to their ranking along hierarchies ofperson and
topicality. The direct is the default category and most combinations of A and 0 are coded
with direct. Plurality levels the system, as clauses with a plural A are analyzed here as
direct (although sensitive to animacy). Inverse clauses reflect a ranking of participants,
with SAP's outranking 3rd person and 3PRX outranking 30BV. In the case of 1sl and 2nd
persons, coding systems compete. Considering the inverse verb prefix pa- suggests a
ranking of 1Slover 2nd but this is not supported by the use ofpronominal enclitics in
inverse clauses.
Each inverse combination (2)1, 3>SAP, 30BV>3PRX) is uniquely coded, with
some of the morphemes used in more than one scenario. Inverse clauses are syntactically
transitive and non-promotional, as grammatical roles do not change from the direct to the
inverse. They occur in subordinate as well as main clauses (many subordinate clauses are
finite, see 9.2). In addition; the inverse prefix is used in some commands and nominalized
forms. The analysis given here of the direct / inverse alternation relies on
morphosyntactic evidence as well as grammatical relations in Yakima, as discussed in
.....----------~~---- ----- ---
345
6.6, rather than semantic roles of agent and patient (see also Blackburn Morrow 2006, 37-
39).
Inverse clauses demonstrate Sahaptin's split ergative case marking pattern. Only
yd person agents take ergative case marking, never SAP agents. In inverse clauses with
an overt 3rd person singular A, the A is case marked -nim if the 0 is 1st or 2nd person
(glossed here 3>SAP.ERG) and -in if the 0 is third person (glossed as 3>3.ERG). Scott
DeLancey (personal communication) proposes that this pattern of ergative case marking
is not attested elsewhere and may be unique to Sahaptin.
Note that the inverse prefix pd-, used in 2>1 as well as 3>3 scenarios, is a near
homophone to the 3rd person plural S/A prefix pa-. The two differ only in stress; inverse
pd- is a stress-stealing affix that takes word level stress from the root (but not from strong
roots or stressed suffixes).
7.2.1. Local SAP/SAP
Direct 1~2: In direct configurations with a 1st person singular A and 2nd person 0, the
complex second position pronominal enclitics =mash and =matash are used, indicating a
second person 0 and first person A. There is no additional verbal morphology indicating
person. =mash is used when A and 0 are both singular; =matash is used when either or
both participants are plural.
7. shdpnisha mash
shdpni -sha =mash
ask -IMPV =lSg>2Sg
'I'm asking you'
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8. ku matash {tuKta
ku =matash {tuK-ta
and =1>2E/B.Pl return-FUT
'and I/we will send you (Sg/Pl) back'
The clitics =mash and =matash also code second person possession in possessive
constructions, as discussed in 3.1 0.4. In the intransitive clauses below, the clitic identifies
the possessor in the copular 'have' construction in example 9 and the possessor in the
intransitive construction in 10.
9. Wash matash (imaam{nk) saw{tk.
Wash =matash (imaam{nk)
COP 2Pl.POSS (2Pl.PRO.POSS)
'You all have sawitk.'
saw{tk.
Indian.carrot
10. Mish mash Kitwayma wyanawita Nixyaawiknik?
Mish =mash Kitway-ma wyanawi-ta
Q 2Sg.POSS relation-PI arrive-FUT
'Are your relatives coming from Nixyaawi?'
Nixyaawi-knik?
Pendleton-ABL
Inverse 2~1: In inverse clauses with 2Sg acting on 1Sg, the pronominal enclitic
references 2Sg only, and a verb prefix pa- indicates inverse alignment.
11. pawawtk'iwishaam!
pa-wawtk'iwi-sha=am
INV-mock-IMPV=2Sg
'You're mocking me'
12. Mish nam pawapiitata miyukt pyaKl?
Mish =nam pa-wapiita-ta miyuk-t pyaKl?
Q =2Sg INV-help-FUT peel-NZR bitterroot
'Will you help me peel the bitterroot?'
In the example below, the inverse clause in 13 is followed by a direct clause in 14:
13. Pciysh nam chaw pa'inta
paysh=nam chaw pa-in-ta
maybe=2Sg NEG INV-tell-FUT
'And if you don't tell me,
14. kti matash ti'da~w (ti'yawita,
ku=matash ti'aa~
and-l>2E/B.PI all
I will kill all of you'
(d'yawi-ta
kill-FUT
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Independent pronouns are not used except when needed for disambiguation or
emphasis. However, unlike the second position clitics, they do differentiate S/A from 0,
and therefore clearly indicate grammatical relations. The following inverse example
includes the 1st person object pronoun.
15. Chaw nam inak pakichkta
Chaw =nam inak
NEG =2Sg 1Sg.PRO.OBJ
'Don't pay attention to me!'
pd-kichk-ta
INV-pay.attention. to-FUT
If either first or second person are plural, the inverse prefix is not used. The A is
coded by the 2Sg clitic =nam or 2PI clitic =pam. Contrast, 16, an inverse clause with 2Sg
A> ISg 0 and 17, a direct clause with 2PI A> ISg O. Example 16 requires the inverse
prefix pd-. 17 does not have this prefix.
16. Mish nam maytski pa~wyaktwata?
Mish =nam maytski pa-~wycik-twa-ta
Q =2Sg morning INV-sweat-APPL-FUT
'Are you (Sg) going to sweat with me in the morning?'
17. Mish pam maytski ~wyaktwata?
Mish =pam mdytski ~dk-twa-ta?
Q =2PI morning sweat-APPL-FUT
'Are you (PI) going to sweat with us in the morning?'
Although the inverse prefix pa- is used in clauses in which second person acts on
first person, supporting a person hierarchy of 1>2, the configuration of clitics used in the
local scenarios does not support this ranking (see also Zuniga 2006,151). As seen in
examples 9 and 10 above, =mash and =matash reference 2nd person in intransitive
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clauses, as does the clitic =nam, seen in inverse examples 11-13 and 15. =mash,
=matash and =nam are the only clitics found in transitive clauses in the local domain.
The clitic referencing 1Sg (=nash) in intransitives (and in mixed clauses, as will be seen
in the next section) is not used. Therefore, the clitics unambiguously code 2nd person
throughout the local domain, and suggest an alternate analysis of 2>1. As has been
argued for other languages (for example: Nocte, DeLancey 1981; Algonquian, Zuniga
2008 and Macaulay 2009) there is not a single fully supported ranking of 1>2 or 2>1 in
Ichishkiin.
Table 7.1 summarizes the morphology used in local direct and inverse clauses.
TABLE 7.1. COMPARISON OF DIRECT/INVERSE IN LOCAL SCENARIOS
Direct
lA20
Inverse
2AlO
7.2.2. Mixed SAP/3
pronominal
enclitic
=mash (l Sg>2Sg)
=matash (either/both pI)
=nam (2Sg> lSg)
verb prefix
pci- (INV)
Direct SAP~3: In a direct SAP>3 clause, the pronominal enclitics (recall these are
neutral to case) code the SAP, below =nash (in 18), =nam (in 19). The verb is marked with
the 30 prefix ci- indicating a third person object, and if the object is overt it is
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differentially marked with the object suffix -nan (Sg) or -maman (PI). (In example 19 the
object is not case marked.)
18. kush awinna
ku =nash ciw-in-na
and=ISG 30-tell-PST
'and I told him'
19. maykw'aanik nam ak'inusha wiwmiwaash
maykw'aanik =nam a-k'inu-sha wiwnuwaash
further =2Sg 30-see-IMPY huckleberry.patch
'Further along you see a huckleberry patch'
Inverse 37SAP: Inverse alignment scenarios when 3rd person acts on an SAP are
obligatorily coded with the 3S/A verb prefix i-, and ergative case-marking -nim if an
agent NP is present. The pronominal enclitics code the SAP.
20. kush kwnak awkU iwawshuwiyana naktkwaninianim
ku-sh kwnak awku i-wawshuwiyan-a naktkwaninia-nim
and-l Sg there then3Sg.S-examine-PST nurse-3>SAP.ERG
'and that's where the nurse examined me'
21. tamanwitnim nash inapayunta
tamanwit-nim =nash i-napayun-ta
law-3>SAP.ERG =ISg 3sgS/A-defend-FUT
'The law will support me'
A plural 3rd person A does not trigger the inverse in mixed scenarios. In 22, the
plural subject tfinma 'people' does not have the 3>SAP ergative case marker -nim. The
third plural S/A prefix pa- (rather than pa- '!NY') marks the verb:
22. ku nam pak'{nuta tfinma
ku=nam pa-k'{nu-ta tfin-ma
and =2Sg 3P1.S-see-FUT person-PI
'and the people will see you'
In many clauses, as discussed above, there is no noun or pronoun expressing the
participants. In such a case in 3>SAP scenarios, this means that the ergative case marker -
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nim is lacking, and the only indicator of the inverse is the verb prefix i-: the 3SgS/A verb
prefix used in intransitive and direct 3>3 clauses. The clitics in mixed scenarios are not
specified for case. Due to the parallel with other clauses that have overtly expressed A's,
I analyze example 23 below as inverse, 24 as neutralized by plurality and 25 as direct;
however, the evidence for this in isolated clauses without the ergative case marker is
sparse.
23.
24.
25.
3Sg>1
3Pl>1
3>3
ku nash taaminwa incimun~ana
ku =nash taaminwa i-ncimun-~a-na
and =ISg always 3Sg.S-acknowledge-HAB-PST
'and he would always acknowledge me'
kush paysh la'cik pasciypta
ku=sh paysh la'cik pa-sayp-ta
and=ISg if maybe 3PI-feed-FUT
'maybe they will feed me'
iwinachikuuna
i-winachik-uu-na
3Sg.S-arrive-APPL-PST
'he came up to them'
Table 7.2 summarizes the morphology used in mixed direct and inverse clauses.
TABLE 7.2. COMPARISON OF DlRECT/INVERSE IN MIXED SCENARIOS
pronominal
verb prefix A case
enclitic marking
Direct =nash /a-
SAP>3 =nam (30)
Inverse =nash /1-
-nim3>SAP =nam (3Sg S/A)
--------- ~-
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7.2.3. Non-local, Singular A
The next type of inverse construction to be discussed is the inverse voice, used in
non-local (3Sg>3Sg/PI) situations. The particular functions and situations of use of this
construction are described more fully in 7.3; for now, a general explanation is that the
inverse is triggered when a less-topical 3rd person singular A acts on a more-topical 3rd
person 0 (Rude 1994, Zuniga 2006).
A combination of the inverse verb prefix pa- and case-marking suffix -in is used
to indicate 3>3 inverse. Contrast the 3>3 direct clause in 26 with the inverse example in
27:
26. iwawya~ana miyanashmaman
i-wawya-~a-na miyanash-maman
3SG.NOM- whip-HAB-PST child-OBJ.PL
'he used to whip the children'
27. Chaw pak'inuta wisaliliayin
Chaw pa-k'inu-ta wisalil-ia-yin
NEG INV-see-FUT hunt-AGT.NZR-3>3.ERG
'the hunter will not see them'
In the direct clause (26), the verb is prefixed with 3Sg.S prefix i-. In example 27,
the inverse is indicated by the verbal prefix pa- and ergative case-marker -in marking the
A (-yin here as it follows a vowel). Ifthere were an animate nominal object in 27, it
would take an object marker, as does the nominal object in 26.
The ergative form of question markers and pronouns is also formed with the
suffix -in:
28. tuwin pa~atamchanwiyuusha?
tu-win pa-~atamchanwi-yuu-sha-na?
what-3>3.ERG INV-fall-APPL-IMPV-PST
'what fell on him?'
352
29. chawsh(yin pa~'inun~a
chawsh{n-in pa-~'inu-~a
nobody-3>3.ERG INV-see-HAB
'nobody sees them'
As seen in 27 and 29 above, the 3>3 inverse construction can be used in Yakima with
plural as well as singular 3rd person objects.
If the inverse is used and the object is overtly stated, the object must be case
marked.
30. anakU patamanwya {chinak tiichcimnan ku patamanwiya k'USIK'usinan
anakU pa-tamanwi-ya {chinak tiichcim-nan
when INV-create-PST this.OBJ earth-OBJ
ku pa-tamanwi-ya k'USIK'usi-nan
and INV-create-PST dog-OBJ
'When he created this earth, he also created dogs.'
The coding of the inverse in 30BV>3PRX clauses hinges on the stressed prefix
pa-; ifthere are no nominals in the clause, a common occurrence, this prefix is the only
indicator of the inverse voice. However, in some situations the stress of the prefix shifts,
leaving no contrast between the 3Pl.S and inverse. The 3rd person plural SfA prefix is pa-
as seen in the following examples:
31. kush {chi inach'a pan(ya
ku=sh {chi ina-ch'a
and=l Sg this I Sg.PRO.OBJ-also
'and they gave me one'
pa-n{-ya
3Pl.S-give-PST
32. patkwatashana
pa-tkwata-sha-na
3Pl.S-eat-IMPV-PST
'they were eating'
353
This contrasts with the stressed inverse prefixpa-. Compare 31 and 33:
33. paniya tkwatat
pa-nf-ya tkwatat
INV-give-PST food
'he gave him food'
Section 2.6 discussed the presence of certain inherently-stressed affixes that take the
word-level stress. Inverse prefix pa- is one such affix. Note that in 31 the verb root ni- is
stressed, but that in 33 the inverse prefix pa- takes the stress, with an associated change in
meamng.
Certain stressed suffixes and strong roots override stressed pa- and are assigned
the word-level stress. The desiderative suffix -(t)at'a is an inherently stressed affix that
overrides the stress of inverse pa-. The surface form in 34 could mean either 'they wanted
to eat' or 's/he wanted to eat him/her. '
34. patkwatatat'ana
p?-tkwata-tat'a-na
?-eat-DES-PST
'they wanted to eat' / 's/he wanted to eat him/her'
Secondary stress does apply; however, this is a slight cue. As stated in 6.4.2, the stress of
the applicatives varies by speaker. Context may be as relevant as secondary stress in
allowing speakers to differentiate between inverse and plural in these cases. And, of
course, if there are overt nominals, they are case-marked:
35. patkwatat'atana Asumnan Wa~puuyayin
pa-tkwata-tat'a-na Asum-nan Wa~puuya-yin
INV-eat-DES-PST eel-OBJ legendary.rattlesnake-3>3.ERG
'Rattlesnake wanted to eat Eel.'
In Blackburn Morrow's study of Umatilla Sahptin inverse voice, stress on the inverse
prefix seemed to be in free variation for one of the elders (2006, 94). While context
354
serves to disambiguate the inverse from the 3rd person plural prefix in discourse, the fact
that there is not always a fully reliable cue may indicate a weakening of the system.
Inverse voice is not always robustly marked.
Table 7.3. (repeated from Chapter 3) summarizes the morphology used in non-
local direct and inverse clauses.
TABLE 7.3. COMPARISON OF DIRECT/INVERSE IN NON-LOCAL SCENARIOS
verb A case o case
prefix marking marking
Direct i- differential
3SgPRX>30BV (3Sg object markingS/A)
Inverse pa-
-in -nan (Sg)3Sg0BV>3PRX (!NV) -maman (PI)
7.2.4. Non-local, Plural A
When 3PI acts on 3, the function of the various related prefixes that have been
previously described as inverse is not clearly related to topicality. The form of 3PI>3Sg
varies by dialect (Rigsby & Rude 1996,675) with a combination of the third plural
person enclitic =pat and the absolutive prefix a- in Northwest, prefix pata- in Columbia
River, and prefix pa'a in Northeast. No ergative case marker is used with 3PI A acting on
3Sg. In the case ofa topical3PI A acting on a less topical3Sg 0, as well as for 3P173PI,
Rigsby and Rude describe Umatilla as using the 3PI S/A prefix pa-. In their analysis, the
inverse =pat #a- / pata- / pa 'a- contrasts with direct pa-. They suggest that the Columbia
River and Northeast prefixes (patci- and pa'a-) evolved from the Northwest form (1996,
355
675). Jacobs (1931) describes =pat as a pronominal enclitic, and in Jacobs' data from
Klikitat and Taitnapam (Northwest dialects), =pat patterns with the SAP enclitics. When
3Pl acts on 3Sg, the absolutive prefix a- codes the object.
In the data I have collected, the function of these prefixes does not reflect the
previous description. The use of the prefix pata- or clitic-plus-prefix =pat 00- forms is
obligatory when animate arguments are involved. This is not an 'optional' voice
alternation, and therefore the function of the 3Pl acting on 3 construction is not the same
as that of inverse prefix pa-. It falls in the category of obligatory inverse alignment rather
than inverse voice. It is used when animate 3Pl A acts on animate 30.
Both the Columbia River and Northwest dialect forms are used in my data, within
and across speakers. In addition, the form pat is sometimes sentence-initial, so does not
follow the second-position placement of the SAP enclitics. In the examples here and
throughout this grammar, I have defined morpheme breaks using phonological criteria.
The three variations, which I refer to collectively as the pat forms, are 1) combined prefix
pata- as in 36; 2) free standing pat and verbal prefix a- as in 37; or 3) clitic =pat and
verbal prefix a- as in 38. The NE variant pa 'a- does not occur in the material I have
collected.
36. pata'iya~na
pata-(ya~-na
3Pl>3-find-PST
'they found him'
37. Pat awku ashyaka.
Pat awkU a-shyak-a.
3Pl then 30-scout-PST
'they scouted for him'
356
38. ku pat anatma awku traa~maman
k ' , k' J"U ==pat a-nat-m-a aw u tr aa~maman
and =3PI 30-bring-CSL-PST then all-OBJ.PI
'they brought them all out'
==pat does not match the behavior of the SAP enclitics. It is not indifferent to case,
as are the SAP enclitics, but always occurs as the A with a 3rd person object. (With SAP
0, the 3PI A form is pa-, as in example 24 above.) In addition, the distribution varies, as
it does not always occur in second position and it does not always phonologically attach
to the preceding word, as seen in the examples above. The form is distinct from prefix
pata- because words can occur between pat and a-, as seen in 37 above, and the
following examples. These words are typically particles and adverbs, separating the form
pat and 30 verb prefix a- by at most a word of 1-2 syllables.
39. Awku pat anach'a~i awita~shya
Awku pat anach'~i aw-(ta~shi-ya
then 3PI again 3O-wake-PST
'then they woke her again'
40. awku kwnak pat awkU awinanuuna sllitki
awku kwnak pat awku a-winan-uu-na
then that.1oc 3PI then 30-go-APPL-PST
'Then they went there after them with a sled'
sllit-ki
sled-instr
The pat forms are used with both singular and plural objects, as can be seen in the
two examples above. If the object is an overt NP, it is case-marked, as in 38 above, where
traa~ 'all' has the plural object suffix -maman. The pat forms are used in the case of a
human object. The required object-marking is motivated by the pat construction
specifically, but this is adequately described by the obligation to mark human objects.
Whatever the specific morphological instantiation, these 3Pl>3 forms have a
broader distribution than the non-local 3Sg0BV>3PRX clauses using the inverse prefix
357
pa-. Some variation of =pat #6- and pata- is used in nearly every text example with 3PI
A and a human O.
3PI>3 examples with the 3PI pa- prefix are found with inanimate and unmarked
or absent O's. In 41, the first verb is intransitive and prefixed withpa-; the second verb
has the same prefix and an unmarked object.
41. Awku pawrnana, pawakltatana tkwatat.
Awku pa-wrna-na pa-waklt-ata-na
then 3PI-go-PST 3PI-Iook.for-PURP-PST
'then they went and looked for food'
tkwatat.
food
Some text examples use the pa- prefix (rather than a plural form of pat) in the case
of plural A. A non-overt plural A in some of Jacobs' Klikitat texts is also sometimes
coded by the prefix pa-.
In other dialects and perhaps at an earlier time across Northwest dialects including
Yakima, the form pat patterns with the SAP clitics. This is either no longer the case or
not the case for the consultants I have worked with. Jacobs (1931) describes =pat as a
pronominal enclitic. Jacobs' Klikitat (NW) texts show a clear second position placement
of this form, in accordance with the behavior of SAP clitics:
42. awishn~anapat tt'aa~ tun
aw-rshn-~a-na=pat tt'aa~ tun
30-win-HAB-PST=3PI all what
'they would win everything (of his)' (MJ37:5.1.2)
I have no text examples such as 42 above, where the clitic =pat follows the verb. In my
examples, it always precedes 30 prefix a-.
358
Jacobs also has several examples in his 1929 and 1937 NW texts where pat codes
the object. In this, pat is indifferent to case, as are SAP c1itics. All of Jacobs's examples
include 3Sg acting on 3Pl. In these cases, the verb is prefixed by 3Sg S/A marker i-.
43. ishaptaycikshapat xwisaatnim
i-shaptaycik-sha=pat xwisaat-nim
3SgS/A-cheat-IMPV=3PI 0Id.man-2> lERG
'The old man is deceiving them' (MJ29:235)
Note the similarities of the clause above to 3>SAP examples, including the unexpected
use of the case marker -nim; in Yakima examples this marker is only used when an SAP
is the 0 and 3rd person Sg is the A. We will return to this in section 7.4.
7.2.5. Summary of formal properties of inverse clauses
To sum up, Ichishkiin has a grammatically obligatory inverse alignment in local
and mixed scenarios. 3Sg/3 non-local 'optional' voice constructions also show a direct/
inverse alternation. The morphology used for the various inverse constructions overlaps,
but a unique combination codes each scenario. Two things in particular stand out about
the grammatical coding of inverse constructions. First, there are two ergative case
markers, one (-nim) used when 3 acts on a SAP, and a second (-in) used when 30BV acts
on 3PRX. Secondly, the prefix pci-, here called an inverse prefix, is used in both local and
non-local inverse constructions. It is, in fact, the only prefix that codes an SAP argument.
However, it is not used in the core case of directionality when a 3rd person A acts on an
SAP O. Table 7.4 reviews the morphological coding of inverse clauses across persons.
359
TABLE 7.4. SUMMARY OF FORMAL PROPERTIES OF INVERSE CLAUSES
pronominal A case
Scenario A 0 verb prefix
enclitic marking
Local 2S IS =nam pa- (INV)
Mixed 3S IS =nash -nim i- (3Sg S/A)
Mixed 3S 2S =nam -nim i- (3Sg S/A)
Non-local 3Sg0BV 3PRX -in pa- (INV)
Plurality serves to level the direct/inverse alteration, and the inverse is only used
with singular A. In inverse alignment when 2 acts on 1, both A and 0 must be singular
for inverse to be used. In mixed clauses, third person plural A acting on an SAP shows no
directlinverse alternation. There is a prefix for third person plural A acting on third if
both are animate, but the correlation of this form with inverse voice has not been
adequately supported; it seems to be coding obligatory alignment. Cross-linguistically,
hierarchies in inverse systems are affected by plurality (Romance and Algonquian's
systems include a hierarchy of Pl.SAP > Sg.SAP (Zuniga 2009); Nocte and other Tibeto-
Burman systems also show effects ofplurality (DeLancey 2001,2009). Ichishkiin is
another example of this.
We now tum to examine the inverse voice more closely.
7.3. The Inverse voice: Conditioning factors
Several studies have attempted to determine the function of the 3/3 inverse voice,
described in section 7.1.3 above. Rude (1994) used a text-counting methodology
following the topicality theory of voice (e.g Cooreman 1985; Givan 1994). In these
360
studies, referent topicality in discourse is detennined by text counts that establish
'referential distance' and 'topic persistence'. Anaphoric referential distance measures
"the number of clauses separating [a referent's] present occurrence from its last
occurrence" (Givan 1994,10). Higher topicality correlates with more recent mention.
Topic persistence is a measure of cataphoric continuity, and counts "the number oftimes
a referent recurs within the next 10 clauses" (Givan 1994,11). More topical referents are
said to have occurred in more than two of the following 10 clauses.
Rude (1994) measured these values with 22 pages of Jacobs' Klickitat texts (from
Jacobs 1929, 175-196). His study included 'optional' pragmatic inverse clauses with 3rd
person agent and patient (Rude's pragmatic inverse corresponds to what is here called
inverse voice.) There were 173 semantically transitive 3/3 clauses in the texts. 42.8% of
these were inverse and 57.2% were active-direct. In measuring referential distance and
topic persistence, Rude's results conformed to Cooreman and Givan's profile. Agents in
the active-direct were found to be more topical than patients. In inverse clauses, patients
matched the topicality values of agents in active-direct, but agents retained topicality.
Rude characterized the Northwest Sahaptin inverse voice as a "patient topicalizing
construction par excellence in which the agent still retains its high topicality" (1994,117).
Blackburn Morrow (2006), in extending Rude's text counting methodology to the
Umatilla dialect, found tentative support for this theory. She noted, however, that an
unsettling amount ofresidue was seen in Rude (1994); and that there was a "less-than-
categorical adherence of each semantic role to either a 'highly topical' or 'non-topical'
referential distance/topic persistence category across a given voice construction"
361
(Blackburn Morrow 2006, 45). Blackburn Morrow's text counts of the Umatilla dialect of
Ichishkiin also had a high amount of residue. In addition, the scope of topicality was
determined to be inadequately measured by these text counts, since inverse seems to
correlate with at times global or text importance, and at other times functions more like a
switch reference system. (These functions will be discussed more fully below.)
