A Socioeconomic Analysis of the 1974 Turkish Invasion and 

Occupation of Cyprus 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

by 

EVYENIA KITSIS 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

A THESIS 

 
Presented to the Department of Economics  

and the Robert D. Clark Honors College  
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of  

Bachelor of Science 
 
 

June 2025 

 



 

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An Abstract of the Thesis of 

Evyenia Kitsis for the degree of Bachelor of Science 
in the Department of Economics to be taken June 2025 

 
 

Title: An Analysis of the Socioeconomic Effects of the 1974 Turkish  
Invasion and Occupation of Cyprus 

 
 
 

Approved:      Jonathan Davis Ph.D.             
      Primary Thesis Advisor 

 

This thesis delves into the far-reaching socioeconomic implications of the 1974 Turkish 

invasion of Cyprus, highlighting its enduring impact on the island’s present state and regional 

instability. This historical event is largely left undiscussed despite its applications to similar 

issues within the same region today.  

Historical context for this thesis is provided through first-hand accounts from family 

members and family friends. Quantitative data from global public databases such as World Bank, 

Cyprus Statistical Services, and the International Monetary Fund were cross referenced to 

analyze the quantitative, measurable effects of the Turkish invasion. After this process, the harms 

of both the invasion and occupation are evident. But its effects are not that simple, as economic 

policies created prior to the invasion resulted in a significant growth within the Cypriot economy 

following the invasion. 

By studying this enduring conflict, we can understand the similarities this event has had 

with others similar to it in the past, as well as applying these lessons in the present. 

  



 

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Acknowledgements 

 

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to everyone who supported me throughout 

my thesis journey. First and foremost, I am thankful to my Primary Thesis Advisor, Professor 

Jonathan Davis for his consistent support and thoughtful feedback throughout every step of this 

project, as well as my CHC representative Dr. Kristen Rahilly. Their encouragement and 

investment of time in my success has been greatly influential and appreciated.  

I also extend my heartfelt love and appreciation to my family and friends for their 

unrelenting encouragement to persevere. Their words of motivation and belief in me were a 

source of strength and motivation, especially in the most challenging moments. To my father and 

the rest of our family who were directly impacted by this conflict—your resilience and spirit 

inspired this project. I hope this thesis honors your stories. 

 

Ευχαριστίες 

 

Θα ήθελα να εκφράσω τις ειλικρινείς μου ευχαριστίες σε όλους όσους με στήριξαν σε 

όλη τη διάρκεια της διαδρομής μου. Πρώτα και κύρια, είμαι ευγνώμων στον Σύμβουλο της 

Πρωτοβάθμιας Διατριβής μου, τον Καθηγητή Jonathon Davis για τη συνεπή υποστήριξή του και 

τη στοχαστική ανατροφοδότηση σε κάθε βήμα αυτού του έργου, καθώς και τον εκπρόσωπο της 

CHC, Δρ. Kristen Rahilly. Η ενθάρρυνσή τους και η επένδυση χρόνου στην επιτυχία μου ήταν 

πολύ επιδραστική και εκτιμημένη. 

Εκφράζω επίσης την εγκάρδια αγάπη και την εκτίμησή μου στην οικογένεια και τους 

φίλους μου για την αμείωτη ενθάρρυνση να επιμείνουν. Τα λόγια τους για κίνητρο και πίστη σε 



 

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μένα ήταν πηγή δύναμης και κινήτρου, ειδικά στις πιο δύσκολες στιγμές. Στον πατέρα μου και 

στην υπόλοιπη οικογένειά μας που επηρεάστηκαν άμεσα από αυτή τη σύγκρουση—η 

ανθεκτικότητα και το πνεύμα σας ενέπνευσαν αυτό το έργο. Ελπίζω ότι αυτή η διατριβή τιμά τις 

ιστορίες σας. 

Reconocimientos 

 

Quisiera expresar mi sincero agradecimiento a todos los que me apoyaron durante el 

desarrollo de mi tesis. En primer lugar, agradezco a mi asesor principal de tesis, el profesor 

Jonathan Davis, por su constante apoyo y sus valiosos comentarios en cada etapa de este 

proyecto, así como a mi representante en CHC, la Dra. Kristen Rahilly. Su apoyo y la inversión 

de tiempo en mi éxito han sido de gran influencia y los agradezco enormemente. 

También extiendo mi más sincero cariño y agradecimiento a mi familia y amigos por su 

incansable aliento para perseverar. Sus palabras de motivación y fe en mí fueron una fuente de 

fortaleza y motivación, especialmente en los momentos más difíciles. A mi padre y al resto de 

nuestra familia, que se vieron directamente afectados por este conflicto: su resiliencia y espíritu 

inspiraron este proyecto. Espero que esta tesis honre sus historias. 

 

 

 

 
  



 

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Table of Contents 

An Abstract of the Thesis of 2 

Acknowledgements 3 

Project Description 6 

Introduction 7 

Background on the 1974 Turkish Invasion 9 

Methods 21 

Discussion 22 

Conclusion 33 

Appendix 35 

Bibliography 246 

 

 



 
 

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Project Description 

In my analysis of the socioeconomic implications of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, I 

analyzed the domestic effects of the invasion and occupation, but also the broader effects on 

Cypriots across the globe. Some specific questions I intend to study include what the capital loss 

because of the invasion was, as well as the productivity shock of the invasion. This topic is of 

great interest not only to myself, but to specialists in my field as the Turkish invasion of Cyprus 

was not a cut and dry event, as the outcome of the invasion was very complicated. This topic is 

also of interest to non-specialists as the history of Cyprus, as well as more specifically the 

Turkish invasion, is rarely discussed and it is quite difficult to find sufficient documentation and 

information online, especially within an economic scope. The history of both the occupation and 

invasion of Cyprus is relevant to present day happenings and can be used as a moment in history 

that we can draw comparisons to for additional international economic effects of wartime 

conflict. 

My research will consist of both quantitative and qualitative analysis, to reflect my 

educational background in both economics and sociology. This will be reflected in completing a 

quantitative data analysis of economic and census data. A qualitative data analysis will be done 

through the process of interviewing individuals who lived through the war. These conversations 

will be transcribed, as well as followed by reflective pieces on each interview. I believe this will 

assist in creating a more holistic view on the Turkish invasion and occupation of Cyprus, as well 

as contributing to a very scarce archive of first-hand accounts of the invasion. 

 

  



 

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Introduction 

Every family’s history is marked by significant historical events that shape identity and 

connect generations. One of my family’s significant historical events was the 1974 Turkish 

invasion of the island of Cyprus. My paternal side of the family is from Cyprus, specifically the 

north, thus having been directly affected by the invasion of the northern portion of the island. My 

father, who lived in the village of Akanthou, was 10 years old when the Turkish forces invaded 

the northern region of the island, forcefully displacing not only his parents and older brother, but 

his entire extended family. This invasion completely altered the trajectory of not only my father 

and our family’s lives, but of the entire island.  

Like our family, many others had to start completely from scratch when they were 

displaced to the southern portion of the island. This in turn resulted in a complete upheaval of the 

economy of Cyprus, and more specifically, a drastic loss of capital. A main motivator in 

pursuing this topic was to shine light on this historical event, as it is rarely ever discussed. If and 

when it is discussed, it is described as a mere blip in the Mediterranean, although after much 

research, it was arguably a pivotal point in the region’s history. 

 Within my approach to this thesis, I found it critical to discuss the economic effects of the 

Turkish invasion and occupation within the backdrop of its social implications. This event was 

not merely a significant economic shock, but a generationally destructive event to hundreds of 

thousands of people. Incorporating first person accounts was critical to accomplishing this 

human-first approach. I interviewed several family members and family friends, whom I gleaned 

insight of the invasion and occupation from. Cross referencing this data with immigration data 

allowed me to paint a more vivid picture of what occurred following the invasion. 



 

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 As for quantitative data, economic and statistical data were collected through publicly 

accessible international data. Some of the databases utilized in this project included the World 

Trade Organization, the International Monetary Fund, Statistical Services of Cyprus, and more. 

While some topics featured more robust data than others, the Cypriot economic data prior to the 

invasion were quite scarce, which resulted in some limitations. Economic data was analyzed and 

visualized, allowing for a more accessible and comprehensive method to understand this 

historical event. 

 Within the analysis of quantitative economic and immigration data, it is evident that the 

Turkish invasion and occupation resulted in an alarming loss of capital for Cyprus. A total of 

37% of Cyprus’ land was occupied during the invasion and has subsequently been settled on for 

over 50 years. It is worth noting that the occupied portion of the island, the north, was the most 

developed at the time of the invasion. As my father has described, t was a popular tourist 

destination for both Europe and the Middle East, featuring resorts frequented by many 

celebrities. With the immense loss of this land came a 67% loss of tourism capacity. Thus, a 

drastic and sudden increase in unemployment was seen from 3% to 15.2% (Trading Economics, 

n.d.).  

Of course this did not merely affect tourists, but the natives of the land who lived in 

various villages. One third of the entire island’s population had been displaced, resulting in a 

mass exodus of people from the north to the south. These individuals and in time their own 

children, including my own family and myself, were labeled by the government as refugees 

despite already being citizens of the island. Others fled to nearby countries, many of whom 

already had friends or family internationally. 



 

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Following the invasion, there was a surprising and relatively rapid improvement in the 

economy. Prior to the invasion, Cyprus had implemented economic policies such as the 

Tripartite System of Wages, which allowed for negotiations to occur between employers, 

employees, and the government. Such topics of negotiations included working conditions and 

wages. Thus, with policies such as these, Cyprus was able to pick itself back up considering its 

significant losses. An increase in female employment, as well as emphasis on the service sector, 

in an aim to replicate the north’s previous economic glory in the south, also contributed to great 

economic improvement. 

 

Background on the 1974 Turkish Invasion 

 

My father’s story, as well as the collective stories of my paternal side of the family 

during the invasion inspired this thesis. The literature review portion of this thesis details the 

existing research on the topic, as well as historical context to this event. 

 



 

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Figure 2.1: A Map of the Island of Cyprus  

 

 

(Britannica Cyprus 2024) 

This map of Cyprus depicts larger cities as well as villages in Northern Cyprus using 

their original Cypriot names. This map also includes a smaller image of Cyprus on a broader 

map of the eastern Mediterranean. 

 

This map depicts the island of Cyprus and the line splitting the North and the South 

portions of the island after 1974. As the map denotes, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus 

is only recognized by Turkey as it is internationally considered illegally occupied land. 

Akanthou, the village my own family is from, is located near the top right coast of Cyprus. 



 

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As a result of the conflict, all the residents of the villages that were invaded and occupied 

cannot return to this day. The occupation has been deemed illegal under international law, and 

yet Northern Greek Cypriots, while having legal ownership over their land, cannot do anything 

about taking back physical access and use of their land. As a result of this, Northern Cypriots 

were considered refugees and were sent to live in refugee housing where many, such as my own 

grandfather, have lived since the invasion and beginning of the occupation, which has now 

surpassed its 50th anniversary. 

 

Figure 2.2: Refugee Housing Provided to Displaced Greek-Cypriot Peoples in the South After 

the 1974 Turkish Invasion  

 

(Growing up in Refugee Camps, 2023) 

 



 

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Housing in the south of Cyprus offered to refugees of Northern Cyprus. My own 

grandfather lives in a unit identical to those pictured above. 

 

Economic Conditions During Cypriot Interwar Period 

 

In recent decades, additional research has emerged increasingly focused on Cyprus’ 

economic state within the context of being an independent nation as well as a colony for a certain 

period. This includes specifically looking at Cyprus’ growth rate during this interwar (1921-

1938) period. The interwar period is defined as the period between World War I and World War 

II. This is of relevance to the economic research of Cyprus as it creates a detailed contextual 

image of the state Cyprus was economically during both world wars.  

A notable contribution to this topic is “Economic Growth or Stagnation during the 

Interwar Period: Reconstruction of Cypriot GDP 1921-1938” by Alexander Apostolides, whom I 

had the pleasure of meeting virtually and getting to speak to about Cyprus’ economic state and 

history. His dissertation primarily discusses the economic conditions of Cyprus between the 

World Wars, thus giving context to what Cyprus' economy was like in the decades leading up to 

the Turkish invasion.  

Apostolides’ dissertation concluded that during the interwar period, there was a 

fluctuation in Cyprus’ economy. While there were years that signaled economic growth, there 

were also periods of stagnation. These variations were largely influenced by global occurrences 

at the time, including world wars, as well as local economic trends, such as agriculture 

performance. Agriculture performance is the measure of how efficiently outputs are being 



 

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produced given the inputs that went into the production of said output. This facet of the economy 

is significant as agriculture is a sizable portion of Cyprus’ economy. 

Another significant contributing factor to the state of the Cypriot economy included 

Britain’s colonial policies and their effects on the economic development of Cyprus. Thus, 

research such as this is important to place Cyprus and its economy in a historical context, 

particularly during such a pivotal period in history.   

 

Pre-Invasion Cypriot Historical Context 

 

Prior to beginning the story of the Turkish invasion and occupation, it is necessary to 

look back to Cyprus’ history. From the beginning of historical records, Cyprus has primarily 

been culturally and linguistically linked to Greece, as well as the Greek language and culture, 

despite being in the Middle East, and having influences from the region. While this still rings 

true to this day, a Cypriot dialect emerged on the island. Cyprus’ geographical location within 

the Eastern part of the Mediterranean Sea has allowed it to maintain a close cultural and 

economic relationship with Greece.  

Despite these deep-rooted Greek cultural ties, Cyprus has been under the rule of many 

empires and countries. Cyprus had once been under the rule of the Persians, the Egyptian 

Empire, the Byzantine Empire, the Ottoman Empire, and eventually became a British crown 

colony, a decision that was proclaimed in 1925. Britain’s colonization lasted until August of 

1960, after tensions rose between Cypriot nationalists who wanted to be not only independent 

from Britain, but united with mainland Greece, and Cypriots who wanted to stay a British colony 



 

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to maintain a level of safety and security against other larger, and more powerful, nearby 

nations.  

On July 15th, 1974, the Cypriot National Guard, which consisted of about 10,000, led by 

about 650 Greek soldiers carried out a coup on the nation’s capital. The coup consisted of 

machine guns, explosives, and at one point, there were reportedly 10 tanks surrounding the 

Presidential palace. The President at the time, who was elected in 1959, was also the head of the 

Cypriot Orthodox Church, Archbishop Makarios. While he initially agreed with the idea of 

Cyprus uniting with Greece, also known as ‘Enosis’, he ultimately aligned himself with the 

movement for an independent Cyprus, something that better aligned with Turkish Cypriots. This 

independent path sought to bring about more peace and agreement between those who aligned 

with either Greece or Turkey. 

A line of causation can directly be drawn between the coup and the invasion of Cyprus, 

ultimately resulting in the demise of Cyprus as a united island. This is due to the major political 

disturbance, the coup, having left Cyprus virtually unprotected, and vulnerable to the invasion of 

Turkey, especially as tensions rose between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. Many believe 

that a factor in the division of Cyprus was due to the Cypriot nationalists pushing to unite with 

Greece. The friction and vulnerability left Turkey ready to implement the plan and strategic map 

of invasion and occupation, a map that according to many interviewees had circulated for years 

prior. 

The 1974 Turkish Invasion of Cyprus 

 

On the morning of July 20th, 1974, the Cypriot people’s hopes and dreams for the future 

of the newly independent Cyprus came to a full stop, just five days after the Greek-led coup took 



 

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place at the capital of Cyprus. Coincidentally, directly across the street where my own father 

would attend school after the invasion. On the morning of the invasion, the Turkish troops 

invaded Cyprus from the northern coastline pushing through the island towards the capital of 

Cyprus, Nicosia. Turkish jets bombed the island, targeting major satellite sites and the Nicosia 

airport, which was put out of working condition. 

The Turkish invasion of Cyprus, as one might imagine, had a significant effect on the 

people of Cyprus. Thousands of Greek Cypriots were killed, the majority of which being women, 

children, and the elderly. Another act of horrific violence the Turkish and Turkish Cypriots 

committed against the Greek Cypriots was the rape of women and young girls. Often these 

survivors were disrespected by or even outcasted by society and were shamed. The use of sexual 

violence, such as rape, is disturbingly a common aspect of war and conflict across the globe, the 

invasion of Cyprus was no exception. 

 

Turkish Colonization and Settlement of Northern Cyprus 

 

When analyzing the socioeconomic effects of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, it is crucial 

to note that at the very core of this topic is the displacement of the Greek Cypriot population of 

Northern Cyprus, as well as a significant impact on the cultural heritage of this group of people. 