Blackburn Morrow's subsequent experimental study sought to refine relevant factors
contributing to topicality in Umatilla and to develop an experimental method with per-
clause predictive power that relied less on the linguist's interpretation of the scenarios.
In Blackburn Morrow's (2006) experimental study, five native speakers produced
narratives in response to wordless picture books. The stimuli, illustrated specifically for
this study, were designed to investigate the impact of global frequency and of the
semantic factors of animacy and individuation on speakers' use of direct versus inverse
voice. Blackburn Morrow found that global frequency and animacy were key factors in
the use of the Umatilla inverse. Individuation was not found to be a factor. 69
However, Blackburn Morrow notes that in her data, necessarily collected from a
very small number of speakers given the language's stage of endangerment, not all of the
elder's uses of direct versus inverse were as predicted, even when considering a global
scope for topicality and the animacy of event participants. She indicates that factors such
69 Another significant finding by Blackburn Morrow (2006,2007), although beyond the scope of this
grammar, was that the speech of a younger generation ofUmatiIIa Sahaptin speakers differs markedly from
that of their elders with regard to this grammatical feature. The age range for the five speakers in her study
was 41-77, and they belong to two separate generations (1996:63-64). Blackburn Morrow found that the
inverse varied by generation, with the inverse voice construction of the middle-aged speakers not matching
that of the two elders in form, function, or frequency of use.
362
as episode theme, episode boundaries, and the backgrounding of A may also be important
factors (2006, 97).
The conditions for the use of inverse voice vary by genre, by speaker or perhaps
audience. Sometimes global topicality seems to trigger inverse and sometimes a switch-
reference style is used. These interact with the factors discussed by Rude (1994) and
Blackburn Morrow (2006); it seems likely that no single hierarchy will account for all
uses of inverse vs. direct voice in Yakima Sahaptin. A number of questions remain that
can only be answered with extensive corpus and database research. Here I will describe
some of the conditions that, along with those mentioned by Blackburn Morrow (2006)
and Rude (1994), contribute to the use of inverse voice.
A short section of text will introduce some of the uses of inverse. This is taken
from a speaker relating the events of a video clip about a horse and a boy (The Black
Stallion, Ballard 1979). There are two episodes given. The first (lines a-j) is near the
beginning of the text. The boy and horse are introduced in the first two lines (0). Then,
the first episode below sets the scene and continues along as two other participants enter
the narrative. The second episode (lines k-m) is from the end of the text. Each line (after
the introduction) has a single bo1ded verb. Following each translation, justified to the
right side of the page, the participants and clause type are given.
363
44. chmuk k'usi 'the black horse'
0) aw pat awkti awiya~na kwnak imaw(pa anakwnak pawIik'ika k'usiy(n
aw pat awkti aw-iyax-na kwnak imaw(-pa
now 3PL>3 then 30-find-PST that.LOC island-LOC
ana-kwnak pa-wi(-k'ik-a k'tisi-in
REL-that.LOC 3PL.S-wii-be.caught.up-PST horse-ASSOC
'And then they found him there, on the island, where he and the horse were hung up'
a) ku awkti amchnik ilapnuna
ku awkti amchnik i-la-pnti-a
and then outdoors 3Sg.S-leisurely-sleep-PST
Then he (the boy) slept outside
intrans: S boy
b) anaktish ilcfwachya taakwinnan k'tisinan ku awkti
anaktish i-la-wachi-a taakwin-nan
SUB-thus 3SgS/A-leisurely-watch-PST whatchamacallit-OBJ
k'tisi-nan ku awkti
horse-OBJ and then
as he [PRX] sort of kept an eye on the ... whatchamacallit...horse [OBV], and
DIR: A boy / 0 horse
c) it~hya
i-ta~shi-a
3Sg.S-wake.up-PST
he woke up.
intrans: S boy
d) ku iw{nsh skawiia garbagenan, pa'ilkw'ka
ku iw(nsh skawi-ia garbage-nan pa-z1kw'k-a
andman collect-AGT.NZR garbage-OBJ INV-threaten-PST
And the man who collects the garbage, he [OBV] frightened him/them70 [PRX]
INV: A garbage man / 0 horse or horse and boy
e) ku awkti iwinan(na k'tisi
ku awkti i-winan(n-a k'tisi
and then 3Sg.S-escape-PST horse
and the horse escaped
intrans: S horse
70 It is not clear from the film or the clause which is the intended meaning. The inverse prefix can be used
with PI O.
f) awkti iwa~a ishchftpaynk tawnpa.
awkti i-way~ti-a ishchft-paynk
then 3Sg.S-run-PST road-along
g) Aswan awkti itwapatya.
aswan awkti i-twapati-ya
boy then 3Sg.S-chase-PST
h) Ku pcha iwinatma inlitknik ku
ku pcha i-winat-m-a
andmother 3Sg.S-depart-CSL-PST
i) pak'inuna
pa-k'inu-a
3>3.TI'lJV-see-PST
364
tawn-pa
town-LOC
and ran along the road in the town.
intrans: S horse
Then the boy [PRX] chased (it) [OBV].
DIR: A boy f 0 horse
inlit-knik ku
house-ABL and
And his mother came out of the house and
intrans: Smother
she [OBV] saw him [PRX],
INV: A mother f 0 boy
j) awiw~ aswan pachupa ishchftpa
aw i-way~ti aswan pachu-pa ishchit-pa
now 3Sg.S-run boy half-LOC road-LOC
the boy has run down the middle of the road. 71
intrans: S boy
This sequence is followed by 17 clauses with the horse as SfA. The boy is not mentioned
in any of them. At last, the boy catches up with the horse. Lines k-m follow, a separate
episode from lines a-j above.
71 This is a direct quote of perception, see Chapter 9.
365
k) {kush awku iganana k'usi,
{kush awku i-t~ana-a k'usi
thus then 3Sg.S-become-PST horse
This is what happened to the horse
intrans: S horse
1) awku pcitwapi~a {~i aswanin.
awkU pa-twap-in~a {~wi
then INV-follow- HAB still
aswan-in
boy-3>3.ERG
and the boy [OBV] still chases him [PRX].
INV: A boy / 0 horse
m) Chaw {~i awku pa'awtkw'isha.
chaw {~i awkU pa-awtkw'i-sha
NEG still then INV-catch.up-IMPV
He [OBV] still hasn't caught up with him [PRX].
INV: A boy / 0 horse
This sequence shows expected uses of inverse in an episode with two participants
(the boy and the horse) who are introduced immediately and occur throughout lines a-j,
and two participants (the garbage collector and the mother) who are only present in one
or two clauses and who do not recur later in the text. The two inverse clauses (d, i) in this
first section occur when these 'minor characters' are the agents of transitive clauses.
The two other transitive clauses in the first section are direct. In both (b, g), the
boy is the A (PRX) and the horse is the 0 (OBV). Again, this is as expected: the boy is
present in the narrative from the first, and outranks the horse in animacy. In an episode, a
given third person tends to remain proximate throughout. The boy remains the proximate
argument even though the horse was the subject in the two intransitive clauses preceding
direct clause g.
As we see in the ending section, examples k-m, animacy ranking does not hold
throughout. At the ending, when the horse has been present for 17 lines and the boy has
366
not, their roles switch. The horse is proximate 0 and the boy obviative A, and so the
inverse is used in the last two clauses.
The inverse makes the referents clear even when there is not an overt nominal.
For example, in the sequence 'the mother came out of the house and she saw him', only
the inverse prefix indicates who saw whom; however, there is no question for speakers as
to how to interpret the event.
The use of the inverse does not condition who is the assumed subject of a
following intransitive clause. In lines d and i above, the 0 of the inverse is the S of the
following clause. However, there are also examples such as the following sequence.
Here, a transitive clause precedes an intransitive. The A of the inverse remains the S of
the following clause.
45. Pcik'inuna Twit'ciayayin Spilyciynan np'{wityaw
Pci-k'inu-na Twit'ciaya-yin
INV-see-PST Legendary.Grizzly-3>3.ERG
Spilyciy-nan np'{wi-t-yaw
Legendary.Coyote-OBJ fish-NZR-DAT
'Twit'ciaya [OBV] saw Spilyciy [PRX] fishing'
Pciyu anciwishana ku ip~{na ...
Pciyu anciwi-sha-na ku i-p~{-na ...
very hunger-IMPV-PST and 3Sg.S-think-PST
'he (Twit'ciaya) was very hungry and he thought. .. '
The inverse does indicate that the 0 of an immediately preceding transitive clause
has become the A. This topic-switching function is discussed in Rude (1994). The
proximate acts on obviative 0, and direct is used. When the obviative participant
becomes the A, the inverse is triggered. This is seen in the following set (the dialogue has
been left out).
367
46. pachi iwlinpa Twit'aaya it... "
pachi i-wlinp-a Twit'aaya it••• "
crabby 3Sg.S-answer-PST Legendary.Grizzly
'Twit'aaya [PRX] crankily answered her [OBV] " ... '"
k /1' u"upama ...
ku pa'-in-a it... "
and INV-say-PST
'she [OBV] said to him [PRX] " ... '"
In the first direct clause, Twit'aaya (Grizzly) speaks to Yaamash (Mule Deer). The use of
the inverse in the second clause indicates that Twit'aaya has become the O. Were the
second clause direct, Twit'aaya would remain the A.
In some texts, the directlinverse alternation codes point of view or perhaps
empathy. As Hymes (1987) described for the Warm Spring dialect of Sahaptin, some
legends take one character as primary and throughout, whenever that character is the
grammatical object, the inverse is used. This is the case in the Yakima legend
Wa~pushyayku Asumyay, Rattlesnake and Eel. Wa~pushyay is the first character
introduced as he readies his home for the winter. Within a few lines, Asumyay is also
introduced. He is hunting near Mt. Adams. Wa~pushyaywants to eat Asumyay, and so
lures Asumyay to his cave, and tries to cheat him in a race. In the end, Asumyay smells the
water of the Columbia River and escapes home. Throughout the legend, Asumyay triggers
the use of the inverse when he is the O. This could be a case of empathetic direction. As
the legend is told, the listener's sympathy is directed to Asumyay: Asumyay is hungry,
cold, and lost; Wa~pushyay is a cheater and a schemer. In the end, we are told not to be
like Wa~pushyay, not to cheat, to be a good person.
368
In other legends, this notion ofpoint of view or empathy is confined to a single
episode. This is the case in Spilyay ku .l{a~nu (Appendix B), which was described above.
Coyote is a main character throughout. The prairie chicken parents are present in the
beginning ofthe legend and return later. Their oldest chick is an empathetic character to
the legend-teller, portrayed as an innocent child soon to be brutally killed by Coyote. The
chick is only involved for a portion of the legend. Although the chick is unable to speak
(and therefore has less indication of animacy) and is of less importance to the story than
Coyote or the adult prairie chickens, he is of sufficient importance to the storyteller to
trigger the inverse when he becomes the 0 in clauses with the father and with Coyote:
47. ku patk'ina Spilyayin
ku pa-tk'(-na Spilyay-in
and INV-look-PST Coyote-3>3.ERG
'And Coyote [OBV] looked at him [PRX]'
This grammatical treatment is not explained by animacy, global frequency, or
topic switching, but seems to code empathy or viewpoint, as we saw with Asumyay
above.
Animacy hierarchy violations are not an automatic trigger for inverse. The first
clause below is as would be expected if only animacy were involved: the inanimate
blizzard acting on humans uses the inverse voice. However, the second clause is direct
despite the fact that the horse is A and humans O.
48. ku kwnak w{t~uptin pawinpa
ku kwnak w{t~pt-in pa-winp-a
and there blizzard-3>3.ERG INV-take-PST
'and there the bitter blizzard caught them'
-----------------~~-
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49. (skawskawna tlin-maman k'usi
i-{skawskaw-na tlin-maman
3Sg.S-scare-PST peop1e-OBJ.P1
'the horse frightened the people'
k'usi
horse
In conclusion, no single factor is involved. Rather, a number of elements contribute to a
Yakima speaker's use of inverse versus direct voice, and further research is needed to
clarify these. Interacting factors can be subsumed under broad claims of topicality, topic
switching, empathy and animacy. Speaker and genre are also important. Some of the
contributing factors may be too subtle to be fully established, given the state ofthe
language.
7.4. Sources of transitive morphology
Rude (1988, 1991,1997) reconstructs a number of the morphemes of the
Ichishkiin transitive constructions. Here we will look at the ergative markers -in and -nim
and inverse marker pa-.
3>3 Ergative -in
-in marks the agent nominal of30BV~3PRX inverse clauses, as seen in section
8.1.3. It is also a dual marker (see 3.10.1) and an associative case marker (3.10.2), as seen
in the examples below. The dual marker is used with humans and rarely with non-
humans. In 50 below it is a dual marker, here (on an non-human) co-occurring with the
numeral niipt 'two'.
50. niipt wi~al~al{yin pasap~wnin~a wawinknikshpa
niipt wi?;ab;al(-yin pa-sap?;W-nin-?;a
two spider-DL 3Pl.S-craw1-DPR.around-HAB
'two spiders are crawling on the wall'
wawinkniksh-pa
wall-LOC
370
The homophonous comitative suffix used with animates results in plural agreement on
the verb.
51. paw{nana iw{nshin
paw{na-na iw{nsh-in
3Pl.S-go-PST man-COM
's/he went with the man'
Note the similarity above ofthe entire construction to an inverse construction; the only
lacking element is word level stress on the prefix pa-.
In Nez Perce, the cognate form of the duallassociativelinverse suffix is
underlyingly /-i7in/ (Rude 1997). This codes the associative and the stativizer in Nez
Perce. (Nez Perce does not have a dual.) The stativizer is argued to be the oldest meaning
in the family, with later extension to the associative and then other forms, including the
3>3 ergative case suffix (Rude 1991, 1997; Rigsby & Rude 1996). Thinking only about
the usage of -in in current day Ichishkiin (as associative, dual, and ergative), and given
the parallel structure of the associative constructions, as seen in 50 and 51, to inverse, the
primacy of the associative seems reasonable. The missing piece is the stress on the prefix
pa-, as discussed below.
Ergative -nim
The ergative case marker -nim, used in 3Sg A-7 SAP a situations (section 8.1.2
above) is cognate to Nez Perce ergative marker -n(i)m. Rude (1991,1997) relates -nim
and -n(i)m to the Proto-Sahaptian -im 'hither', and suggests that the current Sahaptian
cis10catives and ergatives are from this common source. Rude further suggests that the
source of the cislocative may be a Penutian verb for 'come', as Molala, Cayuse, Takelma
and Kalapuya have cislocatives with m.
371
Cis10cative -(i)m, discussed in 3.7, is a verbal suffix that follows either the verb
theme or aspect marking suffixes. The fonn is -m after vowels and -im between
consonants. When the verb is a n-stem verb (these verbs were discussed in 2.11) the
cis10cative is preceded by final n, resulting in examples where the sequence nim appears,
such as the following.
52. ku na itdymunima
ku =na
and =lPl.INC
'he infonned us'
i-tdymun-im-a
3Sg.S-infonn-CIS-PST
The Nez Perce ergative and cis10cative fonns are cognate. The Nez Perce -n(i)m is
a generalized ergative marking third person subjects oftransitive verbs. It is not restricted
to use with SAP objects. The Nez Perce cislocative, which has the basic fonn -im, is
obligatory in the case of 2A/1 O. The directional quality is retained as well in the ergative
case marker, as it indicates core direction in events with 3A/SAP O. Direction of action is
from an external third person towards the SAP center. Sahaptin, as suggested above, is a
prime example of the deictic nature of the split between 3rd person and SAP's, and "an
instance ofthe fundamentally speech-act-centered nature of viewpoint-the distinction
between here, where you and I are, and everywhere else, where everybody else is"
(DeLancey 1981, 639).
An extension of the ergative marker -nim to 3>3 scenarios is seen in Klikitat and
Taitnapam dialects of Northwest Sahaptin in situations with a 3PlA and 30. One such
example was seen in 43 above. In cases with an overt nominal A and the clitic =pat
coding the object, the ergative marker -nim is suffixed to the agent nominal:
372
53. wa~pushnimpatintlswna
wa~push-nim=pat i-ntlswn-a
rattlesnake-3>SAP.ERG=3PI3Sg.S-swallow-PST
, a rattlesnake swallowed them' (MJ37:11.7.4)
It seems likely that in these cases, due to structural similarity with clauses in which 3 acts
on an SAP and in which the object is coded by a clitic, the use of the ergative case marker
expanded from mixed scenarios only to a limited subset of non-local scenarios.
Inverse prefix pcf-
This verb prefix is shared by local (2A -710) and non-local (30BV-7 3PRX)
scenarios. As noted above, except for the fact that it takes primary stress of the word, it is
homophonous with the 3P1.S prefix. The sequence pa is found throughout the language:
as well as marking 3P1.S, it indicates location (3.1 0.2), distributive plurals (5.1), and is an
object marker on kin terms (5.6). Stressed forms are the inverse, the 'with hand' LP,
reciprocal prefix papa- (6.4.3), and the 3PI>3 pata-
Rude (1988) reviews potential sources for this morpheme, and concludes that
Sahaptian distributive! reciprocal! plural *pe_72 , and *ee-, which is related to the singular
obviative prefix a, combine to make the inverse prefix. He considers and rejects other
sources, including the locative case marker *-pe, (-pa in Ichishkiin) the third person
independent pronoun root *pin (this has the same form in Ichishkiin) and the 'with hand'
instrumental prefix 'ip + ee (also pa-).
Looking at the entire inverse 3>3 construction, the other piece that needs to be
incorporated into the story ofpa- (in 3rd person) is associative 3>3.ERG -in. This suffix
occurs with 3P1.S pa- and Rep papa- as well as with inverse prefix pa-. These reciprocal
72 Nez Perce and Proto-Sahaptian lei is [re].
373
and plural prefixes on verbs indicate 3rd person involvement, and seem a potential source
for the inverse construction. But the pieces that are missing and remain to be determined
is how the inverse prefix became stressed, and why it occurs on 2Sg>1Sg as well as
30BV>3PRX.
374
CHAPTER VIII
ADDITIONAL WORD AND MORPHEME CLASSES
8.1. Introduction
The purpose of this chapter is to provide a limited overview of adjectivals,
adverbials and modal enclitics. As will be seen below, there is a great deal of overlap
among these three groups: nouns and derived verbs are readily used as modifiers and
adjectivals and adverbials share properties and forms. As well, adverbials and modal
enclitics, second position particles that indicate hearsay, contrast, possibility and
probability, cover some of the same semantic range.
8.2. Adjectivals
I am using the term 'adjectival' to refer to forms that modify or specify nouns and
noun phrases. As in many languages, the category of adjectival in Ichishkiin is not
formally cohesive. There is a syntactically definable category of words that function
primarily as noun modifiers that I refer to as the "adjective" category, although they are
only marginally distinguishable from nouns on syntactic grounds (see below). Many
adjectivals are stativized verb roots. Nouns are also freely used as to modify other nouns,
375
either undergoing no morphological change or case-marked as obliques. Thus, the
discussion of adjectivals here is based on semantic and functional unity.
Examples below show strategies ofnoun modification: noun-moun modification
(examples 1-5), adjectives (6-10), numerals and quantifiers (11-13), genitive pronouns
and demonstratives (14-15) and derivations ofverb stems (16-17). (See also section 5.5,
which presented the elements, ordering, and number and case agreement involved in
noun phrases.)
Nouns are used to modify other nouns.
1. iayMy tciatpas
iayMy taatpas
rattle clothing
'j ingle dress'
2. pswapswa tiichcim
pswa-pswa tiicham
rock.DIM-rock.DIM earth
'rocky ground'
Example 3 shows a verb nominalized with agentive suffix -M modifying another noun.
Both are case marked as the object of the verb.
3. itawa~isha palayfaan tcfw~an
i-tawa~+sha palay-M-nan tawa~ -nan
3Sg.S-tobacco-VZR-IMPV get.drunk-AGT-OBJ tobacco-OBJ
'He is smoking intoxicating smoke'
Nouns with genitive case ending -nm{ (example 4) or 'pertaining to' -pama (example 5)
modify other nouns. In example 4, both wapawat 'costume, outfit' and k'usik'usimam{
'dogs.GEN' have the instrumental suffix -ki. (Noun case marking was discussed in
3.10.4.)
376
4. ku pimciwapawa~ana k'usik'usimaml1d wapawatki
ku pimci-wapciwa-xa-na k'us{k'usi-mam{ki wapciwat-ki
and RFL.PI-costume-HAB-PST dog-Pl.GEN.INSTcostume-ll\JST
'and they would outfit themselves in their dog costumes'
5. wyciya~shatpamci wcipaas
wyci-yci~sha-t-pamci
while.going-pour.into-NZR-thing.for
'basket to pour into'
wcipaas
picking.basket
Adjectives in Ichishkiin indicate concepts such as size and value (shi~ 'good'/
chilw{t 'bad'). A number of words indicating physical properties belong to the adjective
class, such as iw{ix 'thin', k'ciyu 'skinny', ku 'heavy', pt{it 'damp'.
6. ittciwa~in~a pnit tiichcimpa
i-ttciwa~-in~a pt{it
3Sg.S-grow-HAB damp
'it grows in wet ground'
tiichcim-pa
earth-LOC
Some words describing human qualities are adjectives; examples include wapsu~ 'clever,
skilled'; ishnwciy 'poor, pitiful'; kw'shim 'stubborn, mischievous', p'i~ 'sensible, careful'.
7. chaw p'q iwci pinch'a
chaw p'i~ iwci pinch 'a
NEG sensible 3Sg.S-COP 3Sg.PRO-again
'She's careless'
Human age and size use the same terms: iks{ks 'little, young'; n'chi 'big, old,.73
8. ink nash wa nch'{~aw ttciwa~t
ink =nash wa nch'{-t~aw
ISg.PRO =ISG COP big -SUP
'I am the oldest one'
ttciwa~ -t
grow-NZR
73 The reduplicated fonn ofnch'i with plural marker -rna means 'elders':
d-shapni-ta =parn nch'(nch'irna-rnan
30-ask-FUT =2PL elders.OBJ
'Ask the elders'
377
9. nch'iiwa
big 3Sg-COP
'it's big'
10 shows the singular form iks{ks 'little'; ikks 'little.PL' is seen in 15 below.
10. ashkli wacha ikslks {?0Vi pt'{niks
ana=nash-ku wacha iks{ks {?0Vi
SUB=1 Sg-and COP.PST little still
'when I was still a little (young) girl'
pt'tniks
girl
Numerals (section 5.5) and quantifiers (a list is given in example 25 below)
modify nouns.
11. ku awacha napu miyanashin
ku a-wacha napu myanash-in
and 30-COP.PST two.HUM child-DL
'and they had two children'
12. iwanpisha palalcfay ttinmaman
i-wanpi-sha palalaay
3Sg.S-summon-IMPV lots
'he is inviting a lot of people'
tlin-maman
person-PL.OBJ
Numerals and quantifiers can also stand alone as nouns.
13. ku~ash awku n~h iw{nana waptitatyaw
ku=~ash awkU na~sh i-w{na-na waptita-t-yaw
and=MOD then one 3Sg.S-go-PST help-NZR-DAT
'Then one must have gone for help.'
Genitive pronouns (discussed in section 3.10.5) and demonstratives (3.10.6) are
seen in examples 14 and 15. There is case agreement between the locative-marked noun
and genitive pronoun in 14, although the fonus of the locative suffix are different: -pa on
the noun, -paynk on the pronoun (see 3.10.4 for more on paynk as an emphatic fonn used
with pronouns). Example 15 has a plural noun and plural demonstrative; the sentence-
final adjective is also plural.
14.
15.
{kush awa {kw'ak piimipaynk tiichcfmpa
{kush a-wa i'kw'ak piim{-paynk
thus 30-COP that 3Pl.PRO.GEN.LOC
'thus they have that in their own land'
kwmak myanashma {~wi pawacha waawk'a ikks
kwmak myanash-ma {~wi pa-wacha
that.P1 child-PI still 3Pl.S- COP.PST
'those children were still too little'
tiicham -pa
earth-LOC
waawk'a
too
ikks
little.PL
378
Many adjectivals are derived from verb stems. Example 16 shows a verb stem
with stative suffix -i, and 17 shows a stem with lengthened vowel. (More examples are
given below in 21-23).
16. pap'skimishyu
pap'sk-i mishyu
pierce-STAT ear
'pierced ears'
17. kniip iw{nsh
'shameful man' (from verb knip- 'overindulge, overeat')
8.2.1 Adjectives
There is a word class 'adjective' in Ichishkiin. Adjectives are very noun-like in
their behavior; criteria given below distinguish nouns from adjectives. Rigsby and Rude
write that adjectives are distinguishable from nouns on "weak syntactic criteria" as they
precede a head noun and agree with it in number and case (1996, 681). Jacobs notes
similarities between adjectives and nouns: "they are felt as either one or the other
according to context and temporary function" (1931,244). As discussed in section 5.7, a
noun modifier can hold all the referential properties of a noun and occur as the sole
379
element in a noun phrase; therefore both nouns and adjectives can function as the head of
anNP.
Adjectives can be case-marked to agree with a noun. 74
18. kush naktu~ksha pataymunt hawlQaknik tiichamknik
ku= nash naktu~-sha pataymunt hawlaak-knik tiicham-knik
and =lSg bring.back-IMPV information heavenly-ABL land-ABL
'and I am bringing back news from that holy place'
Nouns modifying other nouns are also typically marked for case; examples are in 3 and 4
above.
As was discussed in 5.5, word order in NP's is typically modifier-noun, but this
can vary. Word order does not distinguish adjectives from nouns.
Some of the derivational processes that operate on nouns apply as well to
adjectives, and the resulting form is used as a noun or adjective (addressed in 5.2). For
example, the suffix -nut is added to nouns to yield the meaning without X or one who
does not have X, as in taalanut 'penniless, without money' from taala 'dollar'. Verbs can
be derived by the same process from both nouns, as in sitkumsaani- 'eat lunch' from
sitkumsaan noon'; and adjectives, as in kw'shimi- 'misbehave' from kw'shim 'stubborn,
mischievous' (see 5.3). Adjectives and nouns are used in copular constructions,
discussed in 3.8.1. Some adjectives and some nouns undergo reduplication or partial
reduplication to indicate plural, as shown for adjectives in 19.
19. kaatnam kkaatnam
'long' Sg/PI
74 The Columbia River dialects may exhibit more case-marking agreement on adjectives than Yakima (Noel
Rude p.c.). Demonstratives and possessive pronouns have case forms, and these agree with case marked
nouns, as seen in example 8.
380
chmuk chchmuk
'black' Sg/Pl
nch'i nch'(nch'i
'big' Sg/Pl.
ch~aw chch~aw
'fat' Sg/Pl
A few criteria do differentiate nouns and adjectives. The comparative and
superlative affixes, in section 8.2.6, are used with adjectives but not nouns (nor are they
applied to all adjectives). The adverbs payu 'very' (in example X) and waawk'a 'too'
(example 15 above) are used with adjectives but not nouns.
Some adjectives - but no nouns - can take the instrumental case suffix -ki to yield
adverbs.
20. nch'i
'loud, big'
iway
'soft, quiet
xtuw(t
'strength'
nch'(ki
'loudly'
iwayki
'softly, quietly'
xtuw(tki
'with strength, strongly'
Finally, the nominal suffixes -~ush and -k'a (see 5.4 for a list of these suffixes)
differentiate nouns and adjectives in my limited data. -~ush is not used on adjectives. The
nominal suffix -k'a when used with an adjective can intensify the meaning (waaw-k'a
'very dry'). On nouns (and referring adjectives) it means 'also, next, now'.
381
8.2.2 Adjectivals derived from verbs
A large number of adjectival forms are derived from verbs. The first process to be
discussed here adds a stative suffix -i to a verb root to derive a participial form. This is a
productive process for intransitive and transitive verbs, and the resulting forms are used
as adjectives and adverbs.
21. s~i~-
'be angry, mad'
fkap-
'be lazy, sleepy'
pcishwi-
'be worth'
chciwiinknik-
'wrap around'
skuuli
'attend school'
s~i~ni
'angry'
fkcipni
'lazy'
pcishwini
'valuable'
chciwiinkniki
'wrapped'
skuulyi
'be educated'
The form of the suffix is affected by the final vowel of the root and n-verb or
zero-verb status, although there is variation. For verbs ending in a or u or n-verbs ending
in a consonant or i the suffix is -ni; for zero-verbs ending in a consonant it is -i; for zero-
verbs ending in i it is -yi. Verb stem classes do not reliably predict the final forms of
words, as was discussed in 2.10. There are exceptions to these generalizations of what
stems and affixes go together. In particular, consonant-final stems do not always maintain
the distinction and may be formed with stative suffix -i even though they take past tense -
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na. In addition, some u-final stems and C-final stems (particularly velar and uvular final?)
are recorded with -yi. 7S
Another set of adjectivals is derived from change of state stems. These stems were
discussed in 4.3.3. The adjectival is formed through a process of ablaut in which the root
vowel is lengthened. The examples below show the root bolded as part of a verb stem,
and then in the corresponding adjectival form.
22. cha~ilp- ~aalpl ~liip
'open' 'opened'
chatpni tplin
'spread out' 'smooth'
(tkw'k- tk'wlik
'straighten' 'straight'
Ila?fYawi- ~yaaw
'dry' 'dry'
{kldmi- kaakim
'fill up' 'full'
pak'ink- k'aank
'block with hand' 'blocked'
/ h' chaa~wac ~-
'split, break with axe' 'split'
wap'g- p'aak
'break open' 'burst'
twapxw /paaxw
'scatter with long implement' 'scattered'
chati'ik- tf'aak
'break apart' 'broken'
75 Consonant-final stems often disregard n-stem or zero-stem status when the habitual suffix is added, see
discussion in 2.11 and 3.3.4)
383
Ifthe vowel in the root is barred i or a, or ifthere is no vowel, a appears in the adjectival
form. The tirst three examples include long vowel ii. In the first, there is a speed
difference, with ?{liip describing something that opened abruptly or quickly, faster than
?{aalp. The next is presumably metathesis. I have no explanation for the third at this point.
Some roots with long vowels show a derivation in which a repeated vowel and
glottal stop are added, so that and aa becomes a'cia, ii becomes i'{i. These roots are not all
change of state stems.
23. ts'iitts'iit-
'wink'
chcitfiip-
'chipped'
shapcilsw'iish-
'spread'
ldam-
'disappear'
ts'i'{it
'winking or one eyed'
ti'i'lipni
'chipped'
lsw'i '{ish
'melted (as fat or butter),
la'dam
'faded, worn away'
Patterns of some form of stem ablaut and/or vowel lengthening are found in other
Penutian languages, including Maiduan and Yokutsan languages, Miwok, Alsea,
Takelma and Klamath (like Ichishkiin, Plateau Penutian). This wide distribution is is
potentially a feature ofproto-Penutian (DeLancey and Golla 1997); the data presented
here support that hypothesis.
8.2.3 Adjectivals derived from nouns
The processes used to derive adjectivals from nouns are the same as those that
derive adjectivals from verbs. With nouns, the use seems to be limited to just a few
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examples, in contrast to the productive stative verbal suffix and the large set of forms
demonstrating ablaut.
Adjectivals derived from nouns with the suffix -i yield the meaning 'having X'.
24. timna timnayi
'heart' 'wise, thoughtful'
waptas waptasyi
'wing' 'winged, angel'
A handful adjectival and adverbial forms are derived from nouns and adjectives
through ablaut, as in ikw'i 'day', tlikw'i 'all day'; ti'aap 'low water, shallow' ti'a'aap
'shallow'.
8.2.4 Quantifiers
A set of quantifiers modify nouns or stand alone. Some are given in example 25.
25. ila~
kuti'k, kuts'k
kwit
milaa
naamin
palalaay
ttuush
ts'aa~i
'many, much' inanimate (Columbia River ~lak)
'shared amount, a piece of something' (kuts'k 'small piece')
'same amount'
'few, a little bit'
'whole thing, all'
'lots, an abundant amount'
'some'
'enough (literally near again)'
385
8.2.5 Colors
Color telms are given in 26. Several ofthese are derived from another, for
example a long vowel a serves to indicate a lighter or less intense color, as in chmuk
'black' to chmaakw 'grey' .76 Diminutives are also used, as in ch' (diminutive) / ts' in red
to brown and kh and i/sh in orange to yellow.
26. chmuk 'black'
chmaakw ,grey'
kuy?; ,white' (animate)
luts'a ,red'
luch'aa 'brown, reddish brown'
lumt 'blue'
lamt ,purple'
mikH 'orange'
mikaai 'orangish'
mi?;ish ,yellow, yellow-brown'
mi?;ishpyat ,green'
plash ,white (not animate)'
plaash 'light in color, pale'
As noted in 3.10.4.2, some color terms take the genitive suffix -(n)m{ to indicate a noun
made of something that color, as in mi?;ishm{ 'gold' from mi?;ish 'yellow'.
A number oftelms (in addition to chmaakw 'grey', chmuk 'black' and kuy?; 'white)
are used to refer to different patterns and colors of horses.77 These terms are for the most
part derived or recruited, for example kawxkawx 'palomino' from kawx 'bright, shiny',
76 Blue to purple may also be an example of this, although the vowel is not long.
77 Virginia Beavert and Regan Anderson compiled this list.
386
tamtl'aki 'paint' from tcimatf'ak- 'patch', shukawaakuf 'bluish-white' from shuka-waakuf
'sugar-resembling' .
27. kawxkawx 'palomino'
kaashkaash/pa'ax 'buckskin'
lilawlilaw 'bay with white belly'
Iuch'a
maamin
patkw'iikwi
patfumxi
shiw{wshiwiw
shkw'{ishkw'i
shukawaakuf
takawaakuf
tamtf'aki
tuktuk utpaas
'brown/red bay'
'appaloosa (spots only on rump)'
'buckskin with dark back stripe, horse with a straight blaze'
'boldface'
'chesnut sorrel'
'liver color sorrellbrown'
'like sugar (bluish-white, white mane and white eyes)'
'light brown horse with black markings, such as black stripe
down back and spider web stockings'
'paint'
'leopard appaloosa (spots all over)'
8.2.6 Comparative, superlative, 'too' 'very'
The comparative prefix mayk- and superlative suffix -t~aw are added to
adjectives.
28. kaatnam maykkaatnam kaatnamt~aw
'long, tall' 'a little longer' 'longest'
nch'i mayknch'{ nch'{t~aw
'big' 'a little bigger' 'biggest'
mayk- amd -t~aw are also used in comparative constructions with the genitive and dative
suffix -m(yaw.
29. iwa maykk'ptiuf inm(yaw
i-wa mayk-k'ptiuf
3Sg.S-COP COMP-short
'he's shorter than me'
inmfyaw
ISg.PN.GEN.DAT
387
With superlative -t~aw, the meaning in 30 is that both are equally large.
30. iwa kaatnamt~aw pyushm(yaw
iwa kaatnam-t~aw
3Sg.S-COP long-SUP
'it's as long a snake' 78
pyush-m(yaw
snake-GEN.DAT
The adverbs payu 'very' (in the following example) and waawk'a 'too ' (example 15
above) are used with adjectivals.
31. iwei it'tik, payu it'tik
i-wei it'tik,
3Sg.S-COP difficult
'it's hard, very hard'
payu it'tik
very difficult
We will see these same forms in the following discussion of adverbials.
8.3. Adverbials
A number of adverbials add semantics of time, direction and manner, modifying
verbs, adjectives, and other adverbials. The discussion here is based on semantics rather
than unifying syntactic features; Ichishkiin does not have a unified well-defined class of
adverbs. Direction and manner are often indicated within the verb stem itself, as
discussed in Chapter 5. Many forms related to the demonstratives, as discussed in 3.10.4,
indicate time and direction, such as (chiini 'towards here' kumeink 'since then'.
The following examples show temporal, location/direction and manner adverbs.
78 The genitive typically would only precede a human dative argument, but in these comparative
constructions it is required on animals and inanimates as well. These are elicited examples.
32. pUia it~ana~a w(yat im(ti
pUia i-t~ana-~a
wild.turnip 3Sg.S-become-HAB
'pUia grows deep into the ground'
w(yat
far. away
im(ti
downward
388
33. Ayat mlimi~ash it~anana shapatu~ni
ayat mlimi=~ash i- t~ana -na shapa-tu~-ni
woman 10ng.ago=MOD 3Sg.S-become-PST CADS-return -STAT
'Apparently this woman was sent back (lit. became returned) long ago'
34. saakli79 pawashashana
saakli pa-washa-shana
in.a.circle 3Pl.S-ride-IMPV-PST
'they were circling around'
Adjectivals and adverbials share properties and many modifiers can be used to
specify either nouns or verbs. Both of the modifiers below in 35 are derived forms, the
first a variant of tkw'iik in example 22, and the second the stative form of sapkitwa-
'organize, keep attention on'. The derived forms could be used to modify nouns. Here,
they modify the predicate.
35. tkw'likw sapkitwani pa'a~anaykta
tkw'likw sapkitwa-ni pa-aw~anayk-ta
straight organize-STAT 3Pl.S-line.up-FUT
'they are to stand carefully arranged in a straight line'
Example 36 shows the adjective maiaa 'clean' used to modify a verb.
36. maMa panishaatwa
maMa pa-nishaatwa
clean 3Pl.S-live.HAB
'they live cleanly' (a clean life)
The comparative and superlative suffixes are used with adverbs, as they are with
adjectives, seen in 8.2.6.
79 This form is another example of ablaut, from root skli- as in wlisklik- 'spin in a circle'.
389
37. maykkitu
mayk-kttu
COMP-fast
'Faster! '
The adverbials payu 'very' and waawk'a 'too', seen with adjectivals above, are also used
to modify verbs.
38. awku chaw pawyakwshtikta waawk'a
awkU chaw pa-wyakwshtik-ta waawk'a
then NEG 3Pl.S-do.wrong-FUT too.much
'Then they will not do wrong too much'
39. payu~aash atawishana natI1asnim
payu=~a=sh atawi-sha-na natI1as-nim
very=MOD=lSg love-IMPV-PST myMoFa -SAP>3.ERG
'My grandfather must really love me'
Some adverbs are derived from adjectives with instrumental suffix -ki, as seen
above, but the process is not applicable to all adjectives. Unlike adjectives, adverbs are
not marked for case or number, and can only be affixed with the freer of the nominal
suffixes -~i 'same', -sim 'only', -k'a 'also, again' (see 5.4 for more on these suffixes).
There is a class ofmodal adverbials that often occur in sentence-initial position
(patterning with negative marker chaw) and 1expect that further investigation will
identify them as a word class or subclass, as well as identify more members. They add
notions of ability and likelihood. Similar meanings are indicated by the modal enclitics,
discussed in the following section.
40. miski/{iki 'barely, hardly'
miski/1iki nash tkw'anati~a
miski/1iki =nash tkw'anati-~a
barely =lSG walk-HAB
'I can hardly walk'
390
41. haay 'must'
haay inawnag'ita
haay i-nawnag'i-ta
must 3Sg.S-finish-FUT
's/he has to finish it'
42. huuy 'unable to, in vain'
Pat huuy awita?{shi?{ana.
=pat huuy aw-{ta?{shi-?{a-na
=3PL>3 in.vain 30-wake.up-HAB-PST
'They could not wake her'
43. tawnaapak'a 'supposedly'
tawnaapak'a na?{shmun iw{nsh iwyachika kwnak
tawnaapak'a n6.?{sh-mun iw{nsh i-wydchik-a
supposedly one-when man 3Sg.S-arrive-PST
'Supposedly one man arrived there'
44. paysh 'maybe'
ku mish mash paysh wyant?{awnta
ku mish =mash paysh wyant?{awn-ta
and Q =lSg>2Sg maybe pick.up-FUT
'and maybe I will pick you up'
45. laak 'perhaps'
laak nam chciwmun asam?{nata
laak =nam chciwmun a-sam?{na-ta
perhaps =32Sg never 30-talk.to-FUT
'Maybe you will never converse with him'
kwnak
that.LOC
paysh 'maybe' and laak 'perhaps' both indicate possibility. paysh is used in more contexts
than laak. laak may be more speculative, although this is not certain. Sometimes both are
used, perhaps for emphasizing uncertainty.
46. Aw nash paysh laak mish kunk{nk m{ta.
Aw =nash paysh laak mish
now =lSg maybe perhaps Q
'Maybe I can do something about that'
kunklnk m{-ta.
that.INST do-FUT
391
47. paysh laak iwci wiwnuwaash
paysh laak i-wci wiwnuwaash
maybe perhaps 3Sg.S-COP huck1eberry.patch
'Maybe it is a huckleberry patch' (it's hard to see in the distance)
paysh 'maybe' also can mean 'if in combined clauses. laak does not function in this way.
48. Chaw nam tuun cik'inuta paysh nam xwyakcii wisalcitita
chaw =nam tuun ci-k'inu-ta paysh =nam xwyak-cii
NEG=2Sg what.OBJ 30-see-FUT if=2Sg sweat-PRIV
'You will see nothing if you (will) hunt without sweating'
wisalciti-ta
hunt-FUT
8.4. Modal enclitics
A set of second position enclitics express evidentiality, contrast and mirativity.
Following Jacobs (1931) I am calling these modal enclitics. They are not grammatically
obligatory in any situation.
Examples are given here for the forms in Table 8.1. Of these, the functions of the
first three are more readily described; the last forms are less clear. Some of these may
represent different dialectal versions of the 'same' meaning, and the specific meanings
are difficult to pin down.
TABLE 8.1. MODAL ENCLITICS
=akut
=xash, =~asht~
=tya
=~at, =xat,
=at, =~a
hearsay
evidently
rather, on the other hand
doubt, amazement
392
Of these, ==tya 'rather' can occur before a second position pronominal enclitic; the
others follow. The hearsay marker is the last, if more than one enclitic is used.
The first examples below include modal enclitics with a more-easily described
meaning: ==akut 'hearsay'; ==~ash 'evidently' and ==tya 'rather, on the other hand'.
49. ku huuy yakUt ishapeiwuukshana na'(tasaan
ku huuy ==akut i-shapei-wuuksha-a na'lias-aan
and in.vain-MOD 3Sg.S-CAUS-stay.back-PST my.mother-OBJ
'and they say he could not make my mother stay home'
The hearsay marker is used both as in 49 above to report events, as in 'they said X
happened' and also as more of a quotative: 'slbe said X', as in the following example.
50. mlinakut iWlnasha
miin ==akut i-wlna-sha
where.ALL=MOD 3Sg.S-go-IMPV
'where did he say he was going?'
The enclitic =~ash does not imply that an event was witnessed, only that the
speaker is drawing a conclusion about something.
51. (kush~ash awku iwei ti'eia~pa minein tiicheimpa
lkush==~ash awku i-wei ti'eia~-pa
thus=MOD then 3Sg.S-COP all-LOC
'this is the way it must be over all the country'
minein
where.LOC
tiicheim-pa
land-LOC
52. SpilyeiY:'5-ash (chi (kush ikuya!
SpilyaY==:'5-ash (chi {kush i-ku-ya
Coyote=must this thus 3Sg.S-do-PST
'Spilyeiy must have done this'
=~ash combines with =t~ 'doubt, amazement'.
53. kU~asht~ peiykna hawleiakchi
ku==~ash=t~ pei-y{k-na hawleiak-chi
and=MOD=MOD INV-hear-PSY spirit-INST
'He must have heard them with his powers'
393
54. {kush~asht~tash awku aak iku~ana ~a~{shnim
lKush==~ash==t~==tash awku aak i-ku-~a-na ~a~{sh-nim
thus=MOD=MOD=IPL.EXC then that 3Sg.S-do-HAB-PST ~~{sh-3>3.ERG
'That's what ~a~{shmust have done to us'
==~ash could be a composite of a modal enclitic =~a and first person ==nash (which reduces
to =sh), as a form =~a is found before other clitics in the Jacobs materials, as in the
following.
55. aw~anam wyanawi
aw=~a=nam wyanawi
now=MOD=2Sg arrive
'now maybe you have arrived (MJ37:12.10.2)
56. eiw~aash wlinch'ushana
aw=~a=ash wli-nch'u-shana
now=MOD=2Sg wii-sleep-IMPV-PST
'I may have been going to sleep' (MJ29:233:9)
However, =~ash is used with second and third person as well as first person in my data.
=tya indicates a contrast from the expected, and can be translated 'rather, only, on
the other hand'.
57. cheiwtyamash weiwk'asha, eiwtyamash tlip'~sha
chaw=tya=mash w6.wk'a-sha aw=tya=mash tlip'~-sha
NEG=MOD=ISG>2SG be.angry-IMPV now=MOD=lSG>2SG remind-IMPV
'I'm not angry with you, I'm only reminding you'
Although the example above states both sides of a contrast, this is not necessary.
58. Spilyeiytya iwei
Spilyeiy=tya
Coyote=MOD
'It's only Coyote'
i-wei
3Sg.S-COP
A lexicalized form kutya 'but, on the other hand' is formed of ku 'and' and =tya.
394
59. palalaay t(inma pawacha kutya tal~ (~wi
palalaay tlin-ma pa-wachci kutya tal~ (xwi
many person-PL 3Pl.S-COP.PST but empty still
'there were lots of people but it was not crowded'
Additional forms in the table above all based on the segments t, ?{, and a and could
be dialectal alternations. They add mirative meanings of wonder, surprise, and doubt.
60. tunat iwa?
tun =at i-wa
what=MOD 3Sg.S-be
'whatever could it be?
61. Mish?{atash kwmak pawaplitata?
mish=?{a=tash kwmak
Q=MOD=IPl.EXC that.PL
'Might those ones help us?'
pa-waplita-ta
3Pl.S-help-FUT
62. kciapt=?{a=na wata
k' ,aapt=?{a=na wata
crowded=MOD=lPl.EXC be-FUT
'We will be crowded in'
The question form mish?{it is translated as '1 wonder', and is perhaps an old form affected
by vowel harmony, or a combination of nominal enclitic -?{i 'same' with the modal =at.
63. Mish?{it itmfyusha
mish?{it itmfyusha
Q=MOD 3Sg.S-plan-1MPV
'1 wonder what he is planning?'
Jacobs (1931, 128) lists additional forms of modal enclitics with the same segments that
express degrees of certainty, including -a2{ 'wish, desire'; Virginia Beavert recognizes
some ofthese forms, but does not use them. At this point in the language, the productive
and most used modal enclitics are those that indicate hearsay or reported speech (=akut); a
speaker's assessment of the likelihood something happened or will happen (=xash) and a
contrast (=tya).
395
CHAPTER IX
CLAUSE COMBINING
9.1. Introduction
This chapter surveys the grammatical strategies for combining clauses in
Ichishkiin. Included here are:
Coordination of two fully finite clauses
Subordination using ana-
Nominalization using nominalizer-t
A fourth strategy is morphological. As discussed earlier, morphemes within the
verb theme indicate causation (shapa-, seen in section 4.2.3) and aspectual/ modal notions
'start' (-uy, k'ay, discussed in 4.2.4, 'finish'(-nak'i, see 4.4), and 'want to'; 'go in order
to '(-(t)at'a, -ata, covered in 4.2.5). In addition, Section 8.3 introduced modal adverbial
particles indicating necessity and ability. These include rniskiliiki 'barely, hardly'; huuy
'unable to, in vain'; haay 'must'.
A review of what constitutes a finite verb is relevant to the following discussion.
A finite verb shows subject, object and possessor agreement in the form of 3rd person
verb prefixes and! or SAP second position clitics. It has tense/aspect suffixes (recall that
present perfect can be unmarked on verbs ending in a vowel, see 3.3.5). Subjects
396
expressed with an overt noun are unmarked or have ergative case markers -nim '3>SAP.
ERG' or -in '3>3.ERG'. Noun suffixes also indicate objects (-nan) and possessors
(-(n)m(-).
The discussion here begins with relative clauses and adverbials of time, manner,
location, and reason. These are formed using subordinator ana- , which joins two
otherwise finite clauses. We then tum to nominalized complements, and then to the
strategy used for direct quotes and most verbs of perception and cognition, the
coordination of two finite clauses. Coordination is also used with conditional clauses and
to express relationships of time and cause; a discussion of particles in narrative ends this
chapter.
9.2. Subordinator ana-
Subordination and relativization are expressed with the prefix ana-. There is no
difference in the coding ofrelative clauses vs. adverbials of time, manner, location, or
reason. Interrogativelindefinite pronouns and demonstratives in their various case forms
attach to ana. ana is not stressed; word level stress lands on whatever follows. The
demonstratives that are used in forming subordinate clauses are typically those with the
base kw 'that' rather than ch 'this'; demonstratives also have forms that are not related to
the noun case system (such as {kwtink 'of that kind'; kw'ink, kw'pink 'that aforementioned',
see 3.10.4). These also are used with ana-.
The subordinator always appears first in the subordinated clause; its order is
invariant, even though much of Ichishkiin word order is not fixed. The clause structure of
397
the phrase following ana- is completely finite. Only the particle identifies the clause as
subordinate. The subordinated clause can precede or follow the main clause. In the
examples below, I am indenting the second line for readability only. The indentation does
not indicate the main versus dependent clause.
Very common forms are anaku 'when' (ku 'and', so') and anakwncik 'where'
(kwnak 'there').