The piece “Colonization by Turkish Settlers of the Occupied Part of Cyprus” by Jaakko Laakso 

calls this human impact to the forefront of the conversation. His research highlights the legal and 

human rights concerns, particularly regarding how the settlements of the Turkish were viewed 

through the eyes of international law, as well as the human rights implications of the permanent 

displacement of the Greek Cypriots that were native to the Northern part of the island. 



 

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This research largely explores the complex political and legal dynamics of settlement 

policies as well as geopolitical tensions in Cyprus. It highlights the need for international 

attention to be placed on the people of Northern Cyprus displaced by the de facto partition of 

Cyprus in 1974. The forced eviction of the Greek Cypriot population as well as the settlement of 

the Turkish in the occupied territory still has present day effects. Northern Cypriots were 

considered refugees in their own country, many of which still identify as such according to 

(Hadjiyanni, Cyprus Review). Greek Cypriots are being forcefully kept from their land as 

Turkish military forces are present in the northern part of the island. 

The demographic shift of the northern portion of Cyprus is noteworthy, as the constant 

migration of Turkish settlers, who were paid to settle on Cypriot land, has drastically changed 

the population makeup of the region. This is concerning for the future of the potential acquisition 

of the Greek Cypriots’ land as the increase in population of Turkish residents can, and has been, 

used as leverage in support of the continual settlement of the northern part of the island.  

In the data tables as well as visual representations of the data below, it is apparent that the 

rapid growth of the Turkish population in Cyprus was due to the encouragement of Turks 

immigrating to the newly occupied region of Cyprus. 

Figure 2.3: Ethnic Composition of Cyprus by Population Before 1974 

Ethnic Group 
1960 Population 

Count 
Census % 

1973 Population 
Count 

Census % 

 
Greek Cypriot 
Community  

447,901 78.20% 498,511 78.90% 

 
Turkish Cypriot 
Community  

103,822 18.13% 116,000 18.40% 

 
Others 

20,984 3.66% 17,267 2.70% 

 
Total  

572,707 100% 631,778 100% 

 (Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, 2003) 



 

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Between 1960 and 1973, Cyprus's total population grew from 572,707 to 631,778. The 

Greek Cypriot community remained the majority, increasing slightly from 78.2% to 78.9% of the 

population. The Turkish Cypriot community also grew modestly, from 18.13% to 18.4%. 

Meanwhile, the population share of Other ethnic groups declined from 3.66% to 2.7%, both in 

percentage and absolute numbers. 

 

Figure 2.4

 

(Council of Europe “Recent Demographic Developments in Europe”, 1996) 

 



 

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 The population shift in Cyprus from 1974 to 1994 was primarily driven by migration, 

especially due to the massive influx of settlers post-invasion, while natural population growth 

played a minimal role. The blue line represents population settlers which steadily increased 

throughout the period, with a sharp rise from 1974 to around 1978. The green line, net migration, 

is very volatile, with its peak in 1974. This peak is likely due to conflict-related displacement. 

The red line, which represents natural increase (births minus deaths), remains relatively stable 

and low in comparison to the other two lines. The instability in net migration reflects ongoing 

demographic adjustments and external political pressures.  

In more comprehensible terms, it is evident that the population of settlers in Cyprus had 

significantly increased following the invasion, far eclipsing the rate of growth of not only 

immigration, but also the natural increase in population. The large spike of the population of 

settlers coincides with the beginning Turkish settlers arriving to Cyprus. The spike of net 

migration at the same point likely indicates the mass displacement of Greek Cypriots 

immediately following the invasion. In contrast to the natural increase in population, which is 

births minus deaths, it is evident that the overwhelming majority of population change is due to 

migration. The notable dips in the net migration line can be explained by emigration out of the 

island due to economic hardship, our disillusionment amongst Turkish settlers. 

Economic History of Cyprus 

  

When studying the impacts of the Turkish invasion on Cyprus through an economic lens, 

it is important to step back and place this story within the broader context of its economic history 

and conditions. As a small island in the eastern Mediterranean Sea, Cyprus has been exchanged 



 

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amongst the hands of many world powers. Some of which include Assyrians, Egyptians, 

Persians, Romans, Arabs, Ottomans, and most recently the British.  

During the modern era, Cyprus’ economy has been heavily reliant on tourism, or more 

broadly, the service sector. As of 2023, this sector accounted for 86.8% of gross value added to 

that economy for the year. (Economic overview, 2024). Were this sector to be compromised, 

Cyprus’ economy would be desolate. Such a catastrophic event would be contingent on the loss 

of the land itself. It’s crystal blue warm coasts, historical ruins, and overall natural beauty make 

Cyprus such a prominent tourist attraction primarily for those in Europe and the Middle East. 

Losing this would mean losing the very foundation of its economy. But unfortunately, this is 

exactly what occurred in 1974.  

When Cyprus was invaded and occupied by Turkey, it lost the northern 37% of the island 

(Solsten, 1991). At the time of the invasion, Northern Cyprus was the most developed and 

desirable land on the island. It was a popular tourist destination, as opposed to the southern 

portion of the island which at the time was more rural in comparison. Unsurprisingly, this 

resulted in a significant disruption to the economy of Cyprus. Not only was it the most developed 

at the time, but it was a tourist hotspot that brought in a significant amount of revenue for the 

economy.  

On a humanitarian level, the occupation of 37% of the island resulted in a displacement 

of a third of the island’s population, including my own family. Shortly following the invasion, 

economic policies were implemented to aid in the country’s recovery. These policies were 

incredibly successful, resulting in a 6% economic expansion in real terms between 1974 and 

1978. To this day, the northern portion of the island is still occupied, and thus thousands of lives 



 

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have been changed forever, the government was successful in getting the country overall back on 

its feet. 



 

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Methods  

Within my research, I have made it a priority to include both research and data analytical 

strategies from economics and sociology, both areas of study I have focused on in university. To 

incorporate this, I will be exploring this topic both through qualitative and quantitative means. 

The quantitative approach to the economic data analysis will consist of researching various 

forms of data and analyzing it through coding visual.  

By incorporating a reflection of the interviews, the economic side of the effects of the 

Turkish invasion of Cyprus will be understood in a more effective manner, as the data will add to 

a more holistic picture. Within the interviews I will not only ask questions directly related to the 

invasion but will also be asking broader questions about their lives that expand far beyond the 

invasion, both prior to and after it occurred. This will place the human experience at the forefront 

of the conversation and setting the economic outcomes of the invasion as a backdrop to the 

human impact of the conflict. 

 To complete a comprehensive analysis of the economic effects the 1974 Turkish invasion 

and occupation had on the island of Cyprus; it is important to compare Cyprus to similar 

countries economic development. This will be done through comparing the countries’ GDP. A 

country’s GDP, or Gross Domestic Product, is a useful economic indicator as it provides a more 

holistic picture of the growth or decline of an economy and can help in comparing the economies 

of several countries as it provides context for international operations and investment decisions. 

It is important to acknowledge that while using GDP as an economic indicator, it is not an end all 

be all as it still a limited scope. GDP does not account for environmental impacts, income 

distribution, or unpaid work. 

 



 

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Discussion 

To better understand Cyprus’ unique economic trajectory, it is advantageous to compare 

it with two countries with cultural and political similarities. The two countries I will be 

comparing to will be Greece and Portugal. According to Jones (2022), Greece is the most like 

Cyprus as most of both countries speak Greek. There are also commonalities between both their 

heritages, religions, and cultural influences. Portugal is second most similar as both countries 

have presidents voted in by popular vote. They are also both popular tourist destinations within 

the Mediterranean region with their populations made up predominantly of Orthodox Christians. 

With these conceivable similarities in mind, one can analyze the different trajectories each of 

these countries took in comparison to Cyprus as its economy was severely disrupted and 

permanently altered. 

Like many other countries during the WWII period, Greece’s economy was devastated. 

Though unlikely given the economic state of the world, Greece experienced what has been 

dubbed colloquially the “Greek economic miracle”. At the time, this growth was second 

internationally only to Japan. The early aughts were a continuation of this economic success, 

with the crown jewel of the decade being the hosting of the 2004 Olympic games in Athens, right 

where the Olympics began thousands of years prior. Unfortunately, the Greek economy took a 

steep downturn during its financial crisis of 2008. 