1. anakU ts'ciak'a pavryancivrya Nch'iwcinayaw Wish~aamfpa, Asumyciy inukshya chfishnan
ana-ku ts'cia-k'a pavryanciwi-ya Nch'iwcina-yaw
REL-and near-also 3Pl.S-arrive-PST Columbia.River-DAT
Wish~aam-mfpa, Asumyciy i-nukshi-ya chfish-nan
Wis~am-GEN.LOC Eel 3Sg.S-smell-PST water-OBJ
'When they arrived near the Columbia at Wish~am, Asumyciy smelled the water' 80
2. anakU pcipavryapaana na Was ku natutas
ana-ku pcipa-vrycipaa-na naWas
REL-and RCP-separate-PST my.mother
ku natutas
and my.father
kush awku ishapcittawa~na .Ka~fshnim
ku =nash awkU i-shapci-ttciwa~-na .Ka~{sh-nim
and-ISG THEN 3Sg.S-CAUS-grow-PST Xaxish- ERG
'When my mother and father separated, .Ka~fsh raised me'
anaku can imply a causal relationship as well as a temporal one.
3. chaw~i f~i pa'citshama,
chaw~i f~i pa-at-sha-m-a
not.yet still 3Pl.S-go.out-IMPV-CSL-PST
anakU f~i iwachci k'pfs
ana-ku (~i i-wacha k'pfs
REL-and still 3Sg.S-COP.PST cold
'They weren't yet coming out, since it was still cold'
80 The word ts'aa 'near' occurs with the dative case on the location referenced, as in this example.
Therefore the case marking of the two locations does not match.
398
anaku also is seen within connected speech as a particle that does not connect a
main and subordinate clause, and this will be covered more fully below.
anakwnak 'where' is seen in 4 introducing an adverbial clause in the first line,
then in the third line, the demonstrative form kwnak 'there' is used. The third line below
is a completely finite clause; the first is not.
4. ku (chnayakut awku anakwnak (chi iwa tawn,
ku (chna=yakut awku ana-kwnak {chi
and this-LOC=MOD then SUB-there this
iwan(ksha Tapnish,
i-wanzK-sha Tapnish,
3Sg.S-be.named-IMPV
iwa
3Sg.S-COP
tawn,
town
kwnak awku iwacha nch 'iii patat
kwnak awku i-wacha nch'iii patat
there then 3Sg.S-COP.PST big tree
'and here, they say, where this town is, it's called Toppenish, there there was a
great big tree'
Indefinite pronouns with ana are illustrated in 5 through 8.
5. ku pawat'a~ana
ku pa-wat'a-~a-na
and INV-strike-HAB-PST
anamli kw'pink awacha ititamani wyakwshtikt
ana-mit kw'pink a-wacha ititama-ni wyakwshtlK-t
REL-how.many aforementioned 30-COP.PST count-STAT do.wrong-NZR
'And he would switch them as many times as the aforementioned had misdeeds.'
6. iwishtu~in~ana
i-wishtu~-in~a-na
3Sg-retum.to.camp-HAB-PST
anaminlk iwishachik~ana tkwatat wak'(tatat
ana-minik i-wishachik-~a-na tkwatat wak'(t-ata-t
REL-where.ABL 3Sg.S-camp-HAB-PST food look.for-PRP-NZR
'he would return from where he had camped to look for food'
7. Uyt ipa~nan ayatma patamanii~a chiishyaw
uyt ipa~-nan ayat-ma pa-tamanii-~a
first deer.hide-OBJ woman-PL 3Pl.S-throw.in.water-HAB
mitaat uu piniipt fkw'i, anamcfaltya,
mitaat uu piniipt fkw'i ana maal=tya
three or four day SUB-how.1ong-instead
399
chiish-yaw
water-DAT
anamun lawlaw ts'wii~ it~anata twak'aatki.
anamun lawlaw ts'wii~ i-t~ana-ta twak'aatk-i
SUB-when fur easy 3Sg.S -happen-FUT scrape-STAT
'First the women put the hide in water for three or four days, however long, until
the time when the fur will be easy to scrape'
8. anash{n iwilaalakwta pinmikInk tmiyutki
ana-shin i-wilaalakw-ta pinmikInk tmiyu-t-ki
SUB-who 3Sg.S-outrace-FUT 3Sg.PN.INST plan-NZR-INST
awku kushk iwata
awku kushk i-wa-ta
then wilmer 3Sg.S-COP-FUT
'Whoever comes up with the best plan (to create a night) will be the winner.'
Case roles within the subordinate clause can be indicated by the pronouns used. In the
following example, the indefinite pronoun is the object form, as it is the 0 of the main
clause.
9. ku kuuk awkU asimrya
ku kuuk awkli
and now then
a-sinwi-ya
30-say-PST
anamun sapsikw'at inaktukinma.
ana-tuun sapsikw'a-t i-naktu~-inm-a
SUB-what-OBJ teach-NZR 3Sg.S-carry.back-CSL-PST
'that's when he spoke the teaching he brought back'
And, in these examples, the object form of 'those' is used.
400
10. ku awku patamapayshta
ku awkU pa- tamapaysh-ta
and then 3Sg.S-report.on-FUT
anakuunak huuy patala~itksha
ana-kuunak huuy pa-tala~itk-sha
that.OBJ in.vain INV-discipline-IMPV
'And then they will report on that one who is disciplining them in vain.'
Note also that in the above example, the use of the inverse prefix pa- indicates that the
agent of the main clause has become the object of the subordinate clause. The role of this
prefix in argument tracking and switch-reference type functions is addressed in 7.3. In the
example above, it is doing within the subordinate clause what it does in main clauses,
indicating that the A of a preceding clause has become the O.
Ergative forms of subordinators are also used, as in 11. This example includes
ash, a clitic combined with the subordinate particle, discussed below. There is no y ct
person prefix on (ya~i 'find' because the verb is vowel-initial.
11. iti'yawya ayat
i-ti'yawi-ya
3Sg.S-die-PST
ayat
woman'
ash kwtnim (ya~na
a=sh kwtnim (y~-na
SUB=lSg that.3>SAP.ERG find-PST
'that woman died, (the one) who found me'
The subordinator anakush is formed with {kush I kush 'thus, that way'. It is used in
relative clauses, as in 12, and in a relative clause means 'like' or 'in that way'.
12. ku kwnak awku pawishaynaka
ku kwnak awku pa-wishciynak-a
and that.LOC then 3Pl.S- move.in-PST
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anakush pimanaknuwya kwnak
anakush pima-naknuwi-ya kwnak
SUB-thus RFL.PL-take.care.of -PST that.LOC
'and they moved in there, in that way they took care of themselves'
In most cases anakush is not part of a subordinate clause but serves as a particle
meaning 'like' or 'as'. And, sometimes it serves as a filler. It does not have a
grammatical function in all clauses, and speakers are surprised to see afterwards that it is
occurs so often in their speech. This non-subordinating function is seen in the examples
below, in which there is only one finite verb.
13. kush awkU atmaaknanisha pinak awtni anakUsh t~anat
ku=nash awkU a-tmaak-ani-sha
and =lSg then 30-respect-APPL-IMPV
pinak awtni anakush t~ana-t
3Sg.PN.OBJ holy anakush become-NZR
'and I respect her holy event'
14. Ku pam anakUsh tlinma pak'{nuta.
ku =pam anakush tlin -ma pa-k'inu-ta
and=2PI anakush person-PL 3Pl.S-see-FUT
'and people will see you'
If a relative clause includes an SAP as subject, object or possessor, the SAP clitic
attaches directly to the relative particle, which reduces to a-. These combinations are then
phrase-initial and so the clitic retains its second position placement. The syllables are
stressed (or not stressed) very evenly, and phonologically attach to the following element.
These forms are in Table 9.1, followed by examples.
402
TABLE 9.1. SUBORDINATING PARTICLE WITH SAP CLITICS
lSg
1Pl.EXC
1Pl.INC
2Sg
2Pl
lSg>2Sg,
2Sg possessor
1>2 E/B.PL
2P1 possessor
15. anam dk'{nusha pchish
a==nam d-k'{nu-sha pchish
SUB=2Sg 30-see-IMPV door
ash
ana
atash
anam
apam
amash
amatash
kwnak natash skuulisha
kwnak==natash skuuli-sha
that.LOC=1PL.EXC go.to.schoo1-IMPV
'where you see a door, there we are going to school'
A demonstrative or pronoun can be used in the relative clause to highlight the relativized
argument, which is not necessarily the SAP.
16. ku matash {chi sdpsikw'ash awkidw
ku ==matash {chi sdpsikw'a-sh awkidw
and 1>2.E/B.Pl this teach-PPF enough
ash kwnak ink ttciwa~na nishdyktpa
a==sh kwnak ink ttdwa~-na nishdykt-pa
SUB=lSG that.LOC lSg.PN grow-PST dwelling.LOC
'I'm only teaching you this much, where I grew up' (what I learned where I grew up)
403
17. panim {kw'ak ittt ash wata nimf
pa-ni-m {kw'ak itit a=sh wa-ta nim{
INV-give-CSL that teeth SUB=ISG COP-FUT 1Sg.PN.GEN
'give me those teeth which will be mine' (MJ37:12.7.2)
Both Jacobs (1931) and Rude (1988b) give the form apat for the third person plural,
based on the clitic pat; Virginia Beavert accepts Jacobs' examples but I do not find apat
in text data. The third person plural forms use the demonstrative, as in example 10 above,
or the subject pronouns, as seen in 21 below.
The words formed of ana plus clitic also are hortatives. They are addressed here
due to structural similarity and for the sake of completeness; I am not suggesting that
hortatives are subordinated clauses. The combination of subordinate marker ana and the
clitic remain the first element of the sentence. The verb has a present perfect or future
suffix.
18. amash wapfita
amash wapfita
SUB=1Sg.2Sg help(PPF)
'let me help you'
19. ash inch'ak'a ash
ash inch'ak 'a
SUB=ISg ISg.PN-next
'let me enter next'
ash(PPF)
enter
To express hortative, the forms amash, amatash are used for 2 Sg and 2 Pl rather than
anam and apam. 81
81 These forms also indicate second person possessors. The hortative is another domain where the forms
=mash and =matash reference 2nd person only. For a discussion of person coding in SAP transitive
scenarios, see 7.2.
20. amash ay{kta
a=mash
SUB=1Sg.2Sg
'Sit down'
ay(kta
sit-FUT
404
Today's speakers use commands fonned with verbal suffix -k or the future tense with the
2Sg clitics more often than the hortative. The full form of the subordinate particle and the
third person subject pronouns form the hortative for third person. Note here that there is
third person agreement on the verb.
21. anapink iw{nata
ana-pink i-w{na-ta
SUB-3Sg.PN 3Sg.S-go-FUT
'let him go'
9.3. Complement clauses
Verbal complements are clauses that function as subject or object arguments of
other clauses. Givan (2001) divides direct object complements into three classes based on
the semantics of the main verb. Modality verbs (such as fin ish, start. be obliged to)
indicate the aspectual or modal action, state, or attitude of the subject in relation to the
subordinate verb. These have co-reference restrictions; the subject of the main and
complement clauses must be the same (equi-subject). Manipulative verbs (make, cause,
force) code events where the subject of the main verb influences or attempts to influence
the actions of another entity. The complement clause codes the event that is to be done.
These have equi-object conditions; the notional subject of the complement verb is the
objectlmanipulee of the main verb. Perception/cognition/utterance (peU) verbs (such as
see, hear, know) code a mental state or event ofperception or cognition, or a verbal act of
405
utterance. peD verbs do not have subject restrictions. The subjects of the main and
complement clauses mayor may not be the same.
Giv6n's (2001) scale of event integration argues that if a language has multiple
complementation strategies, the degree of syntactic integration of the main and
complement clauses will mirror the semantic integration of the coded events; the
syntactic complexity that arises as clauses are embedded inside one another is a natural
outcome of human perception of nested, interrelated events. The most semantically
integrated events, where complement and main verb conspire to describe a single event,
should be the most syntactically integrated as well. This is in part dependent on the range
of complementation coding devices available in the language. Any language with two or
more strategies that exhibit a difference in finiteness will sub-divide the scale, but the
number of strategies a given language will have or the place at which the coding break
will occur are not predicted.
At the top of the integration scale for manipulative verbs is successful
(implicative) manipulation, coding two co-spatial, co-temporal events in which the
subject of the main clause controls the actions ofthe manipulated subject of the
complement clause. Very tight cohesion is expected with modality verbs expressing
accomplishment or attempt. The complement clauses that are most finite and independent
syntactically should be those that code events that are considered distinct from the event
of the main verb. Accordingly, peD verbs fall at the bottom of Giv6n' s scale of event
integration. The very loosest semantic and syntactic cohesion is expected to be seen with
406
direct quotes, which have no coreference restrictions and need not have deictic or
temporal conditions joining the two clauses.
In Ichishkiin, we see morphological strategies for some of those events highest on
this integration scale. These were discussed earlier; examples are included here for
reference. Causation (successful manipulation) is expressed with verbal prefix shapa-,
and was addressed in 4.2.3.
22. tkush awlai pashapa'anya
tkush awku pa-shapd- ant-ya
thus then INV-CAUS-make-PST
'that is how he had them make it'
Verb suffixes indicate 'want to' and 'go in order to'(seen in 4.2.5).
23. iwinatat'ashana Piiti'inkan
i-wtna-tdt'a-sha-na Piiti'in-kan
3Sg.S-go-DES-IMPV-PST Portland-ALL
's/he wanted to go to Portland'
24. Aw na awakitatasha.
aw =na a-waktt-ata -sha
now =lPL.INC 30- look.for -PURP -IMPV
'Let's go look for him'
Aspectuall modal notions of starting and finishing are also part of the verb theme, and
were previously addressed in 4.2.4 and 4.4.
25. pnuwat'ak'ayshanaash
pnu-wat'a-k'ay-sha-na=ash
sleep-DES-start-IMPV-PST=SG
'I was beginning to get sleepy'
26. ikutkutnak'ya
i-kutkut-nak'i-ya
3Sg.S-work-finish-PST
'she finished her work'
407
Ability and necessity are expressed as adverbial particles. A list of these adverbial forms
is found in 8.3.
27. huuynash apak'inksh pchishnan
huuy=nash a-pak'ink -sh
in.vain=lSG 30- close-PPF
'I could not close the door'
pchish -nan
door-OBJ
We see strategies that use a single verb with particles or verb-internal morphology to
code the highest points on Giv6n's (2001) scale of event integration. We now turn to
nominalization as a means of clause combining.
9.3.1. Nominalized clauses
Ichishkiin uses a non-finite nominalization strategy to combine clauses. The
nominalizer used is the productive nominalizer -t, seen in 28.
28. sts'aat iwa asht ?JWYachpa
sts'aat i-wa asht
dark 3Sg.S-COP enter-NZR
'It's dark inside the sweathouse'
?JWYach-pa
sweathouse-LOC
The nominalized verb can be used as the object of tk'i~- 'want, like' as an less-
integrated (and less-often used) alternative to the desiderative suffix above.
29. itk'{~in~a walptaykt
i-tk'{~-in~a walptayk-t
3Sg.S-want-HAB sing-NZR
'S/he wants/likes to sing'
These nominalized forms can be case marked as agents and objects of transitive clauses.
Typically the nominalized forms that are found in these roles are quite lexicalized, as in
the following.
408
30. tamanwitin panapayunsha
tamanwi-t -in pa-napayun -sha
ordain-NZR-3>3.ERG INV-defend-IMPV
'the law defends them'
In an Ichishkiin subordinate clause with a nominalized verb, the nominalized verb
is suffixed by an oblique case marker. The case markers are shown in Table 3.9 on page
141. (The associative and genitive cases indicate core arguments of the verb and are not
used in these constructions. I do not find the allative -kan used in the data I have
collected.) As discussed in section 3.1 0.2, individual case markers cover a range of
meanings and uses. The same range of meanings is found in nominalized complements.
The full range of uses of the case suffixes is not repeated here, simply a shorthand
indication of their typical function in combined clauses.
The next examples present these clauses. Then, I address how arguments of the
main and nominalized verbs are indicated.
benefactive -ay: 'purpose'
31. kutash amchan w{nama tkw'an{ntkw'anintay
ku= natash amchan w{na-m-a
and =lPl.EXC to.outside go-CSL-PST
'and we came outside to walk around'
tkw'an{n-tkw'an{n-t-ay
walk.around-walk.around-NZR-BEN
32. ishapa'atshaatash tun mish w(mitay
i-shapa-at-sha=atash
3Sg-CAUS-go.out-IMPV=lPl.EXC
'She sent us out to do whatever'
tun mish w{-m{-t-ay
what Q DIST-do-NZR-BEN
instrumental -ki 'by means of'
33. ku pnutki awku pashukwaana ti'aapv kw'ink timnana?{t.
ku pnu-t-ki awkti pa-shtikwaa-na ti'aapv kw'ink
and sleep-NZR-INST then 3P1.S-know-PST all aforementioned
'and then, in sleep, they learned all these stories'
timnana?{t
story
34. ashku lciKu~tki haashtki isapapuxani~ana wawnakwshashpa
a=sh-ku la~uy~-t-ki hciash-t-ki
SUB=lSG-and heat.up-NZR-INST breathe-NZR-INST
i-sapapux-ani-~a-nawawnakwshash-pa
3Sg.S-blow-APPL-HAB-PAS body-LOC
'when she blew on my body with heated breath'
409
35. pimanaknuwi~a tamanz'kshki naknuwitki
pima-naknuwi-~a tamanz'ksh-ki
RFL.PL-take.care.of-HAB plant-INSTR
'they made their living by farming'
naknuwi-t-ki
take.care.of-NZR-INSTR
ablative -knik 'from'
The ablative -knik indicates something that has been stopped or prevented.
36. pawyakatuti~ana wishcinatknik
pa-wya-katuti-~a-na wishcina-t-knik
3Pl.S-while.going-stop-HAB-PST move.away-NZR-ABL
'they would stop and rest from traveling'
37. awnash ~awsh~ta ~ycfktknik
aw=nash ~awsh~-ta ~iy6k-t-knik
now=lSg stop-FUT sweat-NZR-ABL
'now I shall cease sweating' (MJ37: 13.7.3)
Locative -pa 'at, while'
iwa it'lik, payu it'uk anakush tamdshwiktpa
i-wa it'uk payu it'uk
3Sg.S-COP difficult very difficult
'and it's hard, very hard to translate'
anakush
like
tamashwik-t-pa
interpret-NZR-LOC
ihuyanakshana pawayktpa
i-huyanak-sh-ana pawayk-t-pa
3Sg.S-sing.1ove.song-IMPV-PST bead-NZR -LOC
'she was singing a love song while beading'
410
dative -yaw 'into'
The dative case has the widest range of meanings, as was discussed in 3.10.2. The
most concrete examples indicate motion into an enclosed space, but it also indicates
nearness to something, trading or price amounts. It is used in comparatives and
ditransitives. It is also the case ending most often found on nominalized verbs in
subordinate clauses when the subject of the main clause and the notional subject of the
nominalized verb are different. This is due to the combined semantics of the verb and
case marker, not an inherent property of the case marker (except in one case, addressed
below). A dative-marked verb is used when the main clause is a verb of perception (when
not expressed with a direct quote, to be addressed below) and the nominalized verb is the
thing perceived; this often entails another animate actor besides the perceiver. -yaw is also
used to indicate a consequence or result, and again, a second human argument is
expected.
The following examples are elicited (except for 41, 42); as is brought up in the
final section, speakers have choices as to how to code events, and often in Ichishkiin
juxtaposition and coordination are used when the same infonnation could be packaged in
a main and dependent clause.
In examples 38-40 below, the S of the main clause and notional S of the
nominalized verb are the same.
38. t~cinanaash wciwyani p~tyaw
t~cina-na=nash wciwya-ni
happen-PST=lSG whip-STAT
'I was whipped for stealing'
pci~i+yaw
steal-NZR-DAT
411
39. wydych'ushaash winanlityaw
wydych'u-sha=nash winanli-t-yaw
fear-IMPV=lSG swim-NZR-DAT
'I'm afraid to swim'
40. kkaasshaash kUukitnak'ityaw
kkaas-sha=nash kuuki-t nak'i-t-yaw
be.in.hurry -IMPV=lSG SG cook-NZR finish-NZR-DAT
'I'm in a hurry to finish cooking'
In one case the markers -yaw and -pa do differentiate whether the subjects of the main
and nominalized clauses are the same or different. Locative pa- is not used to indicate co-
occurring events with different subjects. -yaw is. An overt human (or non-human
topical) object of the main clause is indicated with object marker -nan.
41. pakyuuna Spilydynan pnutyaw
pa-kyuu-na Spilydy-nan pnu-t-yaw
3Pl.S-sneak.up.on Coyote-OBJ sleep-NZR-DAT
'they snuck up on Coyote while he was sleeping'
ay'ay dwisakyuuna kdkyanan tkwatatyaw
ay'ay d-wisdkyuu-na kdkya-nan tkwdta-t-yaw
magpie 30-stalk-PST creature-OBJ eat-NZR-DAT
'the magpie stalked the little creature while it was eating'
42. fkush iwilcialakwa Asumyciy Waxpuuyanan saptayakat'atyaw
(kush iwilcialakwa Asumydy Waxpuuya-nan saptaycik-cit'a-t-yaw
thus 3Sg.S-outrace Eel Rattlesnake-OBJ cheat-DES-NZR-DAT
"In that way, Asumyay beat Waxpuuya when he (W) wanted to cheat him (A)'
The following examples show verbs of perception. Some include a person or
animal perceived, performing the nominalized action, marked as an object with suffix
-nan.
43. dlatk'(shaash myliktyaw
d-lci-tk'(-sha=nash
30-leisurely-look.at-IMPV=1 SG
'I'm watching her peel roots'
myuk-t-yaw
peel-NZR-DAT
412
44. ak'inushanaash Chaannan wiincfynaktyaw
a-k'{nu-sha-na=nash Chaan-nan wiinaynak-t-yaw
30-see-IMPV-PST=1 SG John-OBJ wii-into-NZR-DAT
'I saw John driving in'
45. aykshaash (lftyaw ay'aynan
a-YIK-sha =nash t'ii-t-yaw
30-hear-IMPV=1 SG croak-NZR-DAT
'I heard the magpie cawing'
ay'ay-nan
magpie-OBJ
The following examples with -yaw show consequential actions. The dative-marked verb
indicates the action that had a consequence; the main verb indicates what was done as a
result of the nomina1ized verb.
46. patatamaynaka patiwityaw
pata-tamaynak-a patiwi-t-yaw
3P1>3-throw.in-PST fight-NZR-DAT
'they put him in jail for fighting'
47. {tiyawita mash ttyclwityaw
{tiyawi-ta=mash tiyawi-t-yaw
kill-FUT =lSg>2Sg die-NZR-DAT
'I'll kill you for dying (on me)'
Most nominalized verbs fall at the end of the clause in the examples above. As
discussed in section 6.7, there is a tendency in transitive clauses with overtly expressed
arguments for OV order. Given that the above examples are elicited, word order may not
reflect the variation it would in speech.
The 3rd person object of the main verb in the examples above is marked as an
object. Object marking is seen as well in 32 and 34 where SAP clitics indicate core roles
of object and possessor. However, note that in 48 the argument marked with -nan could
be taken as the object of the nominalized verb as well.
413
48. ag'inunaash ~natyaw iw{nshnan
ag'inunaash tu~una-t-yaw iw{nsh-nan
30-see-PST=lSg shoot-NZR-DAT man-OBl
'I saw him/her shoot a man' or 'I saw a man shoot him/her'
This leaves open the question of referent tracking and whether the 0 of the main clause
and 0 of the nominalized verb can be unambiguously differentiated. My attempts to get
more arguments into these clauses (for example, 'I saw the magpie stalking the little
mouse while it was eating') resulted in more than one finite clause. Rude (2009) shows
an example of a Umatilla clause with a dative-marked nominalized verb in which the 0
of both the main and dependent clause are marked as objects. Again, this data does not
give us much information about word order, although above we see that the object can
precede as well as follow the nominalized verb (see 0, 44-48).
9.3.2. Direct discourse
Verbs of speaking, cognition, and perception (peU verbs of Givon 2001) are all
used in direct discourse constructions. In this construction, two fully finite clauses are set
next to one another. In the text examples below, the peD verb precedes the quote.
49. ishapnya "mish nam t~anasha?"
i-shapni-ya mish nam t~ana-sha
3Sg.S-ask-PST Q =2Sg happen-IMPV
'she asked him "what's happened to you?"