The early 1970s marked a pivotal turning point for Portugal, as a decade of economic 

growth gave way to political upheaval, social reform, and the end of its colonial empire. From 

the 1960s-1970s, Portugal was seeing an annual growth rate of about 5-7%. This was a positive 

sign for the country as it had previously been western Europe’s poorest country. By the year 

1973, Portugal experienced an inflation surge as well as an energy crisis. Like Cyprus, Portugal 



 

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also experienced a coup in 1974, known as the Revolution of the Carnations. This coup resulted 

in democracy in the country. The year after, all of Portugal’s African territories were 

independent. This was significant as Portugal’s era of colonialism began in 1415 and put them on 

the map as a key global economic force for next few centuries. Additionally in 1975, Portugal’s 

transportation, heavy industries, banking, and media were nationalized, coinciding with the 

social and political instability during the same year. 

Figure 2.5: 

 

 

An effective way to analyze the Turkish invasion’s economic impact would be to use a 

difference-in-difference research design. This method is used to estimate the causal effect of an 

event or treatment by comparing the change in outcomes over time between a treatment group 



 

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and a comparison group that did not receive the treatment. In this case, we would compare the 

change in GDP to the changes seen in both Greece and Portugal. Unfortunately, a limitation in 

this thesis process was the lack of pre-invasion economic data for Cyprus. Instead, I looked at 

economic growth after the invasion. By pursuing this strategy, I followed the assumption that 

Cyprus would have followed a similar economic trajectory as Greece. 

A more quantitative analysis of GDP per capita growth highlights the remarkable 

economic recovery and long-term resilience of Cyprus compared to Greece and Portugal. In 

1975, all three countries had relatively similar GDP per capita levels—around $2,000–$3,000. 

By 1980, Cyprus had nearly doubled its GDP per capita to approximately $6,000, while Greece 

and Portugal trailed behind at around $4,000 and $3,500, respectively. Over the longer term, 

from 1975 to 2000, Cyprus’s GDP per capita rose to roughly $15,000, a five- to six-fold 

increase, while Greece reached about $13,000 and Portugal around $10,000. This growth 

divergence became even more pronounced by 2023, with Cyprus’s GDP per capita approaching 

$35,000, Greece slightly higher at around $38,000, and Portugal lagging at approximately 

$25,000. In percentage terms, Cyprus experienced an increase of over 1,000% from 1975 to 

2023, compared to about 800% for Greece and 600% for Portugal. These quantitative differences 

emphasize Cyprus’s accelerated post-invasion growth and its ability to not only recover but 

outperform regional peers in terms of economic development per person. 

Despite the invasion and occupation of Cyprus, the island was able to rebound 

economically showing a steeper and more sustained GDP per capita growth than either Portugal 

and Greece, whom are the most similar countries politically and structurally to Cyprus. The 

internationally recognized portion of the island, which is specifically the south, managed to 

rebuild its tourism, service sector, and unite with the European Union.  



 

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 Within the analysis of the effects of the Turkish invasion on the economic structure of 

Cyprus, it is evident that a huge loss was taken by the Republic of Cyprus. With 37% of its land 

occupied by the Turkish army, Cyprus lost 67% of its tourism capacity according to (Pashiardis 

& Hajispyrou, 2003). A significant concern following the invasion was Cyprus’ loss of capital as 

so much of its country was invaded and occupied.  

Despite this significant loss in tourism capacity, Cyprus was able to recover quickly 

considering the circumstances. This was done so by maintaining an emphasis on exports and 

allowing the government to work in tandem with internal institutions. Due to Cyprus’ economic 

policies created prior to the invasion, such as the Tripartite System of Wages, which facilitated 

negotiations between employers, employees, and the government in terms of wages and working 

conditions. Policies such as this one led to an impressive pattern of economic growth despite 

Cyprus’ huge losses. In addition to these economical changes, there was also a rise in female 

employment as well as an increase in the service industries, a sector that would prove to be 

fundamental to Cyprus’ economic recovery. 

As the Cypriots from the north were pushed out to the south, the Turkish from the south 

of Cyprus, as well as immigrants directly from Turkey began to colonize the northern half of the 

country. After the invasion, 99.5% of Greek Cypriots lived in the south while 98.7% of Turkish 

Cypriots lived in the north (Demographic Yearbook System, 2004). According to the government 

of the republic of Cyprus, the significant demographic changes are deemed illegal by both the 

country itself, as well as the UN (European Parliament, 2024).  

In addition to this, the Cypriot Embassy located in Vienna has written up a formal list of 

objectives it views the Turkish government of possessing as they colonize and occupy Cyprus. 

One of the most apparent reasons is to not only change the demographic nature of Cyprus, but to 



 

26 
 

alter the population balance on the island of Cyprus to justify Turkish requests and arguments in 

terms of the post-invasion Cyprus issue. This demographic shift also helps to influence elections, 

thus exercising control over politics in the controlled area. 

The embassy has also made the argument that would Turkey is doing is classified as 

ethnic cleansing. This argument is justified by the fact that all signs of cultural and religious 

heritage, such as churches, were destroyed or looted. In addition, all Greek geographical names 

of the occupied portion of Cyprus have been illegally changed, only furthering the erasure of the 

communities which were once there prior to the occupation. 

 With an artificial increase in the Turkish Cypriot population, the majority of which was 

due to the influx of settlers, not native Turkish Cypriots. This rise in the Turkish settler 

population, as well as the overall occupation of the north has, though illegally, resulted in 

Turkish military presence to be on the island. This adds to the bolstering of Turkey’s end goal to 

annex the northern portion of Cyprus. 

 Not only are these claims accusations on behalf of the Republic of Cyprus, but they are 

also claims of the Turkish government. In an interview on May 10, 2005, with the former 

Turkish Cypriot ‘president’ of Northern Cyprus (2005-2010), Mehmet Ali Talat, he admitted to 

the policy of colonization. “There were times when ‘citizenship of the TRNC’ [Turkish Republic 

of Northern Cyprus] had been given in restaurants. There are people who never came to Cyprus, 

yet they were given ‘citizenship’.” (Illegal demographic changes, 2006). While this is incredibly 

problematic on a geopolitical scale, it is especially consequential for the displaced northern 

Greek Cypriot population who have resided on the same land for generations.  

 The colonization of the northern half of the island violates the indigenous Cypriots 

property rights as all their land was, and is currently, used to house Turkish settlers. The wave of 



 

27 
 

settlers from Turkey is so large that they have outnumbered and replaced indigenous Turkish 

Cypriots. This is also problematic for this group of individuals as not only is there anger and 

frustration being pointed towards them due to the invasion, but they are also receiving unfair 

treatment as the Turkish settlers get far more privileges, resulting in unfavorable economic 

conditions forcing them to emigrate. According to the same article, there are at least more than 

two Turks for every Turkish Cypriot in Cyprus. This results in an apparent contradiction of 

Turkey’s claim of the invasion being for the sake of native Turkish Cypriots. Another shocking 

statistic according to the Turkish Cypriot Daily “AVRUPA” from March 26, 2001, stated that 

over ‘34,000 title deeds have been given to settlers from Turkey since 1974. This land is more 

than half of Northern Cyprus, the report says.” 

According to Turkish Cypriot Daily “HALKIN SESI”, (December 30, 2005), workers 

permit released to Turkish settlers rose exponentially. A table featured in this piece features the 

number of “work permits” that were issued between the years of 2000-2005. Between 1976 and 

2006, the number of registered voters steadily increased from 75,781 to 151,635—more than 

doubling over 30 years. The largest jumps occurred between 1995 and 2000, and again between 

2000 and 2005, with particularly rapid growth noted between February and May of 2005. This 

trend reflects a consistent expansion of voter registration over time.  

An additional table within the piece is a visual manifestation of the colonial policies 

enforced by the Turkish government, and the so called “Turkish Republic of Cyprus”, which is 

only recognized by Turkey. From 2000 to 2005, the total number of issued and renewed items 

rose sharply from 6,113 to 42,779. The majority of this growth came from first-time issues, 

which increased over sevenfold—from 4,661 in 2000 to 36,200 in 2005. Renewals also grew 

steadily, though at a more modest pace, rising from 1,502 in 2000 to 6,579 in 2005. The most 



 

28 
 

dramatic increases occurred in 2004 and 2005, indicating a surge in demand during those years. 

It depicts how the influx of settlers has resulted in a drastic increase in “registered voters” further 

contributing to the aim to control politics on the island, and in turn impact the politics of the 

Mediterranean region. 

 It is worth noting that Turkey’s invasion, colonization, and occupation policies are all in 

violation of international law. Deeming its government and actions as illegitimate. The methods 

by which Cyprus’ demographic shifts occurred are constituted as war crimes under international 

law. 

 Over time, the glimmer of hope for the potential reunification of the island has dimmed. 

The potential for Greek Cypriot refugees to return to their homes is nearly gone, as nearly all the 

adults from that time are either passed away or in their 80s/90s. The only remaining inhabitants 

are those who were children at the time of the invasion, like my father. Many of the elderly 

survivors continue to live in designated refugee housing, my grandfather and many other older 

relatives. 

 In addition to the negative lasting effects of the invasion and occupation on native 

Cypriots, the conflict of the island is also impacting the exploitation of the Mediterranean 

seabed’s hydrocarbon deposits. While the Republic of Cyprus agrees to share revenues from this 

resource, it declines to give the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus a say. This is only one 

example of what a global impact an occurrence such as the invasion can have. 

 The events and lessons from the invasion and occupation of Cyprus can be applied to 

other historical events such as Kosovo and Serbia, Palestine and Israel, and West and East 

Germany. Similarly to Cyprus, the conflict between Kosovo and Serbia is intrinsically tied with 

statehood and international recognition. Similarly to the invasion, ethnic tensions between the 



 

29 
 

Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo escalated into violent conflict and a de facto partition. This 

comparison highlights how occupations result in long-term instability, even if the violence has 

ceased. 

Similarly to Cyprus, the violence currently in Palestine is a direct result of historical 

entitlement, as well as settling on the land. Just like the settlers in Northern Cyprus, the Israeli 

settlements in the West Bank are considered illegal under international law. Both Cyprus and 

Palestine feature people displaced from their ancestral homes, with generations of families lives 

completely altered. The separation of both lands is made evident through physical borders. The 

Green Line in Cyprus, and the separation barrier in the West Bank serve as both physical and 

psychological reminders of the divide that has now lasted decades in both lands.  

East and West Germany, like Cyprus, were divided by foreign powers, more specifically 

in this case, the Soviet Union and Western Allies in Germany, and Turkey and Greece’s 

influence in Cyprus. Germany’s capital Berlin, like Cyprus’ capital Nicosia were both split, 

representing a physical reminder of the division within both countries. Unlike Cyprus, Berlin’s 

wall fell, and Germany was reunited. 

 Cyprus serves as both a lesson and reminder that there is a much broader global pattern of 

occupation and settlement, and that these patterns turn land into a tool used for political control. 

International laws are applied inconsistently, often in alignment with the larger global power’s 

interests. 

 In addition to the quantitative portion of the data collection within the thesis process, the 

qualitative data obtained from the interviews was equally as critical. These interviews were 

completed during winter of 2025. The format consisted of asking a series of questions pertaining 

to personal experiences as well as obtaining perspectives on the handling of the invasion and 



 

30 
 

occupation via phone or Skype. These interviews were not only key to this study, but impactful 

to hear as a descendant of those who were affected by the conflict.  

 Throughout each interview, there was very much an air of sadness despite the invasion 

having been over 50 years ago. It is evident that the human effects of the invasion go far beyond 

capital loss, even for individuals. Entire lives were uprooted, or even worse, lost. Each 

interviewee described their experience and where they were during the invasion so vividly, you’d 

think it happened last week. 

 One of the interviewees was a young mother at the time of the invasion living right on the 

‘Green line’ created to divide the North from the South. The second, was a young boy living in 

the Southern portion of Cyprus, near the president’s palace which the coup had taken over just 

five days prior to the invasion. This coup had effectively removed the archbishop and replaced 

him with a pro-Enosis leader. The third interviewee was also a young boy at the time of the 

invasion, but he lived in a small village with his family in the North. That young boy was my 

father.  

 While each perspective and story were unique, there was common thread- the 

disappointment in the actions of the Greek Cypriot Nationalists. There is much debate to this 

point through today, and the three interviewees were all of the opinion that had the coup not 

occurred, the invasion likely would not have been sparked, or at least more time could have been 

bought. One key fact I learned during the interviews was that the Cypriots were aware that if a 

coup were to occur, it was likely an invasion on the behalf of Turkey would soon follow it. This 

was eye opening as all my life I had assumed that there was no knowledge of the potential of an 

invasion. 



 

31 
 

 The interviews all stressed the importance in identifying and pushing back against 

nationalism, and how ultimately that led to the downfall of Cyprus. There was also an emphasis 

placed on the fact that the blame of the invasion, in addition to Greek Cypriot nationalists, should 

be placed on the Turkish government and military, not the Turkish Cypriot citizens. After all, it 

was by the implementation of the Turkish government that the invasion occurred. I also 

specifically call out the military as they committed war atrocities, specifically violating the rights 

of women and children. 

 For all three interviews, the description of the time following the invasion was quite 

bleak. The interviewees, all Greek Cypriot, described it as a time of uncertainty and loss. 

Families in search for missing family members, and individuals seeking a new place to work and 

live. While my father’s aunt who lived on the ‘Green line’ was able to reside in her home, Koulis 

and his family had to flee their home in the South. Thankfully, they were able to return. Others, 

like my father’s family in the North, weren’t so lucky. Their village, as well as the entire 

northern portion of the island was occupied by Turkey. This meant like many others, my father’s 

family home is to this day lived in by a Turkish family. Their land has also been fully taken over. 

Though this is illegal, it is still nearly impossible to get their home or land back. Additionally, all 

the homes in the villages of the North were not only occupied but looted. Not only does this 

mean that families had virtually nothing with them as they were being displaced, but they also 

had nothing to pass down to future generations. Things like jewelry, handmade furniture, and 

sentimental items were obtained by the Turkish military.  

  

  



 

32 
 

The invasion and occupation completely changed the trajectory of the lives of those of 

the North. My father recalled being told as a young boy that his family’s plan was for he and his 

older brother to go to England and study hotel management, and eventually build hotels on their 

land that was right on the coast. Many opportunities and legacies were cut far too short. 

 



 

33 
 

Conclusion 

 By completing a comprehensive review of the socioeconomic implications of the 1974 

Turkish invasion and occupation of Cyprus reveals the complexities of this pivotal historical 

event. Within this analysis, it is evident that this economically and socially destructive event in 

history had been known of for years prior to its inception. With a weak response on behalf of the 

guarantors, Northern Cypriots lives were left at the mercy of the Turkish government and 

military. 

 In addition to the significant social outcomes, Cyprus’ economy was drastically changed. 

Their most profitable and developed portion of the country had been occupied, leaving many 

scattered around the country looking for new work. This lent to an economic shift towards the 

service economy, and an effort to replicate the North’s upward trajectory within the tourism 

sector. Further analysis also indicates that the economic policies implemented in the years prior 

to the invasion resulted in a very successful economic recovery for the southern portion of the 

island. 

 While this study featured a multifaceted approach to the topic at hand, it is necessary to 

take not of limitations within the study. Examples of such included limited opportunities for 

facilitating first person accounts. This historic event took place just over 50 years ago, meaning 

that many of the surviving individuals who were adults at the time have either passed away, or 

are experiencing memory issues or loss due to aging. If this thesis were to be facilitated over a 

longer period, a primary goal would be incorporate more interviews, increasing the diversity in 

ages included in the study. Another limitation of this study was the significant lack of public 

economic data for Cyprus prior to 1975. This ended up being the lengthiest point of the research, 

as finding sufficient quantitative data to draw on was very difficult. 



 

34 
 

 Despite these difficulties, the Turkish invasion and occupation of Cyprus is incredibly 

important to shed light on. Not only did it permanently effect the Cypriot people and alter the 

geopolitical landscape of the Mediterranean, but it also serves as an example of political warning 

signs to look out for. The fascist Greek coup, as well as the ensuing invasion of occupation on 

behalf of Turkey left Cyprus politically, socially, and economically fractured. Similar fascists 

movements can be identified in our present-day world and will only follow history’s many 

examples of violence and societal decomposition. By recognizing and applying the lessons we as 

a society have learned in the past, we can help to quickly recognize fascism, and thus eliminate 

the potential for conflict. Not only does this result in a more economically stable global 

landscape, but a more humane and hospitable world.  

One common thread throughout each of the interviews was the emphasis of peace and 

community. These individuals’ experiences are living proof that the harboring of hate will only 

lead to a destructed world. On our path to becoming an ever-evolving society, we must prioritize 

the understanding and respect of others. Our land is shared, and raging wars for capital or power 

will never be beneficial to anyone, but the ruling class. This conflict is key to keeping 

populations stratified and unable to create real change. As a society we must prioritize education, 

to recognize the larger forces at play that perpetuate cycles of oppression and hate. 