50. kush awi~ana "{kw'ak natash wa tiinmam{wamKt Sita"
ku=sh aW-tn-~a-na
and=l Sg 30-tell-HAB-PST
IKw'ak=natash wa tiin-mam{ wamKt Sita
that =lP1.EXe eop Indian-P1.GEN name Si'hi
'and I told him "that's our Indian people's name, Si'hi'"
414
51. panat?;anC16a "asapsikw'ataam pnutyaw"
pa-nat?;ana-?;a a-sapsikw'a-ta=am pnu-t-yaw
3Pl.S-say-HAB 30-teach-FUT=2Sg sleep-NZR-DAT
'they say, "you will teach them while they sleep'"
52. ku pafinuna 'law iway~ti aswan pachupa ishchitpa"
ku pa-g'inu-na aw i-way?;ti aswan pachu-pa
and 3>3.INV-see-PST now 3Sg.S-run boy half-LOC
'she saw him, "the boy has run down the middle of the road'"
ishchit-pa
road-LOC
53. anakush nash awku pinap~inuu?;ana
anakush =nash awku pina-p?;winuu-?;a-na
SUB-thus=lSG then RFL.SG-wonder-HAB-PST
"payu?;ash atawishana natt1asnim"
payu=?;ash atawi -sha -na natt1as -nim
very.much=MOD value-IMPV-PST MoFa-3>SAP.ERG
'then I used to think "my grandfather must really love me'"
54. itg'{xshana "iwata na~sh anwlcht sts'at"
i-tg'(x-sha-na i-wa-ta
3Sg.S-want-IMPV-PST 3Sg.S-COP-FUT
'he wanted 'it will be one night (per) year'"
na?;Sh anwlcht
one year
sts'at
night
This chapter has reviewed three strategies for clause combining: the subordinating
particle ana, nominalization and oblique case marking of a dependent verb, and direct
discourse complements. The language has a range of finiteness that supports the
integration scale of Giv6n 200 I, with the most semantically integrated events, such as
successful causation, also syntactically integrated, and least semantically integrated
events, such as direct quotes, expressed as a sequence of finite clauses.
9.4. Coordination, juxtaposition and particles in narrative
Not covered to this point are strategies of coordination. Clauses can be
coordinated with ku 'and' kutya 'but', with adverbs, and by simple juxtaposition. For
415
example, conditional clauses have two fully finite halves, and the particle paysh 'maybe'
mayor may not appear in both halves.
55. Payshnayat chaw kuunak tamanwitnan atmaakta
paysh=na=yat chaw kUunak tamanwi-t-nan
if=lP1.INC=MOD NEG that.OBJ ordain-NZR-OBJ
ku na i~i wa-ta shapashuyni
ku =na i~i wa-ta shapashuy-ni
and =lP1.INC yet COP-FUT punish-STAT
'If we do not respect that law then we will suffer'
a-tmaak-ta
30-respect-FUT
A temporal or causal relationship between two clauses is inferable or is often expressed
with adverbial particles rather than by means of subordination.
56. anik tkwatat myanashma, kunk(nk ~tu pat~anata
ani-k tkwcitat myanash-ma kunk(nk ~tu pa-t~ana-ta
give-IMP food child-PL that.INST strong 3P1.S-become-FUT
'give food to the children so that (lit. with that) they become strong'
The use of particles in connected speech has not been adequately explored at this
point. aw is glossed throughout this dissertation as 'now'; however, in connected speech it
can appropriately be translated 'now', 'then', 'next'. ku is translated 'and' but covers
'and', 'but', 'so'. awkU 'then', a transparent combination of the previous two, also can
convey cause or dependency 'and so then', 'and then'. anakUsh and anaku, discussed
earlier as subordinators in adverbial clauses of time and manner, also playa role in
connected speech. anaku can introduce a narrative or a new scene in a narrative. awku and
anakush most often occur within clauses.
In taking spoken materials and revising them for language classroom use with
collaborators, these pieces are sometimes seen as adding no meaning, not serving a
grammatical function, and muddying the teaching message. This was also the case for
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examples that were reviewed for inclusion in Chapter 3 of this grammar. In spoken
language, however, these particles seem to signal cohesion ofclauses. The following text
excerpt is provided only to show some of these in a longer context, and perhaps set up the
as yet unanswered questions about their function.
This is an excerpt from a spoken narrative of Virginia Beavert's. As a very young
child, just beginning to walk and talk, she lived with her grandmother in a number of
villages and so heard and was learning to speak a number of different languages and
dialects. In the following, she tells of some of them, then laughs as she recalls her
adopted relative Martin Seth chiding her for forgetting the words of his language.
Unlike the legend texts presented in the appendix, this is not a practiced
performance. This segment begins as she is talking about events right after her mother's
father died. At that time, her grandmother followed the practice of a person moving in
with the sibling of a deceased spouse. The term aw{t, seen in line e, is the relationship
term for a brother or sister in law after the connecting spouse dies. In the beginning, the
ones that Virginia makes her grandfathers are the relatives of her deceased grandfather.
They speak Paluus. And when Virginia and her grandmother return to Klikitat-speaking
country, it is because her grandmother is now to move in with her deceased relative's
husband.
a) ku ti'aa~ pas'nwi~ana kwmak, anakush, Paluus
ku ti'aa~ pa-s'nwi-~a-na kwmak
and all 3Pl.S-speak-HAB-PST that.PL
'And those all spoke Paluus'
anakush
like
Paluus
Paluus
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b) {kw'ak anakush ... anakush pastnwi~a Sh{wanishma
(kw'ak anakush ana-kush pa-stnwi-~a sh{wanish-ma
that SUB-thus SUB-thus 3P1.S-speak-HAB NezPerce-PL
'like Nez Perce people speak'
c) ashku atwintwin~ana taaaminwa
ana=nash-ku a-twintwin-~a-na
SUB=1SG-and 30-follow.aroundDUP-HAB-PST
'then I would follow them all the time'
d) awi~ana .. awanya awku, taa, taasma
aW-tn-~a-na aw-nan{-ya
30-tell-HAB-PST 30-make-PST
awkU taa taasma
then MoFa MoFa-PL
ti'ap~ityaawku pawachd chdynach,
ti'ap~i =tya awku pa-wacha chdynach
even=instead then 3P1.S-be.PST bridegroom
'I said.. .I made them into grandfather, grandfathers, although they were only
bridegrooms'
e) aw{t pat awya'anya awku, nakaiasaan,
aw{t pat a-wya -an{-ya
brother's.wife 3PI>3 30-while.going-make-PST
awku
then
nakaias-naan
my.MoMo-OBJ
'My grandmother was made an awit, to one after the other'
f) kush kpaylk awku {chi kw'a~i stnwya
ku =nash kpaylk awku (chi kw'a~i stnwi-ya
and=l SG later then this again speak-PST
aaa Klikitat anaku nakaias JSa~{sh isinwi~ana Klikitat
aaa K. ana-ku nakdias JSa~{sh i-stnwi-~a-na K.
aaa K. SUB-and my.grandmother JSa~{sh 3Sg.S-speak-HAB-PST K.
'and then I later spoke this, Klikitat, when my grandmother JSa~{sh used to speak
Klikitat'
g) ku ...kush awku anch 'a~i {chi sinwya
and ku=nash awku anch'a-~i {chi
and and=1SG then again-same this
sinwi-ya
speak-PST
natutasaanm{sfnwit wanaknik.
natutas-aanm{ sfnwit wana-knik
my.father -GEN language river-ABL
'and I then also spoke my father's language from the river. '
h) ikw'ak nash awku {kush ttawa?;na
zhv'ak=nash awku (kush ttawa?;-na
that=lSG then thus grow=IPL.INC
anaJaish tun?;tun?; sinwit,
anakush tunxtun?; sfnwit
like different language
'I grew up that way, with many different languages.'
i) kush awku laaksha awkU {chi kuuk, {chi Paluus sfnwit.
ku=nash awku laak-sha awku {chi zKuuk (chi PaMus sfnwit
and=l SG then forget-IMPV then this now this PaMus language
'and now I have forgotten this Paluus language.'
j) Chciwk'aash awku laxs paysh mit
chaw-k'a=nash awku laxs paysh mit
NEG-now=lSG then one.DIM maybe how.many
mitaat tun sfnwit aykta.
mitaat tun sinwit a-yik-ta
three what language 30-hear-FUT
'I only understand a few, maybe three words.'
k) ikw'ak nash wacha, taa.
ZKw 'a k=nash wacha taa
that=lSG COP.PST MoFa
'I had a grandfather,'
1) Martin Seth, Spauldingpa inishciatuna.
Martin Seth Spaulding-pa i-nishaatu-na
Martin Seth Spaulding-LaC 3Sg.S-dwell-PST
'Martin Seth, he lived in Spaulding'
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m) Taaminwaash isam~na~ana, kwink1nk stnwitki.
taaminwa=nash i-sam~na-~a-na kwink(nk
always-1SG 30-ta1k.to-HAB-PST that.INSTR
'he always used to talk to me in that language'
stnwit-ki
language-INSTR
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n) [kush awku (chi kpaylk ashku mayknch '(t~anana
(kush awku (chi kpaylk a=nash-kU
thus then this later SUB=1SG-and
mayk-nch'(
COMP-big
t~ana-na
happen-PST
kush awku awin~ana, "chaw mash y(ksha"
ku=nash awku aW-tn-~a-na
and=1SG then 30-tell-HAB-PST
chaw=mash yik-sha
NEG=lSG>2SG hear-IMPV
'Later, when I got a little older I would tell him, "I don't understand you" ,
0) kush t~ana
ku=nash tn-~a=na
and=l SG tell-HAB-PST
"Aaww, mishsheemi!82
aaw, mishsheemi
'And he would tell me, "Shame on you,' (NP)
p) Ka'aw nam awku wa (kwtink ttawa~t,
ka'aw nam awku wa (kwtink ttawa~t
although =2SG then COP that.kind family
ku nam mish awku chaw stnwisha."
ku=nam mish awkU chaw Stnwi-sha
and=2SG Q then NEG speak-IMPV
'Although you are ofthat family, yet you can't talk.'''
q) tn~anash {kush taakwin
tn-~a=nash {kush
tell-HAB=l SG thus
'He told me that.'
taakwin
whatchamacallit
82 Virginia Beavert uses an Upper Snake River Nez Perce word here. NP orthographic e is [re].
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In the above text, there are subordinated clauses with particle ana in b, c f and n,
but the remainder of the uses of anaku and anakush are not as subordinators. Lines k-m
each refer to Martin Seth, but each is fully finite in terms of the morphology and they are
separated by pauses. Other clause combining strategies discussed in this chapter are
largely absent; the only nominalized form is sinwit from sinwi- 'speak', here a lexicalized
word meaning' language'. Lettered segments are broken by pauses; of the 30 lines above,
26 include a finite verb.
Particles are used liberally throughout. awku 'then, next' is present in most
clauses. This word is fully a part of the intonation of the clause, not separated by a pause
(except where indicated by a comma, as in line d). The final word of the clauses is most
often the subject, verb, or object.
My purpose in bringing in this connected text is to give a picture of a longer
stretch of narrative (a series of connected lines are also in 7.3, from an very different
situation of narrating a viewed story) and point to the relative scarcity of syntactically
combined clauses. Relationships between clauses at this level merits much further study.
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CHAPTER X
COMBINING THE GOALS OF LANGUAGE DOCUMENTAnON AND
LANGUAGE TEACHING
This chapter is in press in the edited volume Building Communities Making
Connections, Cambridge Publishing, edited by Susana Rivera-Mills and Juan Castillo
(Jansen and Beavert in press b). Joana Jansen and Virginia Beavert are the co-authors of
the article. Virginia Beavert contributed the language data and reviewed the completed
analysis. I drafted the article. We worked together on coursed materials preparation, the
subject of the article.
10.1. Introduction
This dissertation was designed to be useful to both academic linguists and
language teachers and learners. A consideration facing field linguists and speech
community members in endangered language situations where teaching is a priority is
ensuring the classroom usefulness of the type of materials typically collected in a
language documentation project. When a language has few remaining proficient elders,
communities are faced with the dual goals of teaching the language and documenting the
knowledge of their master speakers. Documentation materials are necessarily put to
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multiple uses: as resources for learning and teaching language and culture, as sources of
historical and cultural information, and as data for linguistic research. Because of these
varied uses, linguists must carefully consider what types of data to record in order to best
meet the broadest range of needs. And, in situations where language teaching is a
priority, linguists need to take into account preferred teaching methods and curriculum
design as they document. Combining the goals of language documentation and language
teaching provides learners and teachers with classroom materials that are meaningful,
comprehensible and culturally appropriate. A Yakima language course at the University
of Oregon (UO) provides a case study of an endangered language with concurrent goals
of documentation and teaching.
In this chapter, I discuss the collaborative processes ofplanning and teaching the
UO Yakima first year course, focusing on the 2008-2009 academic year. Virginia Beavert
was the instructor. Two graduate teaching fellows (GTFs) completed the teaching team.
Roger Jacob, a Yakama teacher and student is one of the GTF's; I am the second one.
Both of us are language learners. Course goals reach beyond raising the proficiency
levels of the students to those concerning teachers, materials, and the participation of the
larger speech community.
This chapter addresses the link between language documentation projects and
classroom language teaching, and suggests ways that materials collected in a language
documentation project can support a variety of teaching approaches and add richness and
authenticity to a language classroom. Legends that include landforms and locations,
narratives of traditional happenings, personal accounts of events, videos of elders and
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others conversing onsite - all frequently collected texts in linguistic documentation -
enhance our classroom lessons. Such examples suggest that linguists working in
collaborative endangered language situations where teaching is a priority can assist with
teaching materials collection and preparation without sacrificing their own academic
goals.
The course provides a rich opportunity to look into the link between
documentation and teaching. This work has been made possible by the University of
Oregon's support for a Native language course, the formation of a teaching team with
complementary skills and good working relationships, and the motivation and
involvement of a fluent speaker and tribal elder. While I recognize that every
documentation and teaching situation is different, and each speech community and
teaching situation has its own goals and needs, the examples provided here are intended
to serve as a model for others who are developing classroom lessons from similar raw
materials.
Although there are exciting examples of extensive multimedia products developed
in the course of or as a result of a language documentation project (for example Nathan
2006), these are lengthy and expensive projects in and of themselves, typically outside
the scope of expertise and funds of a linguistic researcher. The lessons and curriculum
described in this paper are practical examples within the realm of possibility for linguists
and community members working without extra funds or specialized expertise.
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10.2. Collaborative linguistic research and language documentation
In many ways, language documentation is the same thing linguists have been doing
since Boas and Sapir in the early 20th century: a linguist collects speech events,
transcribes and analyzes them, and writes up and distributes conclusions. However, some
of the goals and activities of language documentation show a shift from many previous
endeavors (Himme1man 2006, Woodbury 2003). Language documentation, rather than
focusing on a researcher's analysis oflanguage structure or use, concerns "making and
keeping of records of the world's languages and their patterns of use" (Woodbury 2003,
35). Himmelman lays out five practices oflanguage documentation that he claims show
its divergence from purely theoretical or descriptive work done by linguists (2006: 15):
1. a focus on the data collected, rather than the products of that data
2. accountability for the quality of the collected data and conclusions drawn from it
3. concern for long term storage and preservation of primary data
4. interdisciplinary teamwork
5. cooperation with and involvement of the speech community
Note that several of Himmelman's points stem from technological advances.
Recording, editing and distributing is lightweight, relatively easy and inexpensive due to
current audio and video capabilities, and can be readily done if one has access to an
adequate computer, a digital recorder, a power source and distribution media or the
internet. Other technological advances allow a relative ease of managing and searching
large corpora and linking audio and video files or grammars with text transcriptions
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(Woodbury 2003:36). Technology also allows wider-spread access to published materials
or those placed in archives.
Academic fields are increasingly aware of the need for and benefits of
collaborative work. In many language documentation projects, collaboration and access
are a part of the project design, rather than a secondary result or consideration. In
recording one Yakama Nation elder, I collaborated with a speech community member
and Tribal employee working to improve forest cultural resource management. The elder
spoke of her childhood at traditional summer camping areas. This recording serves many
purposes: the Yakama Nation is interested in how to best understand, preserve and restore
traditional lands, the elder wants to share part of her childhood with her family, and I
want to gain a greater understanding of the structure of the language. The same recording
could be used to identify traditional family gathering areas, which have an impact on
treaty rights, or to trace family names.
Grinevald (2003, 57) stresses the evolution towards the goals of fieldwork done
with and by language community members, rather than fieldwork done on a language or
for the language community. Cameron et al. 1992 and Rice 2004 discuss an
"empowerment" framework for fieldwork, in which "the work is on the language, for the
speakers, and with the speakers, taking into account the knowledge that the speakers
bring and their goals and aspirations in the work" (Rice, 2004: 13). Speech community
members are partners in the project, with a voice in determining the goals and methods of
the research (Himmelman 2006; Woodbury 2003, Grinevald 1998). Language
preservation and revitalization are key issues for many Native North American groups,
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and this provides work and research opportunities for linguists. The optimal result is a
partnership between researchers and communities in jointly beneficial projects.
10.3. Knowing teaching contexts
Linguists need to know what kinds of programs are in place or desired in the area
when assisting to develop classroom materials or deciding what sorts of documentary
materials can support teaching. Some teachers and classrooms adhere closely to a second
language communicative approach based on comprehensible input. Their goal is day-to-
day communication in the target language. In some situations, the goal of teaching
language and culture is to strengthen self-esteem and provide a heightened awareness of
culture, place, and history. In this case, teaching may focus more on learning vocabulary
and phrases for situations of deep cultural relevance - for example, words and phrases
that are used in religious ceremonies or while gathering food. The desire and ability to
use technological aids for language learning also varies by teacher and available
technology.
Many Northwest teachers are working to incorporate immersion teaching into
their classrooms. A traditional model of immersion in which students meet for a day or
half-day and everything in the classroom happens in the target language is not realistic
for all Northwest language situations: presenting rich content and culture requires a
higher degree of fluency than many teachers have. In classrooms on the Yakama Nation,
language teachers are typically language learners, younger adults who have a strong
commitment to their language and the energy to teach it. Their challenge is to keep at
427
least a step ahead of their students, providing a language-rich classroom environment
given their own level of proficiency.
However, the benefits of using immersion techniques for a shorter time are
available to less than fully fluent teachers. In these situations immersion teaching calls for
a strategy of beginning with perhaps using the target language 15 minutes at a time and
increasing from there. Hinton suggests that a teacher who is learning her own language
while she is teaching it focus on learning various components of a lesson. If a teacher
learns the lesson elements - not only the new and review material presented in the lesson
but also greetings, classroom management vocabulary, and informal patter - she can have
an immersion classroom (2003, 80). Another technique is to use specific activities to
stretch what teachers do know. Zeke Zahir, in a Lushootseed immersion and methods
class taught at NILI's Summer Institute, demonstrated for teachers how nothing but
counting from 1-10 could be a ten minute activity that maintained student interest
throughout with song, humor and physical movements.
Teaching and learning situations range from formal classroom settings to informal
in-home language sessions. Some teachers see their students five days a week, others
only for a half-hour a week. Although much of what is presented in this chapter is based
on teaching language in classroom situations, the material is also adaptable to other
learning situations, such as Master-Apprentice settings.
The collaborative effort I am involved in includes developing materials for the
Yakima course offered by the DO. We now tum to a more in-depth look at this program.
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10.4. Developing a Yakima class at the University of Oregon
In 2008, the University of Oregon (UO) consulted with Virginia Beavert and
Ichishkiin-speaking tribes about developing a language course that would satisfy
language requirements and provide opportunities for Native students and speech
communities. The course was initiated by faculty and the UO's Northwest Indian
Language Institute (NILI). All wanted to enhance learning opportunities for Native
students of the area. Offering a local language supports language preservation efforts of
tribes and enhances course offerings of direct value to tribal students.
An integral factor in course development was consulting with Ichishkiin-speaking
tribes and language programs, who raised concerns about how the language would be
taught, how and to what extent culture would be included, and course enrollment. A key
resolution is for UO partners to keep language programs informed and involved in
decisions about course development and content and to provide course materials to
language programs.
The next task was to establish the teaching team. Involving individuals who have
the skills and interests needed was critical, and course planners saw the opportunity to
bring together a set of individuals with complementary skills and interests. Our team
consists of a fluent elder, a pre-service language teacher, and a linguist. Virginia
Beavert's commitment to the class was of inestimable value. She is a highly respected
teacher and fluent speaker of her language, and has received numerous honors and
awards for her preservation and teaching efforts. Because of the honor and trust the
429
speech communities hold for her, Ms. Beavert is a crucial link between the VO and
Ichishkiin communities.
Ms. Beavert's teaching team developed as one of her long-term language students
decided to attend the VO to pursue a Master of Arts in Linguistics with a Native language
teaching specialization. The opportunities provided by the Yakima class were motivating
factors in his decision. Roger Jacob is a Graduate Teaching Fellow (GTF) and daily
teaching assistant for the course. He is a member of the Yakama Nation who is
knowledgeable about natural and cultural resource management and Yakama culture and
history. He plans to teach his language to tribal students when he completes his VO
degree. I was the third member of the teaching team and a second GTF to the course,
with responsibilities for materials planning and some teaching. My experience is been in
documenting and describing the Yakima Ichishkiin language with Virginia Beavert as a
main collaborator.
When planning the first year of the course, we took stock of the language
resources already on-hand. We all have materials from Ichishkiin classes we have
previously taken or taught. But by far the largest group of materials available to us are the
results of the language documentation project Virginia and I have been working on: audio
and video recordings of legends, narratives, and descriptions that have been transcribed,
parsed, glossed and translated. This corpus is the result of our work together to this point,
and is the basis for this dissertation. While we had planned for the corpus and grammar to
be useful to teachers as well as academic researchers, we had not anticipated that we
430
would be the teachers using it. However, we saw that this database would now be put to
use providing the raw material for classroom lessons and activities.
10.5. Using language documentation materials in the classroom
This section describes the ways in which materials collected in documentation
projects support various teaching approaches. It also gives examples of teaching activities
we developed for the course from documentary materials. We wanted these materials to
also be useful to tribal language teachers and we considered their classroom approaches
throughout.
10.5.1. Grammar and pronunciation activities
For adult learners especially, some attention to grammatical form is helpful for
the learning process (Ellis 2005; Nunan 2005). We have used grammar and pronunciation
activities for teaching sound contrasts, word level stress, intonation and verb morphology.
Recordings of minimal pairs and words containing particular sounds collected in
investigating phonemes and sound contrasts have proved to be useful classroom
materials, as are sentences pulled from longer audio texts. One set of exercises concerns
word level stress. As discussed in 2.6, Ichishkiin has one primary stress per spoken word.
In the VO class, students need to begin to recognize and produce word level stress. As
noted before, stress distinguishes minimal pairs in the language: pamta 'bullfrog' vs.
pamta 'woman's brother's son.' Root stress is often but not always predictable based on
syllable weight or position (Hargus & Beavert 2002); some 'stress-stealing' affixes will
431
take the word-level stress from the root. Some of these affixes are very common, such as
the agent nominalizer -M and 'thing for' suffix -pama. So, the stress in the verb root tima
- 'write' shifts in timaM 'writer' or timatpama 'blackboard.' Both of these suffixes came
up early in the class in lessons on identifying classroom and frequently used objects. A
stress identification activity stripped a previously transcribed text of stress marks, and
students were asked to listen and put the accent mark back on the stressed syllables.
We selected a short legend to use at the end of the first quarter, beginning with
pre-teaching important vocabulary and fitting words from the legend into phrases
students already know. The legend Twiit'aya ku Aluk'atyaayanmi PatanawiiJt 'Grizzly
and Frogs' Argument' was collected in the documentation project. Grizzly and the Frogs
argue about whether dark and light will cycle one day at a time or one year at a time.
Many of the verbs in the legend are words that students had already seen. The legend
reinforces a distinction between human and inanimate numbering systems, again,
something from previous lessons.
A specific grammar point supported by the legend is third person verb prefixes, as
discussed in 3.2.1. Since Twit'aaya (Grizzly) is a third person singular participant and
Aluk'atyaayama (the Frogs) are plural, there are a number of very clear contrasts between
singular (i-) and plural (pa-) prefixes:
Twit'aaya itk'ixshana iwata na~sh anwicht sts'at.
Grizzly Bear wanted there to be one night for a whole year.
Aluk'atyaayama patk'{~shana laxs sts'at iwata.
The Frogs wanted one night and one day.
Twiit'aaya inuu, "Laxs sts'at anwikt, laxs anwikt, laxs anwikt!
Grizzly Bear said "One night a year, One a year!"
Aluk'atma panuu, "Laxs sts'at, laxs sts'at, laxs sts'at!"
Frogs said "One night, One night!"
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The repetition in the legend and the clear verb prefix contrast, where the singular and
plural prefixes alternate on the same verb roots (itk'{xshana/patk'{~shana;inuu/panuu)
serve to isolate and reinforce this grammar point.
10.5.2. Place-based learning
Place-based learning is a growing educational approach that grounds curriculum
and lessons in students' experiences in local events and places and acknowledges that
learning happens not only in formal educational settings but also outside of school in
families and communities. This approach includes studying the cultural, historical, social,
religious and/or economic relevance of specific locations or areas (Smith, 2002). A place-
based curriculum depends on a strong foundation of knowledge about a community, and
topics and material for this curriculum can be gathered during a documentation project.
The traditional importance of place is discussed by Greg Cajete, who writes that
Native people "traditionally perceive themselves as embedded in a web of dynamic and
mutually-respectful relationships among all of the natural features and phenomena of
their homelands." (Cajete, 2000, 178) According to Cajete, the purpose of traditional
education in Native cultures is to deeply connect young people to their heritage and their
physical homelands.