  



 

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Appendix 

Interview Questions 

1. Do I have permission to audio record this interview? 

2. What is your name and birthday? (Only if interviewee consents). 

3. Where were you born and raised? 

4. Can you tell me about your family background? 

5. What are the names of your parents and siblings? 

6. Can you describe your immediate family? 

7. To your knowledge, where did your ancestors come from? 

8. How would you describe your childhood? 

9. What was the extent of your education, and how would you describe it? 

10. What were typical jobs in your community? 

11. What did people do for enjoyment/entertainment in Northern Cyprus? 

12. How did religion play a role in your life? 

13. How old were you when Turkey invaded Cyprus? 

14. Can you tell me a bit about your life prior to the invasion? What was your daily life like? 

15. What were your hopes for your life prior to the invasion? 

16. Can you describe when you first found out the invasion was happening? 

17. What are your most vivid memories from that time? 

18. Can you describe life leading up to and during the invasion? 

19. What was life like immediately after the invasion, for example the following year? 

20. How did the invasion and occupation directly impact yourself and your family? 

21. Did you ever consider leaving the country after the invasion? 



 

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22. What is your perspective on the politics of Cyprus leading up to the invasion as well as 

how it has/hasn’t been handled since? 

23. What has been your reaction to the occupation of Northern Cyprus? 

24. (If applicable) Can you tell me about your time serving in the army? 

25. How has the culture/vibe of Northern Cyprus as well as the island changed since the 

occupation? 

26. What are your thoughts on the lasting effects of the invasion/occupation? 

27. In what ways did the invasion change your perspective on life? 

28. What is something about yourself that you were most proud about that you did during 

this difficult period? 

29. Is there anyone who significantly impacted your life during this time? 

30. Would you say the world has changed since you were younger? If so, how? 

31. What can we learn from the past, specifically the invasion and occupation? 

32. Above all, what would you like to be remembered for? 

33. Is there anything else we haven’t covered that you would like to discuss? 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



 

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Full Interviews 

 

Interview Transcription: Yolanda Hadjisoteriou 

December 29, 2024 

 

Yolanda: Okay. Okay. Do you want to give my name?  

 

Evyenia: Yeah.  

 

Yolanda: You want my name?  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Yolanda: Okay. My name is Yolanda Hadjisoteriou. And, well, that's just- remind me the 

question because I cannot see them. I don't have them. 

 

Evyenia: Oh, yeah. The third question was where were you born and raised?  

 

Yolanda: Born and raised. I was born in Nicosia, Cyprus and raised in the same place. 

Mhmm. 

 

Evyenia: And then can you tell me about your family background?  

 



 

38 
 

Yolanda: Family background. Okay. My both parents were from Nicosia. And, but my 

father was a textile merchant, and my mother was a housewife. Middle class. We are in 

middle class. We had our own house and all this. We lived our very what I… I miss my 

words.  

 

Kyriacos: Comfortable. 

 

Yolanda: Comfortable. Yes. That's it. What else do you want to know from that?  

 

Evyenia: Yeah. If you want, you could also say the names of your parents and siblings, 

but you don't have to.  

 

Yolanda: Oh, okay. I see the next question. My father's name was Dinos. My mother is 

Lenya. What is the siblings? I didn't know they were. Oh, brothers and sisters. Brothers. I 

had 3 brothers. I am the only girl in the family. Okay. Okay. The second one in line. I 

have a brother older than me. It's me and 2 brothers younger.  

 

Evyenia: Okay. And then can you just- do you want- or I guess you already did describe 

your family and then, do- you to your knowledge, where did your ancestors come from? 

Like, did you ever hear like, oh, they came from Greece or was your family always in 

Cyprus from what you were told?  

 

Yolanda: They’re from Cyprus. As far as I know, it's from Cyprus.  



 

39 
 

 

Evyenia: And then how would you describe your your childhood?  

 

Yolanda: I think you missed one. Number 6.  

 

Evyenia: Oh, yeah. I since you describe I mean, do you wanna add more to that? Mhmm. 

Do you wanna add more to that? To number 6, can you describe your immediate family?  

 

Yolanda: My family. Mhmm. Yes. Now I'm a widow. I have 2 sons. I have I have two 

sons, four grandchildren. And then and then as far as I know, they are from Cyprus. They 

were from Cyprus. Their childhood. Okay? Strict. Strict- strict parents. Okay. Okay. 

Strict. Okay. My parents were strict. Mhmm. But we live a comfortable life. We had a 

house. We had, my father always had a car. We had whatever we need. We- what we did, 

we went to school every day. And then I play with my brothers and, in the street with the 

children in the neighborhood. 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Yolanda: It was children's life. Yeah. We didn't have anything else to do. Yeah. 

 

Kyriacos: No video games.  

 

Yolanda: Yeah. No video games. No TV.  



 

40 
 

 

Evyenia: And then as far as my my next question was, what is the extent of your 

education? How would you describe that if it was in Cyprus or someplace else, for 

example? Your education, did you…where did you go? I went to the elementary 

elementary education and high school. 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Yolanda: It was a good education where learning the Greek language, history, maths, and 

some English.  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Yolanda: And it was a difficult years, and they were difficult years.  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm. 

 

Yolanda: Because the British sometimes, they close the schools  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Yolanda: When we put the Greek flag on the school. So sometimes the the schools were 

closed. We- but when the- we we learn good things.  



 

41 
 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm. 

 

Yolanda: It was a good education.  

 

Evyenia: And when you say you learned Greek history, do you mean, like, from Greece 

or from, like, Cypriot history? Like, Greek Cypriot history?  

 

Yolanda: Yeah. It was Greek and some a little Cyprus history. 

 

Kyriacos: Yes. Okay. Did did you also go abroad in England and study anything, 

Yolanda? Or did you- the highest level of education you achieved was the high school?  

 

Yolanda: High school, I went to London for 6 months only for short term. I did some 

short term.  

 

Kyriacos: Okay. Now when you said the Greek flag on the when you raised the Greek 

flag the British were having problems with, that was before 1955?  

 

Yolanda: Yes. It was before. It was when we had the revolution on ‘55 when it was ‘55. 

Yeah. 1955 when the republican revolution was. And we young people, we have to do 

something. And what we did is, put a Greek flag on the schools, and they closed them. 

They closed the school. Would they just close them for the day or for, like, a couple 



 

42 
 

weeks at a time or for how long? It's some sometimes more more days. Yeah. Weeks. 

Yeah. I remember there was a time that I didn't, but my brothers, they went, it's like, they 

went to the church, and the teacher was doing some lessons there. 

 

Evyenia: Yeah. Mhmm. And then my next question is what were typical jobs in your 

community or the area that you're living in?  

 

Yolanda: Okay. And there are the merchants. That is my father. There are the 

agricultural families. Making shoes by hand, tailors, dressmakers, and, in towns and 

villages by the sea, there are fishermen. And okay. Some teachers and, and we had some 

doctors as well. Yes.  

 

Evyenia: And then also because this or question 11 was more about specifically Northern 

Cyprus, but I'll ask, I guess, for Southern Cyprus. But what did I know you said you 

played outside, but what other things did people do for, like, enjoyment or, like, 

entertainment? Like, for fun, I guess.  

 

Yolanda: I think it goes for the whole island. I said that, for the whole island it was the 

same, not just the north. 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Yolanda: It was family meetings for dinner and and, there are cinemas and theaters.  



 

43 
 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Yolanda: Coffee shops mostly for men. We didn't, women didn't go to coffee shops then. 

That's that was it.  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Kyriacos: And I, I also know that, you know, even it happens today, weddings, you 

know, was a big event where whole towns get together and relatives.  

 

Yolanda: Yeah. Yes. Yes. Yes. That's the- it was always- yeah. And, weddings, more 

people, not just yeah, family. 

 

Kyriacos: Yeah. I I remember in Akanthou, we had weddings in the plaza of the village, 

and everybody from the village. Everybody.  

 

Yolanda: Yes. Yeah. In the village, they are all together. Yes. And mostly they are 

relatives. Yes?  

 

Evyenia: And then my next question is, how did religion play a role in your life if it did?  

 



 

44 
 

Yolanda: Okay. We used to go to the church every Sunday and Sunday school. We had 

Sunday school then. But we did not have differences about people who were Muslims or 

Catholics or, Maronite. We spoke the same language, and everybody had his own 

customs and holy places in every village and every town.  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm. 

 

Yolanda: So we respect each other. Mhmm. And, sometimes there were Muslims, they 

could give you when you go to Apostolos Andreas, they could give you money to light a 

candle. Yeah.  

 

Kyriacos: That that was long time ago. Right?  

 

Yolanda: Long long time ago. Yes. That's what I, you know, you want to know now?  

 

Kyriacos: So, what you are saying is that even the Muslims, when you go to the 

monastery, like, Apostolos Andreas, they will give you money to buy a candle, meaning 

to to pray for them too. To pray.  

 

Yolanda: Yes. Yes. To wish them well. We we that's a means we didn't have any 

difference in religion.  

 

Evyenia: Yeah. And then how old were you when Turkey invaded Cyprus? 



 

45 
 

 

Yolanda: I was 29. I was married with a son of three and I was pregnant.  

 

Kyriacos: I remember. Yes.  

 

Yolanda: You remember that. Yes. You remember. 

 

Evyenia: Okay. And then can you tell me a bit about your life? I know you already did 

this a little bit, but could you tell me a little bit about your life prior to the invasion? Like, 

what, I guess, like, daily, like, daily life was like for you leading up to it?  

 

Yolanda: Okay. When I was married, I have stopped working. Mhmm. And I stayed 

home as a housewife to raise my children. I have friends and we usually visited each 

other at home for a coffee and a chat. On Sundays we used to go to- with my husband- to 

the north to his village to see my in-laws. We have built a house there with a big yard, 

and we planted trees and had chickens and turkeys and a donkey, shall I say?  

 

Kyriacos: Of course. Okay. What do we usually do? Yeah. Do you do what was the 

name of your donkey? Because usually, Cypriots would give names. We we I remember 

my dad gave names to our donkeys.  

 

Yolanda: I don't know. It was your grandfather's donkey. It was and it was a a short one. 

Uh-huh. So, so, his legs were touching the ground almost.  



 

46 
 

 

Evyenia: That's a tiny donkey.  

 

Kyriacos: A little guy. 

 

Yolanda: Yeah. Yeah. And then- and then I you know, you are you you don't know, but, 

the grandfather was a tall man. Yeah. He he was good for his, compared to other men. 

Yeah. He was tall. Very nice and thin and tall for his age. He was a nice, ‘leventis’. 

 

Kyriacos: Yeah. Handsome guy. Leventis [brave man in Greek]. Uh-huh. So he he was- 

his name was Kyriakos. 

 

Yolanda: Uh-huh.  

 

Kyriacos: And the father I mean, the father of my mother.  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Kyriacos: And also my aunt's husband  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm. Andreas' father.  

 



 

47 
 

Evyenia: Mhmm. Okay. Okay. And then my next question is what were your hopes for 

your life or like plans for life prior to the invasion?  

 

Yolanda: Okay. My dream was to have my children in a country which we could have 

peace and be happy. And because we have lived in, many difficult times before as a 

British colony and then when the Turkish Muslim Cypriots started to want more than any 

other minority could have. After the encourage of the British troops, We had a bigger 

property by the sea at Akanthou, and and, we we plan to build bungalows for the- for 

tourist visitors.  

 

Evyenia: Oh. Then yeah. So kinda similar to what you're saying with the hotels. [My 

father had discussed plans to build hotels on their land in Akanthou.] 

 

Yolanda: Yeah. Yeah. It is near the hotel, not the place. Yes.  

 

Evyenia: And then can you describe when you first found out the invasion was 

happening? Like, maybe what were you doing at the time? Like, what are your memories 

from that?  

 

Yolanda: Firstly, it was the coup coup it is, The coup. Uh-huh. The coup against the 

president, Makarios. Yes. And and we were very afraid of this civil war. Because it was a 

civil war, actually. And did not know what the others were planning for us. That goes 

with the 17, I I put a note here, question. It was a surprise when we get on the radio that 



 

48 
 

Turkish troops were invading on the island. It was July 20th. People were on summer 

holidays. 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Yolanda: Especially at the seaside. Pentemili, the invasion point, and Kyrenia. I had 

relatives there from fortunately, we are at the Trotos mountain at that time, of holidays. 

And you say something, what I remember mostly. Uh-huh. I remember a young mother 

who stopped at where we are staying for a glass of water with a newborn baby. And she 

had run from home, Morphou. She was living in Morphou. Without taking anything. No 

food. No clothes for the baby or herself. Her husband was in the army. She left and I 

don't know for where you could see the horror in her face.  

 

Evyenia: Wow. 

 

Yolanda: We we were worried about our relatives that were at the village. There was 

only one telephone at the coffee shop of the village. And there was no one's no no mobile 

then. 

 

Kyriacos:  So, yeah, you say you were at Troodos. Troodos was a summer vacation for a 

lot of people. Vacations. And you said Yeah. There was the phone- the public phone that 

was there, the the public phone at the at Akanthou, the village. So you were calling. You 

have so you were called at Akanthou or… 



 

49 
 

 

Yolanda: Akanthou, and we didn't have any answer. To know. And, we learned where 

you were because when Andreas [Yolanda’s husband] went to work, he had to go from 

Limassol. We used to go I I read it later from Limassol to go to Nicosia because you 

couldn't go from the other road. And he met your father  

 

Kyriacos: Yeah. 

 

Yolanda: In the, in the street. And that's how we learned that you left the village and the 

US some per se.  

 

Kyriacos: So my uncle, Andreas, was at Troodos, and he was driving to Nicosia for 

work, but he had to drive through Lima, so he couldn't go directly through, close to the 

Astromeritis. Astromeritis. Yeah. Because Turkish were moving in that direction.  

 

Yolanda: Moving. Yes. Yes. Yes. 

 

Kyriacos: So, and he met my father on the road, and he found out… 

 

Yolanda: Yes.  

 

Kyriacos: Do you know because, say, his car was to help.  

 



 

50 
 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Kyriacos: To help the army, I think, something like that. 

 

Yolanda: Yeah. Yeah. That's why he moved.  

 

Kyriacos: Yeah. My father, because he had a big van, they were using his van to 

transport supplies and food for the army. And he saw my father's car. He recognized it, 

and my father told him that my family already got on the bus from the village, and they 

are going to- we went to Agoro. That's another on the south side of the village. We went 

there. We were staying with other people. Yeah. And they opened up their homes, and we 

were just sleeping on the floor. So a lot of people in one house.  

 

Evyenia: Yeah. Mhmm. And then my next question is, can you describe life leading up 

to and during the invasion?  

 

Yolanda: I went back to work in 1973. So to go to work from the mountain because we 

are still afraid to go on Nicosia. And, we but we had to go to work. And, we used to go 

from the mountain. We had to go around from Limassol. That is, at the far south end of 

the island. We had to stay at the mountain because our house in Nicosia is near the green 

line. They put that line and the bullets were falling on our veranda were afraid to stay 

there. Refugee peoples were trying to find a safe place to live and the necessities to 

support their families. A lot of people did not know where their relative or sons or parents 



 

51 
 

were. Your relatives, they came and stayed with us when it was safe to return home. 

Fortunately, they managed and left before the Turkish soldiers went into the village. Only 

my father-in-law, he stayed back. He did not want to leave his home. But they forced him 

and with others that stay behind and took them to a concentration camp. He stayed there 

for 2 months. After the cooperation of U.N. people, he came home to us. The old man 

suffered and was sick.  

 

Kyriacos: So my grandfather, Kyriakos, when he he was released, he was sick, you said? 

He was not feeling well?  

 

Yolanda: Yeah. He was sick because, at the concentration camp, Kyriacos. 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Yolanda: He said because he was alone, not with his wife, the other people may have 

their wives, and they gave him something to cook, to eat, and they didn't give him food. 

His village is, yeah. And do I do some of the fight? And then he was with diarrhea. 

Sometimes he was very sick. And he, what he did, he he was wearing the the oldest, he 

was wearing that traditional what we call like, sort of like a I'll show you pictures so 

you'll see what it is. It's not pants, but it's… 

 

Evyenia: Oh, it's like the kind of skirt.  

 



 

52 
 

Kyriacos: Yeah. 

 

Yolanda: Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. And, it was very old and dirty, and my grandpa didn't want 

people to see him wearing pants and think he has money. Yeah. 

 

Kyriacos: But at the same time, Yolanda said that people that were staying in the camp 

with my grandfather from even from the same village. Right?  

 

Yolanda: Mhmm. They would not when they some people have their wives, they 

wouldn't even offer him food. That's why he he he didn't have good nutrition and all that. 