Place-based learning is not a new trend within education or Native education, but
its emergence in Northwest Native communities as a promising approach for language
teaching is a more recent development. The importance of place is reflected in writings
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about and legends of Northwest cultures: "souls and spirits were and are inextricably tied
to the natural world and its myriad inhabitants" (CRITFC).
rwiit'ciya ku Aluk'atyaayanm{Patanawa~t, the legend discussed above, is tied to a
geographical location. Aluk'atmlwatamaluuk (Frog Lake), located on the Yakama Nation,
is the site of the legend. It was also the site of a battle during the Yakama Indian War,
and associated pictures and readings bring this information to students. Pci~kyuut (Union
Gap) is a second referenced land feature. In their argument, the Frogs and Grizzly sit on
either side of the gap. One student activity involves using Google Earth to pinpoint the
location ofthe legend and answer questions about the landscape.
Documentation projects can collect the resources needed to develop place-based
materials. The approach needs a rich source of data to draw from, as can be collected
during a language documentation project. Local and cultural information such as legends,
narratives of traditional happenings, and personal accounts all enhance classroom lessons
by providing rich background information and by providing raw materials to build
lessons. And, these types of recordings meet the goals oflanguage documentation
projects, in which researchers look to collect a broad sample of communicative and
speech events.
10.5.3. Communicative approaches
Communicative approaches to language teaching (see Brown 2006; specifically
for Native language teaching see Hinton and Hale 2001; Supahan and Supahan 2001)
highlight a goal of genuine interaction about everyday events and activities. The use of
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authentic, contextualized and culturally appropriate teaching materials is a critical part of
successful language learning, helping students to move beyond word lists to
communication. However, when a language is endangered and the teacher is less than
fully fluent, classroom experiences may not provide learners with language that is rich,
authentic and interactive. Audio and video recordings collected for language
documentation purposes can fill this gap and enhance classroom learning.
A benefit of videotaped materials for beginning students is that they provide
contextual support for student understanding. At first take, legends and narratives
collected in a documentation project may seem too complex for beginning speakers. Pre-
listening or orientation activities based on looking at stills from the video or looking at
the first few seconds of the tape enhance student understanding. Then, the task that
accompanies the video and audio materials is adapted to the leamer's level; students do
not have to comprehend every word in order to make use of materials. It is important that
beginning learners become comfortable with the idea that they are not meant to
understand every word (Johnston and Janus 2007).
In the Yakima course, sound clips for listening comprehension activities are taken
directly from material collected in the documentation project, and the clips can be re-used
for future tasks as student proficiency grows. Some beginning tasks require students to
only determine how many speakers are conversing, or to identify uses of a particular
word in a short segment of a narrative.
Students in speech community-based language programs can use such activities to
reinforce and extend the knowledge they already have. For example, many tribal
435
members know names of traditional foods in Ichishkiin. The following passage is taken
from a recorded legend about the roots in flower (Stkni, see Appendix C) and names
several roots:
ikush awku {kw'ak iwa slkni {chi ikuuk.
That's how Yellowbell is.
Ti'an~ awku pyQ?Sf ayayat ilat'i~ha.
In contrast, Pyaxi shines beautifully.
Kush~i sikawya.
And Sikawya the same.
Ku ti'aa~tun awku niim(tkwatat aydyat ilat 'i~sha.
And all of our other foods bloom beautifully.
Beginning level students who are familiar with the names of roots can pick out the words
they know from this short clip as an introduction to a unit on traditional foods or root
digging.
Another early task was to write and present a short self-introduction. Students'
short scripts mirrored what is said across Ichishkiin speaking areas at the beginning of
formal presentations or speeches. Many of the documentation project recordings begin
with an introduction very similar to what our students were asked to do, and these
recordings provide examples as well as listening comprehension exercises.
A future matching task involves a series of descriptions collected in the
documentation project. We have audio descriptions of obj ects related to a particular task
(such as a basket, root digging stick and dried roots), some of modem or older photos of
people and places of cultural significance, some of animals. In the project database, a
photo of what was described usually accompanies these audio descriptions. Students will
match the description to the picture of the item. Audio and video texts that have been
transcribed and translated can be used for reading or cloze activities.
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10.5.4. Using legends in classroom teaching
This section discusses the use of one type of material often collected by linguistic
researchers, namely traditional legends, in the classroom. Legends are a cultural
cornerstone in Plateau society, and "contain much traditional wisdom, especially lessons
about how to be a proper Yakima" (Beavert and Walker 1974, vi). Legends also support
place-based instruction, as many Ichishkiin legends present a lesson or moral and are
closely tied to a geographical location or feature. Warm Springs elder George Aguilar
discusses the relationship between legends and locales: "Nearly every geographical point
along the Columbia River Gorge had a legend that told about the rocks, hills, fishing
locations, rock formations, talus slides and so on" (2005, 225).
The educational benefits of using traditional stories in the Native language
classroom are discussed by Heredia and Francis (1997) in their analysis of a selection of
Coyote stories from indigenous cultures of the Americas. They argue that legends used in
the classroom help students develop an understanding of narrative structure as well as
increase their second language proficiency. For language proficiency goals, the repetitive
structures and language, the limited number of key concepts and actors and the episodic
nature of legends support learning, as students are able to anticipate words and events.
These qualities oflegends are seen in the legend Twiit'ciya ku Aluk'atyaayanm{Patanaw1i~t
'Grizzly and Frogs' Argument' discussed above: it is told for children, less complex and
more repetitive than most Yakima legends. There are only a few characters: Coyote,
Grizzly, and the group of Frogs. There is much repetition in the 30-clause story as the
characters argue back and forth. We selected a legend to use in each term of the first year
437
of the course. By using the legends, we combine comprehensible input with
contextualized and culturally rich material.
10.6. Meeting goals of classroom teaching and language documentation
The materials collected in the course of our documentation project and used in the
class meet the needs of both documentation and education. On the documentation side,
materials collected contribute to the goal of having "a representative and lasting
multipurpose record of a language" (Himmelman 2006, 1). On the classroom side,
developed activities and curriculum support student learning.
Student goals were developed from the Northwest Indian Language Institute
Benchmarks (NIL! 2008) and the Council of Europe's (CaE) Can-Do statements (COE
200 I). In the first term, student expectations were categorized in six areas: listening and
understanding; speaking; reading and writing; alphabet and sound system; grammar; and
culture. We used materials we had collected for documentation successfully in each of
these areas. Since this is the first time that Ichishkiin has been taught as a 5-credit college
level course, our expectations need to be fluid. In many ways, we are learning what
benchmarks it is possible for students to meet in this, and similar, courses.
In addition to supporting the DO classroom, developing culture-rich materials
supports values and learning styles that are relevant for tribal teachers and classrooms.
The goals of place-based education tie into Native educators' recommendations for the
integration of the local and the inclusion of cultural knowledge in teaching, and increased
community involvement in schools (Nee Benham 2000, Blanchard 1999). Research into
438
how to best support Native students academically suggests that students do better if
schools and classrooms validate and incorporate their culture (Demmert 2003, Lipka
2002).
In the documentation project, we have not organized text collection around
themes or units, and it would be beneficial and easy to do so. This will add to potential
classroom materials and is done with no detriment to language documentation; indeed, it
would enrich the corpus and its future usefulness. So, for example, to augment Twiit'ciya
ku Aluk'atyaayanmfPatanaw{i~t 'Grizzly and Frogs' Argument', we would like to travel to
the associated locations: Aluk'atmfwatamalUuk (Frog Lake) and Pci~kyuut (Union Gap). A
video recording made on site could include information about the landscape or plants and
animals, how it has changed in the elder's lifetime, memories of childhood experiences
there, or whatever else the richness of being in that place evokes. Associated still photos
would also be useful both in the classroom and as a part ofthe documentation project.
A way to strengthen the collection of materials even further is to involve local
teachers and those we record and in choosing what the constellation of related texts
should be. For elders, a compelling reason to agree to participate in a documentation
project is so that their knowledge will be available for the future. A rich teaching unit
meets that motivation more fully than a legend standing alone. In this framework, we
would take time to ask those being recorded what is important for teaching purposes in
relation to the collected text. This could be vocabulary, cultural content, or a suggestion
of where to go or who else to talk to for more information.
439
As linguistics evolves, linguists' responsibilities evolve. Just as documentary and
descriptive linguists are now sound technicians and video editors, we should also be
prepared to contribute to curriculum development if that is a community goal. Our roles
will be increasingly shaped by the speech communities we work with. The Alaska Native
Knowledge Network's guidelines for linguists state "linguists should assist local
communities in the development of appropriate resource materials and teaching practices
that nurture the use and perpetuation of the heritage language." (ANKN 2001,19). Ifwe
collaborate with communities whose goal is language teaching, we need to equip
ourselves to support that goal.
Linguists have long worked with communities on language revitalization and
teaching goals. And I am not advocating that linguists spend all their time developing
classroom materials; indeed, we cannot do any useful materials preparation without
extensive speech community involvement and input. But, if we choose to work in a
framework of collaboration, respecting and supporting community goals, and one of
these goals is classroom language teaching, we need to develop the skills and willingness
to support that goal. One piece of that is knowing how the materials we collect are
relevant and useful the classroom.
1
2
3
A
ABL
AGT.NZR
ALL
APPI
ASSOC
BEN
CAUS
ASSOCP
COND
COP
COS
CSL
DAT
DES
DIR
DI
DST
DPR
E/B.PI
EMPH
ERG
EXC
FUT
GEN
HAB
HS
HUM
IMP
APPENDIX A
ABBREVIAnONS
First person
Second person
Third Person
Agent
Ablative
Agent nominalizer
Allative
Applicative
Accociative
Benefactive
Causative
Comparative
Conditional
Copula
Change of state
Cislocative
Dative
Desiderative
Direct
Dual
Distributive
Dependent posterior root
Either or both plural
Emphatic
Ergative
Exclusive
Future
Genitive
Habitual
Hearsay
Human
Imperative
440
IMPV
INC
INCH
INST
INTJ
INV
LD
LOC
LP
MOD
NEG
NZR
o
OBJ
o
OBV
PI
PN
PPF
PRX
PST
PURP
Q
RCP
RFL
S
SAP
Sg
STAT
SUB
SUP
TRNS
TSL
VZR
wli-
ABBREVIAnONS (CONTINUED)
Imperfective
Inclusive
Inchoative
Instrument, Instrumental
InteIjection
Inverse
Location / Direction
Locative
Lexical prefix
Modal enclitic
Negative
Nominalizer
Object (in text)
Object (in glosses)
Obviative (in glosses)
Obviative (in explanatory text)
Plural
Pronoun
Present perfect
Proximate
Past
Purpose
Question
Reciprocal
Reflexive
Subject
Speech act participant
Singular
Stative
Subordinate
Superlative
Transitivizer
Translocative
Verbalizer
Speed of motion and more, see
4.2.2, 4.4.1, 4.4.4
441
Mo
Fa
Si
Br
Da
Ch
Wo
01
Yo
ABBREVIAnONS (CONTINUED)
Mother
Father
Sister
Brother
Daughter
Child (son or daughter)
Woman
Older
Younger
442
443
APPENDIX B
SPILyAy KU K'AxNU 'COYOTE AND PRAIRIE CHICKEN'
Introduction to the Texts
The texts that follow represent a sample of those collected over the course of my
work on Yakima Ichishkiin. The first two are traditiona11egends. The third is a short
description, and the last is an excerpt from a personal history. These were told and
translated by Virginia Beavert, who also provided extensive time for text-based
elicitation and transcription assistance. The reader is referred back to several shorter
connected sections of text presented in the body of the dissertation, in sections 3.10 (a
short fish-cleaning lesson developed for the classroom), 7.3 (a re-telling of the events of a
video clip from The Black Stallion, Ballard 1979), and 9.4 (an autobiographical narrative
about growing up in a multilingual setting).
The text describing a gathering basket is presented in two ways, a standard
interlinear glossed version and in an Ichishkiin version, without intervening English or
linguistic coding. This presentation shows the written language in a less choppy way, and
is more useful for some classroom applications.
444
Spilyay Ku K'axnu Coyote and Prairie Chicken Recorded 01/23/05 in Toppenish
Washington, at Virginia Beavert's home.
k'a~nu.OOl 0
Ich( iwa wat(t winachapammam( k'a~numam(ki.
ich( i-wa wat(t winachapam-ma-m(
this 3Sg.S-COP legend Winachapam-CSL-GEN
k'a~nu-ma-m(-ki
prairie.chicken-PI-APPL-INST
This is a Winachapam legend about the prairie chickens.
k'a~nu.002 :13
Awacha nishaykt (kwnak k'pispa,
a-wacha nishayk-t
30-COP.PST live-NZR
(kwnak
there.LOC
k'pis-pa
north-LOC
They had a home over there up north,
k'a~nu.003 :25
ku kwnak awacha ish(ch ~(fmi {kush taakwinpa ...
kti kwnak a-wacha ish(ch ~(fmi
and that.LOC 30-COP.PST nest high.up
pit'~anukpa,
pit'~anuk-pa
high.elev.wood-LOC
{kush taakwin-pa
thus whatchamacallit-LOC
and they had a nest on top of the mountain, way up high,
k'a~nu.004 :42
kwnak iwacha, iwanashamsh taakwin Nch'iwana.
kwnak i-wacha i-wana-shamsh
that.LOC 3Sg.S-COP.PST 3Sg.S-flow-IMPV.CSL
taakwin Nch'iwana
whatchamacallit Columbia.River
where the, what is it called, the Columbia River flows down.
k'a~nu.005
Ku ~w(fmichnik kwnak awacha ...nishaykt... nishayaas.
kti ~(fmi-chnik kwnak a-wacha nishayk-t nishayaas
and high.up-ABL that.LOC 30-COP.PST live-NZR home
They had a home high up.
k'a?;nu.006 :57
Ku kwnak awacha ish{ch kaakim myanashma.
hi kwnak a-wacha ish{ch kaakim
and that.LOC 30-COP.PST nest full
There they had a nest full of babies.
myanash-ma
child-PI
445
k'a?;nu.007
Ku awku ina k'a?;nu (ayat..) ayatnan
ku awkU in-a k'a?;nu
and then tell-PST prairie.chicken
Then Kaxnu told his wife,
k'a?;nu.008 1:12
(aw..) "Aw na w{ti'u?;wsha tkwatat.
aw aw=na w{-ti'u?;W-sha
now now=IPl.INC DST-diminish-IMPV
"Our food is getting low.
ayat-nan
woman-OEl
tkwatat
food
k'a?;nu.009
Aw na wak{tatasha tkwatat ku na saypta awku
aw=na wak{t-ata-sha tkwatat
now=IPl.INC look-PURP-IMPV food
myanashma.
myanash-ma
child-pI
Let's go look for food and we will feed our children.
k'a?;nu.010 1:21.6
Aw pa'anawisha. "
aw pa-anawi-sha
now 3.Pl.S-be.hungry-IMPV
They are hungry."
ku=na sayp-ta awkU
and=IPl.INC feed-FUT then
k'a~nu.Oll
Awku paw(nana,
awku pa-w(na-na
then 3Pl.S-go-PST
And so they went.
446
k'~nu.012
pawaMtatana tkwatat.
pa-waMt-ata-na
3Pl.S-look-PURP-PST
tkwatat
food
They went to look for food
k'a~nu.013 1:34
Pawyaalakwa myanashmaman,
pa-wyaalakw-a myanash-maman
3Pl.S-leave-PST child-OBJ.Pl
They left the children.
k'a~nu.014
ku awacha wat'uyma myanash.
ku a-wacha wat'uyma myanash
and 30-COP.PST firstborn child
And they had an oldest child.
k'a~nu.015 1:39
chawashukwaashana slnwit,
chaw a-shukwaa-sha-na
NEG 30-know-IMPV-PST
He was still unable to speak,
slnwi-t
speak-NZR
k'a~nu.016
chaw pastnwishana (?{Wi.
chaw pa-stnwi-sha-na (~wi
NEG 3Pl.S-speak-IMPV-PST still
they (all the children) didn't speak yet.
k'a~nu.017 1:43
Kwmak myanashma l~wi pawachci waawk'a ikks,
kwmak myanash-ma l~i pa-wachci
that.PI child-PI still 3Pl.S-COP.PST
lstamama pltpitma.
lstama-ma pitplt-ma
young-PI chick-PI
Those children were still too little, newborn chicks.
waawk'a ikks
too.much little.PI
447
k'a~nu.018 1:51
ku (pa'ina) pa'ina pshitin
k / / IU pa-m-a
and !NY-tell-PST
pshft-in
father-3>3.ERG
And the father told (the oldest),
k'a~nu.019
"shi~ nam anaktkwaninta.
shi~=nam a-naktkwanin-ta
good=2Sg 30-take.care.of-FUT
"Take care of them.
k'a~nu.020
Chaw nam miin ashapawinata.2:00
chaw=nam miin a-shapa-wlna-ta
NEG=2Sg where.ALL 30-CAUS-go-FUT
Don't let them go anywhere.
k'a~nu.021
Chaw pam shin (akw'...a) ashapa'ashta."
chaw=pam shin a-shapa-ash-ta
NEG=2PI who 30-CAUS-enter-FUT
Don't let anyone inside."
k'~nu.022 2:10
Ka'awtya awku iwacha paykia kw'ink wat'uyma.
ka'aw=tya awku i-wacha paykia
quick-instead then 3Sg.S-COP.PST obedient.person
He was quick and obedient, that oldest one.
k'a~nu.023 2:17
Awku pawyaalakwa.
awku pa-wyaalakw-a
then 3Pl.S-leave-PST
So they left.
448
kw'ink wat'uyma
that.aforementioned firstborn
k'~nu.024 2:20
Ku pinch'a Spi/yay ikwlitama.
ku pinch'a Spi/yay
and 3Sg.PN.FAM Coyote
That Spilyay was coming.
i-kwlita-m-a
3Sg.S-go.along-CSL-PST
k'~nu.025
Uuii kw'a'ash kw'a'ash iwyatkw'anatisha.
Uuii kw'a'ash kw'a'ash i-wya -tkw'anati-sha
UUll strut strut 3Sg.S-go-walk.along-IMPV
He was strutting along.
k'a~nu.026 2:30
"ink nash wa sh{~t~aw ti'a~wmaam{knik.
ink=nash wa sh{~t~aw ti'aa~-maam{knik
ISg.PN=1 Sg COP best all-Pl.GEN.ABL
"I am the best of all.
k'a~nu.027
ink nash wa wat'uuy ti'aa~maam{knik"
ink=nash wa wat'uuy ti'aa~-maam{knik
ISg.PN=lSg COP first all-Pl.GEN.ABL
I am better than everyone,"
5'a~nu.028
iwyawanpsha.
i-wya -wanp-sha
3Sg.S-go-sing.spirit.song -IMPV
he comes along singing.
ka~nu.029 2:43
"ink nash wa sh{~t~aw 5'{nupa ti'aa~wmaam(knik.
ink=nash wa sh{~t~aw 5'inu-pa ti'aa~-maam{knik
1Sg.PN=l Sg COP best see-LaC all-Pl.GEN.ABL
"I am the best-looking of all,
5'a~nu.030
ink nash wa wapsuu~ ti'aa~maam{knik."
ink=nash wa wapsu~ ti'aa~-maam{knik
1Sg.PN=l Sg COP intelligent all-Pl.GEN.ABL
I am the smartest of all,"
5'a~nu.03l
iwyawanpsha.
i-wya -wanp-sha
3Sg.S-go-sing -IMPV
he comes along singing.
5'a~nu.032 3:00
ISw'a'ash 5w'a'ash inawatiksha.
5w'a'ash 5w'a'ash i-na-watik-sha
strut strut 3Sg.S-LP.say-step-IMPV
Strutting, strutting, he comes stepping along singing.
5'a~nu.033
Awku "Aah {n~ay 5'a~nu (chna minan inishciatwa.
awku aah in-~ay 5'a~nu (chna
then aah my.man's.male.friend prairie.chicken this.LOC
minan
where
449
i-nishciatwa
3Sg.S-dwell
And so "Ah, my friend the prairie chicken lives here somewhere.
k'~nu.034
Pa... pa 'tn~anash
pa-tn-~a=nash
3Pl.S-tell-HAB=1 Sg
(chna minan awa (nishciatwa) nishciykt.
(chna minan a-wa nishciatwa nishciyk-t
this.LOC where 30-COP dwell live-NZR
They told me his home was here.
k'a~nu.035 3:16
Aw nash (awL.) awii'ashuuta
aw=nash a-wli-ash-uu-ta
now=l Sg 30-go.move -enter-APPL-FUT
450
kush paysh laak pasaypta,
ku=nash paysh laak
and=1Sg maybe perhaps
pa-sayp-ta
3Pl.S-feed-FUT
I'll stop and visit a while, they might feed me.
k'a~nu.036 3:23
awsh anawisha."
aw=nash anawi-sha
now=lSg be.hungry-IMPV
I'm hungry."
k'a~nu.037
Awku iwyanawiyuuna
awku i-wyeinawi-yuu-na
then 3Sg.S-arrive-APPL-PST
And he arrived there.
k'a~nu.038
"Aah (chi~ash awa nishciykt. "
aah (chi=~ash a-wei
aah this=MOD 30-COP
"This must be his house."
nishciyk-t
live-NZR
k'a~nu.039 3:33
ku kwnak i'ashuuna,
kJi kwnak
and that.LOC
"Myanashmasim.
i-ash-uu- na
3Sg.S-enter-APPL-PST
myanash-ma-sim
chi1d-PI- same
451
He went in. "Only the children (are there).
k'a~nu.040
Minan iwa ftJit?"
minan i-wa
where 3Sg.S-COP
Where's your father?"
itut
your. father
k'a~nu.041 3:44
chchuuuu, chaw pat awiinpa.
chchuu chaw =pat
hush NEG =3PI>3
Quiet, nobody answered him.
k'~nu.042
"Shapnisha mash,
shapni-sha=mash
ask-IMPV=lSg>2Sg
a-wIinp-a
30-answer-PST
minan iwa itut?"
minan i-wa itut
where 3Sg.S-COP your.father
"I'm asking you, where's your father?"
k'~nu.043 3:55
Chchuu, pak'usha, awkU mayk nch'{ki
chchuu pa-k'u-sha awku
hush 3Pl.S-gather-IMPV then
mayk nch,{ki
more loudly
They huddled together, then a little louder,
k'a?;nu.044
"Minan iwa itut?
mman i-wa
where 3Sg.S-COP
"Where's your father?
itut
your. father
452
k'a?;nu.045
Paysh nam chaw pawiinpta ku matash t(wita!"
paysh=nam chaw pa-wlinp-ta ku=matash
maybe=2Sg NEG INV-answer-FUT and=I>2E/RPI
If you don't answer me I will beat all of you up!"
k'a?;nu.046 4:11
Awku wat'uyma iy(kshana.
awku wat'uyma i-y(k-sha-na
then firstborn 3Sg.S-hear-IMPV-PST
Then the oldest understood.
t(wi-ta
fight-FUT
k'a?;nu.047
Ku chaw ishukwaashana sinwit.
ku chaw i-shukwaa-sha-na
and NEG 3Sg.S-know-IMPV-PST
He didn't know how to talk.
sinwi-t
speak-NZR
k'a?;nu.048 4:19
ku itwpwiift?;a kwnak ish(chpa,
ku i-twp-w(i-ft?;-a
and 3Sg.S-jump-go-ascend-PST
kwnak ish(ch-pa
that.LOC nest-LOC
And he jumped up on the edge of the nest.
k'a?;nu.049
ku ina (i....)
ku in-a
and tell-PST
iwapwiluuka Spilyaynan
i-wap-wii-luuk-a Spilyay-nan
3Sg.S- LP.eyes-go-up-PST Coyote-OBJ
anaku iwachci iks{ks {?0Vi
ana-ku i-wacha iks{ks {~wi
SUB -and 3Sg.S-COP.PST little yet
ku iwcipwiluuka
ku i-wcip-wti-lUuk-a
and 3Sg.S- LP.eyes-go-up-PST
and he said, he looked up at Spilyay, he was little yet, and he looked up at him,
g'ci~nu.050 4:34
"Kunguun shfpapap!"
Kunguun shfpapap
KunkUun shfpapap
"Kunguun shfpapap!"
g'ci~nu.051
ku (pat) pcitk'ina Spilyciyin
ku pci-tk'{-na Spilyciy-in
and U'JV-look-PST Coyote-3>3.ERG
Spilyay stared at him,
g'ci~nu.052 4:44
"M{sh nam nuu? KunkUun shipapap!
mish=nam nuu Kunguun shipapap
Q=2Sg say KunkUun shipapap
"What are you saying? Kunguun shipapap?
g'ci~nu.053
Tun awku kw'ink IKw'ak iwci sinwit, Kunguun shipapap?
tun awkU kw'ink IKw'ak i-wa sinwit Kunguun shipapap
what then that.aforementioned that 3Sg.S-COP language KunkUun shipapap
What kind of language is that? Kunguun shipapap?
453
k'a~nu.054
{n~a mash,
{n-~a=mash
say-HAB=lSg>2Sg
shapnisha mash,
shcipni-sha=mash
ask-IMPV=1Sg>2Sg
454
minan iwa itut?"
minan i-wa
where 3Sg.S-COP
itut
your. father
I'm saying to you, I'm asking you, where is your father?! "
k'a~nu.055 4:58
Uu ti'aa~ mish, anach'a~i nch'{ki,
uu ti'aa~ mish anach'a-~i
uu all Q agam-same
Oh, how to do this? Again, louder,
nch'{ki
loudly
k'a~nu.056
ihaashinkika wryatyaw
i-haash-inkik-a
3Sg.S-breathe-TSL-PST
wryat-yaw
far.away-DAT
he took a deep breath, way down deep,
k'a~nu.057
ku ishapa'atma ".Js:unkuun shipapap!"
ku i-shapa-at-m-a
and 3Sg.S-CAUS-go.out-CSL-PST
and then let it out, " .Js:unkuun shipapap! "
k'a~nu.058 5:17
"Aah pawawtk'{wishaam!
aah pa-wawtk'{wi-sha=nam
aah INV-trick-IMPV=2Sg
"youtre trying to make a fool of me!
.Js:unkuun shipapap
.Js:unkuun shipapap
k'a~nu.059
M{sh nam awku {kush aak (pa) pawiinpshaam?
mish=nam awkU {kush aak pa-wlinp-sha=nam
Q=2Sg then thus EMPH INV-answer-IMPV=2Sg
Why are you answering me like that?
k'a~nu.060 5:26
chaw nash ashukwaasha
chaw=nash a-shukwaa-sha
NEG=lSg 30-know-IMPV
tuun aw kw'ink {kw'ak iwa, Kunkuun shipapap.
tuun aw kw'ink {kw'ak i-wa
what.OBJ now that.aforementioned that 3Sg.S-COP
I don't understand what that is, KunkUun shtpapap.
Kunkuun shtpapap
Kunkuun shtpapap
455
k'a~nu.061
Aw mash tf'aa~simk'a shapnisha
aw=mash tf'a~-sim-k'a
now=l Sg>2Sg all-same-now
I'm asking you for the last time
k'~nu.062 5:35
Paysh nam chaw pa'inta
paysh=nam chaw pa-tn-ta
maybe=2Sg NEG INV-tell-FUT
shapni-sha
ask-IMPV
minan iwa itut,
mfnan i-wa
where 3Sg.S-COP
itut
your. father
And if you don't tell me where your dad is,
k'~nu.062
ku matash tf'cia~ M'yawita,
ku=matash tf'aa~
and=1>2E/RPl all
1'11 kill you all
M'yawi-ta
kill-FUT
k'a~nu.063
wawti'kta matash.
wawti'k-ta=matash
club-FUT=1>2E/B.PI
I will club you (to death.)"
k'a~nu.064 5:46
Uu awku iskawna pftpit.
uu awku i-skaw-na p{tpit
uu then 3Sg.S-fear-PST chick
The chick became frightened.
456
k'a~nu.065 5:54
Awku nch'{ki~aw wryatyaw ihaashna
awkU nch'{ki-t~aw w{yat-yaw
then loudly-SUP far.away-DAT
i-haash-na
3Sg.S-breathe-PST
And with the loudest voice, he took a deep breath, way down deep,
k'a~nu.066
awku ishapa'atma "K-unkUun shipapap!"
awku i-shapa-at-m-a K-unkUun shipapap
then 3Sg.S-CAUS-go.out-CSL-PST K-unkUun shfpapap
and then let it out, " K-unkuun shlpapap!"
k'a~nu.067 6:05
Aah matash ti'aa~w wawti'kta!
aah=matash ti'aa~ wawti'k-ta
aah=1>2E/B.PI all club-FUT
"I'm going to beat you all to death!"
k'a~nu.068
Ti'a~w awku iwawti'ka myanashmaman
ti'aa~w awku i-wawti'k-a myanash-maman
all then 3Sg.S-club-PST child-OBJ.PI
Then he beat all of the children to death.
k'ci~nu.069
Iwinpa r1kwas
i-winp-a
3Sg.S-take-PST
He grabbed a stick
r1kwas
stick
457
k'ci~nu.070
ku iwciwti'ka ti'cia~maman,
ku i-wciwti'k-a ti'aa~w-maman
and 3Sg.S-club-PST all-OBl.Pl
anakwnak papu~sha
ana-kwnak pa-pu~-sha
SUB that.LOC 3Pl.S-scatter-IMPV
and beat them all to death, there they were scattered everywhere.
k'ci~nu.071 6:22
awku itkw'ci'anakwa. "Kunkuun shipapap.
awku i-tkw'ci-cinakw-a Kunkuun shipapap
then 3Sg.S-walk-separate-PST KunkUun shipapap
Then he walked away and left them. " KunkUun shipapap.
k'ci~nu.072
Tun awku kw'ink Kunkuun shipapap?'
tun awku kw'ink Kunkuun shipapap
what then that.aforementioned Kunkuun shipapap
What is that, Kunkuun shipapap?"
k'ci~nu.073
Pawawtk'(wishaash."
pa-wawtk'(wi-sha=nash
3Pl.S-trick-IMPV=1Sg
They're making a fool out of me."
k'ci~nu.074 6:35
And he walked away.
(in English)
k'a~nu.075
Patu~shana awku k'a~nu ayatin.
pa-tu~-sha-na
3Pl.S-retum.home-IMPV-PST
Kaxnu and his wife came home.
awku k'a~nu
then prairie.chicken
ayat-in
woman-ASSOC
458
k'a~nu.076 6:45
Uuu! Aah, apu~sha myanashma, ti yawiyi.
Uuu, Aah, a-pu~-sha myanash-ma
uuu aah, 30-scatter-IMPV child-PI
Their children were dead and scattered.
tiyawi-yi
die-STAT
k'a~nu.077
"Aana mish na t~ana myanashma, ti'aa~w wawtiyawiyi."
aana mish=na t~ana myanash-ma ti'aa~ waw-tiyawi-yi
INTl Q=lPl.INC become child-PI all LP.instr.REDUP-die-STAT
"What has happened to our children? They are all dead from a beating."
k'~nu.078 7:01
Uuu, ayatuks ina~tisha.
uuu ayatuks i-na~ti-sha
uuu female 3Sg.S-cry-IMPV
The female is crying.
k'a~nu.079
Pak'{naniya watiksh Spilyaynan.
pa-k'{nu-ani-ya watiksh
3Pl.S-see-APPL-PST tracks
They saw Spilyay's tracks.
Spilyay-nan
Coyote-OBl
k'a~nu.080
"Aah Spilyay~ash {chi {kush ikuya.
Aah Spilyay=~ash (chi (kush i-ku-ya
aah Coyote=MOD this thus 3Sg.S-do-PST
"Hah, Spilyay must have done this.
k'a~nu.081 7:14
Aw na awakitatasha."
aw=na a-wak{t-ata-sha
now=lPl.INC 30-look-PURP-IMPV
Let's go look for him."
k'a~nu.082
Pat awkU ashyaka.
pat awkU a-shyak-a
3Pl>3 then 30-scout-PST
Then they scouted (for him).
459
k'a~nu.083
Iii, (chi ikwlita lKwin.
ii {chi i-kwlita
yes this 3Sg.S-go.along
"Oh, he has gone to there."
k'a~nu.084 7:23
Pat awiya~na.
pat a-iyax-na
3Pl>3 30-find-PST
They found him.
lKwin
that.DAT
k'a~nu.085
Awkli pawiilliuka ~limi
then pa-w(i-lUuk-a
then 3Pl.S-go-up-PST
~w{imi
high.up
ku pawlihaykma.
kli pa-wli-hciyk-m-a
and3Pl.S-go-down-CSL-PST
They went high up and then came down.
k'a~nu.086 7:30
Pawiipt'ana, na~shin chinik
pa-wli-pt'a-na na~sh-in
INV-go-impact-PST one-3>3.ERG
pawiihaykuuna
pa-wli-hciyk-uu-na
INV-go-down-APPL-PST
ku pawiipt'ana.
ku pa-wli-pt'a-na
and INV-go-impact-PST
chinik
this.abl
460
They hit him, one from this side flew down and hit him.
k'a~nu.087
"M(sh pam mlsha, ~ay aa ~ay,
mish=pam ml-sha ~ay aa ~ay
Q=2Pl do-IMPV man's.male.friend aah man's.male.friend
lchiish wa ~ay
lchi=nash wa ~ay
this=lSg COP man's.male.friend
"What are you doing friend, hey! I am your friend!
k'a~nu.088 7:41
Mlsh pam t~anasha?" (------)
mish=pam t~ana-sha
Q=2Pl become-IMPV
What's happening to you?" (more of Coyote whimpering here (------),cannot make it out.)
k'a~nu.089
Pat awiipt'a~ana.
pat a-wli-pt'a-~a-na
3Pl>3 30-go-impact-HAB-PST
They collided again.
k'a~nu.090
Huuy pina'iiamaykanishana iamtix.
huuy pina-(iamayk-ani-sha-na
in.vain RFL.Sg-hide-APPL-IMPV-PST
He tried in vain to protect his head.
k'a~nu.091 7:50
Pat awiipt'ana
pat a-wti-pt'a-na
3Pl>3 30-go-impact-PST
iamtix
head
461
pat awku ananayka awku ananayka ts'aa wanayaw
pat awku a-nana-naynak-a awkU a-nana-naynak-a ts'aa wana-yaw
3Pl>3 then 30-carry- into-PST then 30-carry- into-PST close river-DAT
They hit him and forced him along, forced him along, close to the river.
k'a~nu.092
Ku kwnak iwacha k'mii.
ku kwnak i-wacha k'mii
and that.LOC 3Sg.S-COP.PST cliff
And there was a cliff.
k'~nu.093 8:00
fkuuk pat awkU (ku pat awku) nimnaw(t awinanp'ana
(kuuk ~pat awku ntmnaw(t a-wti-nanp'a-na
now =3PI>3 then very 30-go -move.against-PST
papuuchnik ti'aayawit
papuuchan-knik rl'aayawit
both.sides-ABL death
They really hit him, really were attacking fiercely, coming together from both sides until
death.
k'a~nu.094
Ku til(wal ti'aa~w awiit'ishka
ku til(wal rl'aa~
and blood all
a-wtit'ishk-a
30-splatter-PST
And his blood spilled everywhere.
k'a?Snu.094
ku i?Satamawiyawnana IKUUni wanakan.
ku i-?Satama-wli-yawna-na lKuuni
and 3Sg.S-fall-go-over-PST that.ALL
he fell over that way towards the river
wana-kan
river-ALL
462
k'a?Snu.095 8:17
Awkti kwnak k'mHpa awkti ayawiihaykma
awkti kwnak k'mii-pa awkU a-ya-wli-hciyk-m-a
then that.LOC cliff-LOC then 30-LP.water-go-down-CSL-PST
IKush ti/{wal
IKush ti/{wal
thus blood
And there his blood poured down the cliff.
k'a?Snu.096
ti'aa?SW awkti ti'aayawit ika'isha Spi/yay.
ti'aa?SW awkU ti'aayawit i-ka-isha
all then death 3Sg.S-suddenly-be.1ying
All dead, Spilyay lay crumpled there.
k'a?Snu.097 8:30
Kwnak awkU ma, la.. .) i/a'ishana.
kwnak awkti i-Ia-isha-na
that.LOC then 3Sg.S-leisurely-be.1ying-PST
There he lay.
Spi/yay
Coyote
k'a?Snu.098
Kwakmaal. Miikwak putaptit anwIKt
kwak -maal mii -kwak
Lwonder-how.1ong how.many-Lwonder
putaptit anwIKt
hundred year
No one knows how long. Probably hundreds of years.
k'a~nu.099
ti'aa~w~aawk'a awku iwacha {kush.
ti'aa~w ~aaw-k'a awkU i-wacha {kush
all dry-now then 3Sg.S-COP.PST thus
he dried up as he lay thus.
463
k'a~nu.l00 8:46
Ikw{itama Luts'ayay
i-kw{ita-m-a
3Sg.S-go.along-CSL-PST
Red Fox came along,
k'a~nu.l0l
(pawiya~iya.. .) pawyariya~na
pa-wya-zYa~-na
INV-go-find-PST
Luts'ayay
Red.Fox
he was going along and found him.
k'a~nu.l02 8:53
"Aa, mish~ash {chi {n~ay im(ya pin~i?
aa mish=~ash {chi in~ay
aah Q=MOD this my.man's.male.friend
"Oh my friend, what must he have done?
k'axnu.l03
Aw~ash iwyakwshtikshana."
aw=~ash i-wyakwshttk-sha-na
now=MOD 3Sg.S-do.wrong-IMPV-PST
He must have been doing wrong."
k'a~nu.l04
Ku (pawiyawiyuuna) pawiiyawnana pa~aam.
ku pa-w(i-yawna-na pa~aam
and INV-go-over-PST five.times
And then he stepped over him five times.
i-m{-ya pink-~i
3Sg.S-do-PST 3Sg.PN-same
g'ci?;nu.l05 9:08
Kw'ci?;i itci?;Shiya Spilyciy, mmm
kw'ci?;i i-tci?;shi-a Spilyciy
again 3Sg.S-wake.up-PST Coyote
Spilyay woke up.
g'ci?;nu.l06
"Aah ciw?;ash shlciwiya ku ?;citikw'ika pnuna."
Aa aw=?;a=nash shlciwi-ya ku
aah now=MOD=lSg tire-PST and
"I must have gotten tired and fell over and slept."
g'ci?;nu.l07
"Aah, ?;citikw'ikaam. wycikwshtik?;a nam.
Aah ?;atikw'ik-a=nam wyakwshtIK-?;a=nam
aah fall.over-PST=2Sg do.wrong-HAB=2Sg
"Ah, you fell over. You do wrong.
?;atikw'ik-a pnu-na
fall.over-PST sleep-PST
464
g'a?;nu.l08 9:26
Nah tupan nam wyakwshtika.
Nah tupan=nam
bah something=2Sg
wyakwshtlK-a
do.wrong-PST
Nah, you must have done something wrong.
g'a?;nu.l09
Tupan?;aam wyakwshtika.
tupan-?;a=nam wyakwshtlK-a
something-HAB=2Sg do.wrong-PST
You must have done something wrong.
g'a?;nu.ll0 9:34
M{sh nam m{ya?"
mish=nam m{-ya
Q=2Sg do-PST
What did you do?"
g'a~nu.111
Awkti pinatamapayshka.
awkti pina-tamapayshk-a
then RFL.Sg-tell.on-PST
And then he confessed.
k'axnu.112 9:42
'-;fk~sh nash ktiya."
{kush=nash kti-ya
thus=lSg do-PST
"This is what I did."
465
g'~nu.l13
"Aw mash {chi {ta~hi,
aw=mash {chi
now=lSg>2Sg this
{ta~hi
awaken
"Now I have awakened you
ra~nu.114
kti nam aw kw'a~i wa wag'ish
kti=nam aw kw'~i wa
and=2Sg now again COP
and you have become alive again.
k'a~nu.115
Ku chtnik fkw'{knik
kti chtnik fkw'{-knik
and this.abl day-ABL
And from this day on,
wag'ish
alive
k'a~nu.116 9:55
chaw nam mun anach'~i awitf'yawita k'a~umaman."
chaw=nam mun anach'a-~i a -ttf'yawi-ta
NEG=2Sg when again-same 30-kill-FUT
you will never again kill prairie chickens.
ra~nu-maman
prairie.chicken-OBJ.PI
k'ci~nu.117
"Ku mish, Ku mish."
hi mish hi mish
and Q and Q
"Oh dear, okay."
k'ci~nu.118 10:03
"Pciysh nam chaw pciyikta,
pciysh=nam chaw pci-yIK-ta
maybe=2Sg NEG INV-hear-FUT
ku nam, ku mash {tu~ta lKuunik
ku=nam ku=mash {tu~-ta
and=2Sg and=lSg>2Sg retum-FUT
anam kwnak wacha."
ana=nam kwnak wachci
SUB=2Sg that.LOC COP.PST
lKuunik
that.abl
466
"If you don't listen, I'll put you back to where you were."
k'ci~nu.119 10:08
"Chaw, ciw nash wcita, ciw nash shi~ wcita,
chaw aw=nash wci-ta
NEG now=lSg COP-FUT
"No, I'll be, I'll be good!
aw=nash shi~ wci-ta
now=lSg good COP-FUT
k'ci~nu.120
chciw nash cinach'a~i mun eiwitfyawita k'a~numaman.
chaw=nash einach'a-~i mun ei-ltfyawi-ta k'~nu-maman
NEG=lSg again-same when 30-kill-FUT prairie.chicken-OBlPl
I'll never again kill prairie chickens."
k'ei~nu.121 10:15
ikush awkU iwci {chi IKuuk.
IKush awku i-wei {chi IKuuk
thus then 3Sg.S-COP this now
That's the way it is now.
k'a~nu.122
chciwmun spt1ya {ti'yawita k'a~numaman.
chaw -mun spt1ya {ttyawi-ta k'~nu-maman
NEG -when coyote kill-FUT prairie.chicken-OBlPl
A coyote never kills prairie chickens.
k'a~nu.123
fchi ikUuk. Taaminwa.
{chi {kuuk taaminwa
this now always
That's it. Forever.
467
APPENDIX C
SiKNI 'YELLOWBELL'
sikni.OOl
Pawachci ttmay(ma.
pa-wachci ttmay(ma
3Pl.S-COP.PST maiden. PI
There were maidens.
sikni.002
Panishcituuna ~alukt tiichampa,
pa-nishatuu-na ~alukt tiicham-pa
3Pl.S-live-PST beneath earth-LOC
They were living underground,
Sikni.003
ku papnushana,
ku pa-pnu-sha-na
and 3Pl.S-sleep-IMPV-PST
and they were sleeping,
sikni.004
pahaashhaashshana.
pa-haashhaash-sha-na
3Pl.S-rest-IMPV-PST
they were resting.
sikni.005
Chaw (~wi pa'atshama,
chaw (~i pa-at-sha-m-a
NEG still 3Pl.S-go.out-IMPV-CSL-PST
They still weren't coming out,
468
Sikni.O06
anaku {~i iwacha k'p{s,
ana-ku {~i i-wacha k'p{s
SUB-and still 3Sg.S-COP.PST cold
because it was still cold,
469
sikni.007
k'p{s iwacha {chi tiicham.
k'p{s i-wacha {chi
cold 3Sg.S-COP.PST this
this earth was cold.
tiicham
earth
sikni.008
Chaw {~i itsts'uupshana puuy.
chaw {~i i-tsts'uup-sha-na puuy
NEG still 3Sg.S-melt-IMPV-PST snow
The snow had still not melted.
sikni.009
Ku pt'il{ma {~i papnushana.
ku pt'il{-ma {~i pa-pnu-sha-na
and girl-PI still 3Pl.S-sleep-IMPV-PST
And the girls were still sleeping.
sikni.010
[kuuk awku iwlihaykma,
{kuuk awkU i-wti-hayk-m-a
now then 3Sg.S-go-down-CSL-PST
iwinachika winaawa hull.
i-winachik-a winaawa hul(
3Sg.S-arrive-PST warm.wind wind
That's when the wind came blowing in, blowing in.
sikni.Oll
Winaawayay, anakw'ink pawamlQsa Winaawayay,
Winaawayay anakw'ink pa-wam1<-:~a Winaawayay
Warm.wind SUB-that.aforementioned 3Pl.S-name-HAB Warm.wind
iwinachika.
i-winachik-a
3Sg.S-arrive-PST
Warm Wind, the one they call Warm Wind, arrived.
470
Sikni.012
lwa ts'muuy hull Winaawayay.
i-wa ts'muuy hull
3Sg.S-COP warm wind
Winaawayay is a warm wind.
sikni.013
Awku iwinachika
awku i-winachik-a
then 3Sg.S-arrive-PST
Winaawayay
Warm.wind
ku ishapapuxna awku ts'muuuy tf'a~ tuun,
ku i-shapa-pux-na awku ts'muuy
and 3Sg.S-CAUS-blow-PST then warm
Then he came and blew warm air over everything,
Sikni.014
ku puuy awku itsts'uupna.
ku puuy awku i-tsts'uup-na
and snow then 3Sg.S-melt-PST
and the snow melted.
tf'aa~w
all
tuun
what.OBJ
Sikni.015
Awku iwanana ch{ish.
awku i-wana-na
then 3Sg.S-flow-PST
Then the water flowed.
chash
water
s{kni.016
Ku iwinachikuuna ttmay(maman ku i'{na,
ku i-winachik-uu-na ttmay(maman ku
and 3Sg.S-arrive-APPL-PST maiden. Pl.OBJ and
Then he came up to the girls and he told them,
i-{n-a
3Sg.S-tell-PST
471
s{kni.017
"Aah, Utsama awpam pimawfshuwata,
aah Utsa-ma aw=pam
aah younger.sister-PI now=2Pl
pima-wfshuwa-ta
RFL.Pl-get.ready-FUT
"Aah, little sisters, it's time for you to prepare yourselves,
s{kni.018
kupam aw atfmta.
ku=pam aw
and=2Pl now
at-im-ta
go.out-CSL-FUT
and then you come out.
s{kni.019
Aw it~anasha ts'muuy
aw i-t~ana-sha
now 3Sg.S-become-IMPV
ts'muuy
warm
ku awmatash wa (chi (kuuk att,
ku aw =matash wa
and now=2Pl.GEN COP
(chi (kuuk at-t
this now go.out-NZR
Now it's getting warm and it's your time to come out,
s{kni.020
kupam tiinmam(yaw pima'islKw'ata.
ku=pam tlin-ma-m(-yaw
and=2Pl person-PI-APPL-DAT
and show yourselves to the people.
pima-islKw'a-ta
RFL.Pl-show-FUT
sikni.021
Pima'iniitsitapam shits."
Pima-{niitsi-ta=pam 5hits
RFL.Pl-make.good-FUT=2Pl good
Fix yourselves up real good."
Sikni.022
Ku li{SWi patawk'umshana,
ku {{SWi pa-tawk'um-sha-na
and still 3Pl.S-oversleep-IMPV-PST
And then they were still lazing about,
sikni.023
ku awku pawyatatsshiya.
ku awlai pa-wya-tatsshi-a
and then 3Pl.S-go-wake.up-PST
and then they started to wake up.
472
sikni.024
Patamapnya awku wapawat,
pa-tamapni-ya awku
3Pl.S-take.out-PST then
wapawat
costume
They started bringing out their outfits
sikni.025
ku pimawapawana awku tf'aapv tukin wapawatki.
ku pima-wapawa-na awlai tf'aapv
and RFL.Pl-decorate-PST then all
and dressed themselves with all their decorations.
sikni.026
Ku natssh awku kwnak tmay aw ikuunlik ipnushana.
ku natssh awlai kwnak tmay aw {kuunik
and one then that.LOC maiden now that.abl
And one girl still slept.
tukin wapawat-ki
with.what costume-INST
i-pnu-sha-na
3Sg.S-sleep-IMPV-PST
sikni.027
Pat huuy awita?;shi2.wna.
pat huuy a-{ta?;shi-?;a-na
3PI in.vain 30-awaken-HAB-PST
They were having difficulty waking her.
473
sikni.028
"Amash ta?;shi!
ana=mash
SUB=1>2E/B.PI
"Wake up now!
ta?;shi
wake.up
sikni.029
Aw iwa pinawIshuwat,
aw i-wa
now 3Sg.S-COP
pina-wishuwa-t
RFL.Sg-get.ready-NZR
Now it's time to get yourself ready,
sikni.030
awna iwanpisha (yayanim) yayanim
aw=na i-wanpi-sha
now=IPl.INC 3Sg.S-call-IMPV
awna yakut atta."
aw=na =yakUt aHa
now=IPl.INC =MOD go.out-FUT
yaya-nim
older.brother-3>SAP.ERG
now older brother is telling us to go out."
sikni.031
"Aah, taaminwa pam imach'a kkaasa tukin.
aah taaminwa =pam imak=ch'a kkaasa
aah always=2PI 2Pl.PN-also be.in.a.hurry
"Oh, you're always in a hurry about something.
tIikin
with.what
sikni.032
hwiish pnuwat'asha."
{pvi =nash pnu-at'a-sha
still=lSg sleep-DES-IMPV
I'm still sleepy."
sikni.033
Ku kw'a~i awku pinatamasklikinkika ku ku ipnunkika.
ku kw'a~i awkU pina-tamasklik-inkik-a
and again then RFL.Sg-tum.over-TSL-PST
ku i-pnu-nkik-a
and 3Sg.S-sleep-TSL-PST
474
And instead she turned herself over and went back to sleep.
sikni.034
Tf'an~ awku patma pimawishuwana.
Tf'anx awkU pat-ma pima-wishuwa-na
rather then oldeLsister-PI RFL.PI-get.ready-PST
Instead then her older sisters were readying themselves.
sikni.035
Anach'a~i pawinachikuuna.
anach'a-~i pa-winachik-uu-na
again-same 3>3.INV-arrive-APPL-PST
Again he came blowing up to them.
sikni.036
"Aw pam atimta, aw iwa ts'muuy."
aw =pam at-im-ta
now=2PI go.out-CSL-FUT
aw i-wa
now 3Sg.S-COP
ts'muuy
warm
"Now it's time for you to come out, now it's warm."
sikni.037
Awku pat anach'~i aWita~hiya,
awkupat anach'a-~i
then 3PI>3 again-same
a-{ta~shi-ya
30-awaken-PST
The others again tried to wake her,
sikni.038
"Aw natash atsha, kU nam aw ta?5shita!"
aw=natash at-sha ku=nam
now=IPl.EXC go.out-IMPV and=2Sg
"We're going out now, wake up!"
sikni.039
AwkU pimawishJiwankika awkU pa'ata.
awkJi pima-wishJiwa-kik-a awkJi
then RFL.PI-get.ready-TSL-PST then
Then they all got ready and went out.
aw ta?5shi-ta
now wake.up-FUT
pa-at-a
3Pl.S-go.out-PST
475
Sikni.040
Kpaylk pinch 'a laymut iwaY?5tiwaY?5tisha
kpaylk pinch'a laymut i-waY?5ti-waY?5ti-sha
later 3Sg.PN.FAM youngest 3Sg.S-run-run-IMPV
And meanwhile that one, the lowly youngest, ran around,
sikni.041
i'awisha ti'aa?5W awkJi tun aiamayna.
i-awi-sha ti'aa?5W
3Sg.S-search.for-IMPV all
awkU
then
tun
what
/ J /a-ramay-na
30-be.lost-PST
she was searching, she couldn't find anything.
sikni.042
AwkJi chaw p'i?5 pinch'a ila'atima,
awkJi chaw p'i?5 pinch 'a
then disheveled 3Sg.PN.FAM
anak, iaraan,
anak iak'aan
last messy.hair
i-la-at-m-a
3Sg.S-leisurely-go.out-CSL-PST
Then that one, all disheveled, came out last, all shaggy-haired,
sikni.043
ti'aa?5W mlimi pa'atkika patma,
ti'aa?5W mlimi pa-at-kik-a
all long.ago 3Pl.S-go.out-TSL-PST
all her sisters had already gone out,
pat-ma
older.sister-PI
sikni.044
ayciyat wapciwani.
ayciyat wapciwa-ni
beautiful decorate-STAT
groomed beautifully.
sikni.045
Awku palcikay?;ika, iiii!
awku pa-lcikay?;ik-a iiii
then 3Pl.S-shine -PST yes
Then they shone, yes!
sikni.046
Lat{t ti'cia?;Wpa mincin awku pattciwa?;inkika,
latft ti'aa?;w-pa mincin awku pa-ttciwa?;-inkik-a
flower all-LOC where then 3Pl.S-grow-TRL-PST
Flowers were growing all over the place
sikni.047
ayciyat k'{nupa.
ayciyat k'inu-pa
beautiful see-LOC
looking beautiful.
sikni.048
Awku pciwyaalakwa Winaawayciyin.
awku pci-wycialakw-a Winaawayciy-in
then !NV-leave-PST Warm.wind-3>3.ERG
Then Warm Wind took off.
476
sikni.049
Ti'an?; awkU pinch'a {chi lciymut
ti'an?; awku pinch'a {chi
rather then 3Sg.PN.FAM this
But this so-and-so youngest
lciymut
youngest
Sikni.050
i'citima chaw p'i~ k'{nupa.
i-at-m-a
3Sg.S-go.out-CSL-PST
chawp'i~
disheveled
k'inu-pa
see-LOC
477
came out looking all rumpled.
sikni.051
Pinatwakushycii.
pina-twakushi-cii
RFL.Sg-comb-NEG.AG
Uncombed.
sikni.052
Winaniincii.
winanli-cii
bathe-NEG.AG
Unbathed.
sikni.053
chaw p'i~ taatpas, shapap'ikcii.
chaw p'i~ taatpas shapap'ik-cii
disheveled clothing wash.clothes-NEG.AG
Messy clothes, unwashed.
sikni.054
Patu~ fk'am.
Patun~ fk'am
different moccasins
Mismatched moccasins.
Sikni.055
AwkU ik'{nuna patma ayayat k'{nupa.
awkU i-k'inu-na pat-ma
then 3Sg.S-see-PST older.sister-PI
ayciyat k'inu-pa
beautiful see-LOC
And then she saw her sisters looking beautiful.
sikni.056
Ku pino.tk'ina pink chaw p'i~,
ku pino.-tk'i-na pink
and RFL.Sg-look-PST 3Sg.PN
chaw p'i~
disheveled
478
And she looked at herself all rumpled.
sikni.057
chaw shi~ ip~{na.
chaw shi~ i-p~i-na
NEG good 3Sg.S-think-PST
She didn't feel good.
Sikni.058
Pino.ti'uyana, ku chaw awku Aanan itk'iyo.t'ana.
pino.-ti'uyo.-na ku chawawkU aan-nan i-tk'{-yo.t'a-na
RFL.Sg-be.ashamed-PST and NEG then sun-OBJ 3Sg.S-100k-DES-PST
She was ashamed, she didn't want to look at the sun.
sikni.059
Ku pino.'iiamayka,
ku pino.-iiamayk-a
and RFL.Sg-hide- PST
And she hid herself
sikni.060
ku iamttx o.waluuna im{tichan.
ku iamttx o.-walUu-na
and head 30-hang.down-PST
and bowed her head down.
m{ti-kan
below-ALL
Sikni.061
[kush awku {chi ikuuk iwo. pinch 'a.
{kush awku {chi zKuuk i-wo.
thus then this now 3Sg.S-COP
And this is the way this one is.
pinch 'a
3Sg.PN.FAM
sikni.062
chaw mun pinacha~ilpanita tpish Aanm(yaw.
chaw mun pina-cha-~ilp-ani-ta
NEG when RFL.Sg-CAUS-open-APPL-FUT
She never opens her face to the sun.
sikni.063
Awkti pinati'uyasha {kush.
awkti pina-ti'uya-sha {kush
then RFL.Sg-be.ashamed-IMPV thus
She's ashamed of herself.
tpish
face
Aan-m{-yaw
Sun-APPL-DAT
479
sikni.064
rwakwnayksha taaminwa,
i-wakwnayk-sha
3Sg.S-bend.head-IMPV
She always bows down,
taaminwa
always
Sikni.065
im{tichan ik'{nusha, pina'iiamayksha.
m{ti-kan i-k'inu-sha pina-fiamayk-sha
below-ALL 3Sg.S-see-IMPV RFL.Sg-hide- IMPV
she looks down and hides herself.
sikni.066
[kush awkti {kw'ak iwci sikni {chi iktiuk.
{kush awkti {kw'ak i-wa sikni {chi
thus then that 3Sg.S-COP Yellowbell
That's how Yellowbell is.
{kuuk
this now
sikni.067
Ii'an~ awkU py~{ ayciyat ilat'i~ha.
Ii'anx awkti pya~{ ayciyat
rather then bitterroot beautiful
In contrast, Pyaxi blooms beautifully.
i-lat'i~-sha
3Sg.S-spark-IMPV
sikni.068
Kush~i sikawya.
kush~i sikawya
also Breadroot
And Sikawya the same.
sikni.069
Ku ti'aapvtun awku niim{{chi tkwatat
ku ti'aapv-tun awku niim{ {chi
and all-what then IPl.GEN.PN this
And all of our other foods
sikni.070
ayayat ilat'i~sha,
ayayat i-lat'i~-sha
beautiful 3Sg.S-spark-IMPV
bloom beautifully,
tkwatat
food
480
sikni.071
ku pinch'a {chi iwa sikni.
ku pinch'a {chi
and 3Sg.PN.FAM this
and then there is Sikni.
i-wa
3Sg.S-COP
sikni
Yellowbell
sikni.072
Pinati'uyasha taaminwa,
pina-ti'uya-sha
RFL.Sg-be.ashamed-IMPV
She's always ashamed,
taaminwa
always
sikni.073
im{tichan itk'{sha,
m{ti-kan i-tk'{-sha
below-ALL 3Sg.S-look-IMPV
she looks down,
sikni.074
chaw itk'(~ha ku Aanin pak'inuta.
chaw i-tk'(~-sha ku
NEG 3Sg.S-want-IMPY and
she doesn't want the sun to see her.
Aan-in
Sun-3>3.ERG
pd-~'inu-ta
INY-see-FUT
481
sikni.075
Chaw p'i~ iwd pinch 'a.
chaw p'i~ i-wa
disheveled 3Sg.S-COP
She's all messy.
pinch 'a
3Sg.PN.FAM
sikni.076
ikw'ak nash aw (kwaal. Awatisha (chi mydnashmaman.
{kw'ak =nash aw (kwaal a-watl-sha {chi
that=1Sg now far 30-tell.1egends-IMPY this
I'm that far. I've told this to the children.
myanash-maman
chi1d-OBJ.P1
482
APPENDIXD
WAPAAS 'GATHERING BASKET'
This short recording describes a wapaas, a root or berry gathering basket made of
hemp or yam with a leather rim. Virginia was showing one as she was speaking. The
plant traditionally used to make them is ta?;us, Indian hemp or milkweed (Apocymum
cannabinum). The string the women made from hemp during the winter months was used
for many purposes, including fishing nets, snares, tule mats, and baskets.
[chi iwa, iwamKsha wapaas. Wapaas iwa taakwinpama, pshatatpama ?;n(t. lwa an(yi
taakwinki waps{kiiki. Ku m{imi pa'an{?;ana ta;¢ski. Ku {chi ikuuk aw wapsrKiikisim
paw('an{?;ana, ku ta?;usk'a awkU ilaamsha. Ku tiaa?;Wtun paw('ani?;ana kunk{nk, ikks (chi rKush
iwa wapaas pinawalak'iktay taakwin kw'(pa. lwyapshatata ku iwa anach'a?;i nch'(nch'i, kwnak
nam wyaya?;shata, wyaya?;shatpama wapaas nch 'Inch 'i. lkwak rKush ayatma paw('ani?;ana
mlimi.
This is, it is called wapaas. Wapaas is a thing for gathering roots into. It is made
of cord. A long time ago, they were made from hemp (ta?;us). But this one here is made
of cord, and hemp is disappearing. And they made everything with it. Small ones like
this are to fasten around the waist. You go along gathering into them. Then there is a big
one that you pour the roots into. This is how women made them a long time ago.
fchi iwa, iwam'ksha wapaas.
483
{chi
this
i-wa
3Sg.S-COP
i-wamK-sha
3Sg.S-name-IMPV
wapaas
wapaas
This is, it is called wapaas.
Wapaas iwa taakwinpama,
wapaas i-wa
wapaas 3Sg.S-COP
pshatatpama ~n{t.
pshata-t-pama
put.in-NZR-thing.for
taakwin-pama
whatchamacallit-thing.for
~n{-t
dig.root-NZR
Wapaas is a thing for gathering roots into.
lwa an(yi taakwinki wapslKiiki.
i-wa an{-yi taakwin-ki
3Sg.S-COP make-STAT whatchamacallit-INST
It's made of string,
wapsIKi-ki
string-INST
ku mlimi pa'an{~ana ta~uski.
ku mlimi pa-an{-~a-na
and long.ago 3Pl.S-make-HAB-PST
ta~us-ki
Indian.hemp-INST
and in old times, they made them out of hemp.
Ku {chi ikuuk aw wapslKiikisim paw{'ani~ana
ku {chi IKuuk aw wapsIKi-ki-sim
and this now now string-INST-same
pa-w{-an{-~a-na
3Pl.S-DST-make-HAB-PST
ku ta~usk'a awku ilaamsha.
ku ta~us-k'a awku i-Iaam-sha
and Indian.hemp-next then 3Sg.S-disappear-IMPV
But now they're made of string, and Indian hemp is disappearing.
Ku ti'aa~tun paw{'an{~ana kunklnk.
ku tl'aa~-tun pa-w{-an{-~a-na kunklnk
and all-what 3Pl.S-DST-make-HAB-PST that.INST
And they made everything with that.
Ikks (chi (kush iwei weipaas
ikks (chi (kush i-wei
little this thus 3Sg.S-COP
This is a small wapaas,
pineiwalak'iktay taakwin kw'(pa
pina-wala-k'ik-t-ay
RFL.Sg-belt-caught.up-NZR-BEN
for wearing tied around the waist.
weipaas
wapaas
taakwin kw'i-pa
whatchamacallit waist-LOC
484
Ku nam wyapshatata ku iwa anach'a~i nch'(nch'i,
ku=nam wya-pshcita-ta ku i-wei
and=2Sg go-gather-FUT and 3Sg.S-COP
You go along gathering, and there are big ones,
kwnak nam wyaya~shata,
kwnak=nam wya-ya~sha-ta
that.LOC =2Sg go-pour.into-FUT
there you pour the roots,
anach'a-~i
again-same
nch'(nch'i
big(ones)
wyaya~shatpamaweipaas nch'(nch'i.
wya-yaxsha-t-pama wapaas
go -pour.into-NZR-thing.for wapaas
big baskets for emptying into.
nch'(nch'i
big(ones)
fkw'ak iktish ayatma paw('an(~ana mlimi.
(kw'ak (kush ayat-ma pa-w{-an{-~a-na
that thus woman-PI 3Pl.S-DST-make-HAB-PST
That's how women used to make them long ago.
mlimi
long.ago
485
APPENDIXE
TANAWIT ANAHUYMf'THE BEAR'S CAVE'
This personal recollection is a timnana~t (from timna 'heart'; timnana~- 'tell a
personal story or recollection) relating what Tu~amshish,Virginia Beavert, was told of her
birth. It is the beginning episode of an hour-long recording in which she recounts her
early childhood years. The recording was made in Toppenish on January 24,2007.
tuxamshish.oOl
zKuuk iwa pinapikw'i.
zKuuk i-wa
now 3Sg.S-be
This is Thursday.
pinapikw'i
Thursday
tuxamshish.o02
iwa napaam al~ay~ na~shpa anwzKtpa
i-wa napaam al~ay~
3Sg.S-COP twice moon
It's the second month ofthe year,
na~sh-pa anwzKt-pa
one-LOC year-LOC
tuxamshish.o03
ku nliptit ku p(niipt ikw'i al~ay~pa, {chi zKuuk,
ku nliptit ku p(niipt ikw'i al~ay~-pa (chi zKuuk
and twenty and four day moon-LOC this now
the twenty fourth day of the month, this day
tuxamshish.o04
Ink nash wanzKsha Tu~amshish
ink=nash wanz'k-sha
ISg.PN=ISg name-IMPV
My name is Tu~amshish,
Tu~amshish
Tu~amshish
486
tuxamshish.o05
kush {chi sinwit wapaw~isha {chna hawlaak
ku =nash {chi sinwi-t wapaw~i-sha {chna hawlaak
and=ISg this speak-NZR let.go-IMPV this.LOC spirit
pasinwitpamapa
pa-sinwi-t-pama-pa
INV-speak-NZR-thing.for-LOC
and I'm talking here on this microphone (letting go of my words on this unsubstantial
thing for speaking),
tuxamshish.o06
tun kuts'k timnana~t ashmaal ttawa~in~a {chna tiichcimpa
tun kuts'k timnana~t a-sh-maal
what small.piece story SUB=1SG-how.long
{chna tiichcimpa
{chna tiichcim-pa
this.LOC earth-LOC
a short story, the length of time I grew up on this earth.
ttawa~-in~a
grow-HAB
tuxamshish.o07
pa 'in~anash myanashnash t~anana
pa-in-~a=nash myanash=nash
3Pl.S-tell-HAB=1 Sg child=l Sg
t~ana-na
become-PST
z'kwna w(yatpa nixyaawipa pit'~anukpa
z'kwna w(yat-pa nixyaawi-pa
that.LOC far.away-LOC Pendleton-LOC
pit'~anuk-pa
high.e1ev.wood-LOC
They told me I was born over there, far away in the Pendleton Mountains,
tuxamshish.o08
anakw'ink pawan{kinKa "Blue Mountains"
ana-kw'ink pa-wam'k-inKa
SUB-that.aforementioned 3P1.S-name-HAB
what they call the Blue Mountains.
Blue Mountains
Blue Mountains
487
tuxamshish.o09
kwnak natutas iw{naKana, iwisalcitiKana
kwnak natutas i-w{na-Ka-na
that.LOC my.father 3Sg.S-go-HAB-PST
i-wisalati-Ka-na
3Sg.S-hunt-HAB-PST
anaku witk iwacha anakush ti!{wal kwnamank
ana-ku witk i-wacha anakush ti!{wal
SUB-and half 3Sg.S-COP.PST SUB-thus blood
kwnamank
from.that
My father used to go there, he would hunt, since he was half blooded from there,
tuxamshish.Ol0
ku kunk{nk awacha ts'waaywit wisaWt ku np'{wit kwinik
ku kunk{nk a-wacha ts'waaywit wisalIl-t ku np'{wi-t
and that.INST30-COP.PST rights hunt-NZR and platform.fish-NZR
and it was from that he had rights to hunt and fish,
kwinik
that.ABL
tuxamshish.Oll
anakw'ink patwap'skaniya
ana-kw'ink
SUB-that.aforementioned
pa-twap'sk-ani-ya
3P1.S-draw.line-APPL-PST
taakwin imanak m{fmi anakush t{mani tiicham
taakwin imanak mumI
whatchamacallit 2Sg.PN.GEN long.ago
ana-kush
SUB-thus
tt'mani tiicham
reservation
that aforementioned, they drew a line to make our reservations.
tuxamshish.012
ku witk awacha ts'waaywit Yakimapa
ku witk a-wacha ts'waaywit Yakama-pa
and half 30-COP.PST rights Yakama-LOC
And he had half rights at Yakama
tuxamshish.013
ku witk awacha Umatillapa ts'waaywit
ku witk a-wacha Umati11a-pa
and half 30-COP.PST Umatilla-LOC
and half rights at Umatilla,
tuxamshish.014
tf'aapv tupan {kushpaynk {kw'ak
tf'aapv tupan {kush-paynk
all what.LOC thus-LOC.EMPH
in everything like that.
ts'waaywit
rights
{kw'ak
that
488
tuxamshish.015
ku paw{nana, inanana taakwin na'{iasaan,
ku pa-w{na-na i-nana-na
and 3Pl.S-go-PST 3Sg.S-take-PST
They went, he took my mother,
taakwin na'r'ias-nan
whatchamacallit my.mother-OBJ
tuxamshish.016
ku mHkwak paw{nana,wisalatiicima
ku mH-kwak pa-w{na-na wisalati-ia-ma
and how.many-I.wonder 3Pl.S-go-PST hunt-AGT.NZR-PI
and I don't know how many hunters went.
tuxamshish.017
ku huuyyakut ishapawuukshana na'{iasaan
ku huuy =yakut i-shapa-wuuksha-na na'{ias-nan
and in.vain=MOD 3Sg.S-CAUS-stay.home-PST my.mother-OBJ
They said he tried but failed to get my mother to stay home,
tuxamshish.018
ku chawtya awku i... iwuukshayat'ana ku
ku chaw=tya awkU i-wuuksha-at'a-na ku
and NEG=MOD then 3Sg.S-stay.home-DES-PST and
she didn't want to stay home.
tuxamshish.019
awku itwanana
awku i-twana-na
then 3Sg.S-follow-PST
So she went with him,
489
tuxamshish.020
ku iwacha nch'{ki awkU myanashki
ku i-wacha nch'{-ki
and 3Sg.S-COP.PST big-INST
and she was big with pregnancy.
tuxamshish.021
ku kwnak w{t~ptin pawinpa
ku kwnak w{t~pt-in
and that.LOC blizzard-3>3ERG
awku myanash-ki
then child-INST
pa-winp-a
INV-take-PST
And there the bitter blizzard caught them.
tuxamshish.022
tfaa~ pa'itf'yawyanya k'usima
tf'aa~ pa-{tf'yawi-ani-ya
all INV-kill-APPL-PST
it killed all their horses.
k'usi-ma
horse-PI
tuxamshish.023
Ku chaw mishkin awkU pa'ata anakU palalaay puuy.
ku chaw mishkin awkU pa-at-a
and NEG Q.INST then 3Pl.S/A-go.out-PST
ana-ku palalaay
SUB-and many
puuy
snow
So there was no way they could get out due to so much snow.
tuxamshish.024
ku pa'iya?{na tanawit anahuy-m{ tal?{
ku pa-iycix-na tanawit anahuy-m{
and 3Pl.S-find-PST den black.bear-GEN
And they found an empty bear's cave
tal?{
empty
tuxamshish.025
ku kwnak awku pawishaynaka
ku kwnak awku pa-wishaynak-a
and that.LOC then 3Pl.S-move.in-PST
and that's where they moved in.
490
tuxamshish.026
anakUsh pimanaknuwiya kwnak
anakush pima-naknuwi-ya
like RFL.Pl-keep.safe-PST
kwnak
that.LOC
in that way they kept themselves safe there.
tuxamshish.027
awku awacha tkwatat anakUsh nikwit ku mittun 6.~awapnaykshana
awku a-wacha tkwatat anakush nikwit ku mit-tun
then 30-COP.PST food SUB-thus meat and how.many-what
aw a-~awapnayk-sha-na
now 30-remain-IMPV-PST
They had food and meat and whatever was left over,
tuxamshish.028
ku pimanaknuwiya awku kwnak asht.
ku pima-naknuwi-ya awku kwnak
and RFL.Pl- keep.safe-PST then that.LOC
and then they kept themselves safe inside.
ash-t
enter-NZR
tuxamshish.029
kush kwnak awku aak ink t~anana myanash
ku =nash kwnak aak awku ink
and=lSg that.LOC EMPH then lSg.PN
t~ana-na myanash
become-PST child
asht tanawitpa anahuymfpa
ash-t tcinawit-pa
enter-NZR den-LOC
anahUy-mf-pa
black.bear-GEN-LOC
And that's where I was born, inside the bear's cave.
tuxamshish.030
ku~ash awku na~sh iw{nsh iw{nana waplitatyaw
ku=~ash awku na~sh iw{nsh i-w{na-na
and=MOD then one man 3Sg.S-go-PST
Then one man must have gone for help.
tuxamshish.031
ku iwya'iipa awku a...agency-yaw Umati11apa
ku i-wya'iip-a awku
and 3Sg.S-emerge.from.brush-PST then
waplita-t-yaw
help-NZR-DAT
agency-yaw Umatilla-pa
agency-LOC Umatilla-LOC
491
He came out of the mountain to the agency at Umatilla.
tuxamshish.032
awkU kwnak pat awku awinanuuna sllitki
awku kwnak pat awku a-w{na-nuu-na
then that.LOC 3Pl>3 then 30-go-APPL-PST
Then they went to (rescue) them with a sled
sliit-ki
sled-INST
tuxamshish.033
ku pat anatma awkU tfaa~maman
ku pat a-nat-m-a
and 3Pl>3 30-remove-CSL-PST
and they brought them all out.
awku ti'a~-maman
then all-OBJ.Pl
tuxamshish.034
kush kwnak awku iwawshuya
ku =nash kwnak awku
and=ISg that.LOC then
i-wawshU-ya
3Sg.S-examine-PST
tamanwitm{ nurse-nim, naktkwaninM IInursell
tamanwi-t-m{ nurse-nim nciktkwaninM "nurse"
create-NZR-GEN nurse-2> I.ERG take.care.of-AGT.NZR
and that's where the government nurse examined me. Nurse is naktkwaninid.
tuxamshish,035
ku~ash awku kwnak ishapawach'aka
ku=~a=nash awku kwnak
and=MOD=lSg then that.LOC
i-shapa-wach'ak-a
3Sg,S-CAUS-stick.to-PST
492
anakush kwnak taakwinpa",enrollmentpa
anakush kwnak taakwin-pa
SUB-thus that.LOC whatchamacallit-LOC
enrollment -pa
enrollment-LOC
Then she must have enrolled me in that. ..what is it...enrollment.
tuxamshish,036
chaw pashukwaashana {kush ikuya
chaw pa-shukwaa-sha-na {kush
NEG 3Pl.S-know-IMPV-PST thus
They did not know that she did that.
i-ku-ya
3Sg.S-do-PST
tuxamshish.037
Kush awku panaktu~inma {chin
ku=nash awku pa-nak-tu~-inm-a {chin
and=lSg then 3Pl.S-carry-retum-CSL-PST this.DAT
Then they brought me back here,
tuxamshish.038
kush kwnak awkU {nch'a anakush ttaw~na
ku=nash kwnak awku ink-ch 'a
and=lSg that.LOC then lSg.PN.EMPH
anakush ttawa~-na
SUB-thus grow-PST
S{iapa {chna
S{ia-pa
Zillah-LOC
{chna
this,LOC
and that's where I grew up, here at Zillah.
tuxamshish.039
wayk (chi wanaknik iwan{ksha tawn "Zillah"
wayk {chi wana-knik i-wam'k-sha
across this iver-ABL 3Sg.S-name-IMPV
Across this river, the town is named Zillah.
tawn
town
Zillah
Zillah
tuxamshish.040
kwnak awacha nishayaas niimfnch 'inch 'imamf
kwnak a-wacha nishayaas niimf
that.LOC 30-COP.PST home IPl.GEN.PN
That's where our elders had their village.
nch'fnch'ima-mf
elders-GEN
493
494
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