 

Kyriacos: That's why he- about how old he was at this time? My grandpa in ‘74. How 

old was he?  

 

Yolanda: I think he was nearly at 80. Nearly 80. 

 

Kyriacos: 80? 80 years old? 80.  

 

Yolanda: Yeah. Yeah. 

 

Kyriacos: I don't know if it was 79 or uh-huh. Late 70. Yeah. When he died, I think he 

was 82. So, what year did he die then? Because it was a few years after the war. I 

remember he was staying in Famagusta.  



 

53 
 

 

Yolanda: What year? I don't remember. We were staying at that. I think 8 I think ‘80. 

‘80. 1980. 13th November 1980. Now I remember. Okay. In ‘80.  

 

Kyriacos: So, and the war was so it was six years after the war? Yeah. Yes. Yeah. Six 

years. So, I'm assuming was in the late late mid- to late eighties when he died? ‘80. Yes. 

Yeah.  

 

Evyenia: So, I'm assuming he was born in 1890 something. I don't know.  

 

Kyriacos: Do you remember his date of birth? 

 

Yolanda: No. No. I don't know the date of birth, but I know the date of death.  

 

Kyriacos: Yeah. You're right. I mean, if he was Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Close to that. 1890s, 

I'm assuming. 

 

Evyenia: Yeah. And then yeah. My next question is, what was like or what was life like 

immediately after the invasion?  

 

Yolanda: For example, like, the following year. I think, what I I think I answered it with 

all this. I said, is, people who are looking for their relatives to find a place to stay  

 



 

54 
 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Yolanda: To work, just to live, to support their families. So, and, that's where I say some, 

Kyriacos' family did not stay in our house, but the other people and my immigrants may 

stay with us.  

 

Kyriacos: Mhmm. We stayed at your house for for the one day. 2 days. Just a few days at 

least. Yeah. Yes. Yeah. 

 

Yolanda: 1 or 2 days. Yes. Mhmm. Yeah. Mhmm. 

 

Kyriacos: Do you have any questions pertaining to how the economy was right after the 

war? How do you have a question about that? 

 

Evyenia: Not in this section, but yeah. If you wanna talk about a little bit about what you 

remember the economy was like during the time or, like, were people still were, like, kids 

still going to school? Were things still, like, kinda running semi normally? And, people 

were trying to find things to do work any work. Like, so there is- right. 

 

Yolanda: He was working at the building.  

 

Evyenia: Construction?  

 



 

55 
 

Yolanda: Mhmm. Constructions. I mean, whatever they could do because he didn't have 

couldn't go into an office or anything. The offices, government offices, CITA, anything 

that- Cyprus Airways, I was working. They were working. Mhmm. We, Cyprus Airways, 

we didn't have the airplanes because the airport was closed. We didn't have planes, but 

we went to the office and did some office work, anything, and we are half paid. We are 

half paid and then there was a time that we we are working one month, and we are paid. 

And then the next month, we didn't we didn't go to work, and we are paid 30%. That was 

a month I was I received only £10. Yeah. My salary. But this, people were trying to find 

things to do. And then the government make these they gave orchards or anything. What 

you had, Kyriacos. 

 

Kyriacos: Oh, yeah. Yeah. To work. The- and that was Turkish land. This was land that 

was owned by Turkish Cypriots and moved to the north. And then they said, okay. If you, 

if you were a farmer on the north, you are entitled to using this land. It's not there is not 

given to you, but you can use it, cultivate it. Yeah. And and that's what my father was 

was doing for years. And they and I and I remember, eventually, they were asking them 

to pay so much per year in rent. It was minimal, but you were renting meaning, yeah 

land, and the land actually to use it. To show that it- it belongs to you. Yeah. 

 

Evyenia: Yeah. Mhmm. And then what is it like, after, let's say, you're done renting the 

land, what happens then?  

 



 

56 
 

Kyriacos: Well, that's it. What happened to my father. After a while, it was given to 

someone else because my father got very old, and we, the the children… 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Kyriacos: Were not in the- were not in the same business. We're not in farming, so they 

found someone else, some other family that now lives in the village in that, Mathiatis is 

called the name of that specific village my father was rented from. There's another family 

who is using the land now.  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm. 

 

Kyriacos: But they're still renting. Yeah. They don't own it. Yeah. They're still same 

deal. 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm. And then oh, my next question is Yes. This is- so sorry. If there was a 

question if we were thinking of leaving the country. Uh-huh. 

 

Yolanda: Okay. Yes, sometimes it was a thought, but it was difficult to do because at the 

time and for a long time, there was no ways of leaving the island. Airports were closed 

and the ports were closed because it was no flights that can- flights to go. Yeah. They are 

not safe. They are not safe to go. The yeah. Everything was blocked.  

 



 

57 
 

Evyenia: Mhmm. Okay. 

 

Yolanda: Could not leaving- leave- the okay. And 22? Mhmm.  

 

Evyenia: Oh, yeah. 20 to 22 is, oh, yeah. I think that was question number 22. 21, you 

answered it a little bit already, but 21 was how did the invasion and occupation directly 

impact, like, yourself and your family, your immediate family? I would prefer. I mean, 

you you can think about, I mean, jobs, you mentioned that, I mean, your family, your- the 

immediate family, how did that impact you?  

 

Yolanda: I mean Okay. We are fortunate that we had a job. We have a salary. We could 

leave normal and have whatever we would have. That's it. Mhmm. But there was another 

question. What do 22 question, what goes up? That was, did you ever consider leaving 

the country after the invasion? That was at 22. I thought it was 21 but okay. Because I 

have 22 or I wrote something politics.  

 

Evyenia: Oh, yeah. That's yeah. That's 23. What is so yeah, it was what is your 

perspective on the politics of Cyprus leading up to the invasion as well as how it has/has 

not been handled since? 

 

Yolanda: Okay. Although that the invasion, I I'll pick what I think about it. Mhmm. The 

invasion was very well planned many years before. England, Greece, and Turkey were 

the guarantors. They should protect us in case of danger. But imagine the guarantor to 



 

58 
 

invade the island and stay with the army for 50 year now. So, so and we are a small 

country, and we are under the big world powers. The interests of the big powers. The big 

powers. Yes. I'm forgetting my English.  

 

Evyenia: You're doing good. Yeah. This is Okay. 

 

Yolanda: Later you said something else, and I hate that I have what I don't like about, 

you know, how I feel about it. Yeah. So what is I hate that I have to show a passport to 

visit my village in my own country and have the foreign army keeping me away from the 

north side of Cyprus. Yeah. That's, how how I feel. And then Okay. Let's see. I went to 

25, 24 East. I go to army. I didn't go to army. I didn't go to army. Oh, yeah.  

 

Evyenia: Yeah. And the next question is how was the culture or, like, the the feeling, I 

guess, of Northern Cyprus, how did that change since the occupation? Like, maybe they 

were more the North and South were more similar at first, like, how have they kinda, like, 

split? 

 

Yolanda: Okay. I I was writing that just now. So I say that a lot of Turkish Cypriots that 

we are forced to move from their village and houses to go and live in the north side of the 

island to places they did not know and live in houses that belong to others with their 

furniture and personal things in them. They are refugees too. Mhmm. When in their own 

country, we I do not think they are either happy. And on top, a lot of people, they were 

brought from Turkey and occupy Greek Cyprus houses and properties. The worst is that 



 

59 
 

they think they they can do anything they want without the owner's permission. They 

made roads and built many houses everywhere in the land that does not belong to them. I 

do not blame ordinary people. But I is the- their can I say government? Yeah. It's not the 

government but it's the heads of the...  

 

Evyenia: Yeah. Right.  

 

Kyriacos: The ruling people. 

 

Yolanda: Okay. The rulers.  

 

Evyenia: And then would you say that the- or so the people, the Turkish Cypriots from 

the south were forced to go to north who? Yeah. Who forced them to go? 

 

Yolanda: It was the plan when they I told you is an old plan is they divide the island. 

Mhmm. So, they move, they move people, citizens from north to south and from south to 

they were forced by an agreement somehow. Yeah. I don't know. 

 

Evyenia: So, by an agreement. So that would have been, like, Turkey, for example.  

 

Yolanda: Yeah. It's Turkey. Yeah. And and then is the- it wasn't something the same. 

The Greeks, they didn't want to stay in the north because they were afraid of the Turks, 

the army, and all those…  



 

60 
 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Yolanda: And so on. And the Turkish that live in south, again, they were afraid that they 

were being revenge… 

 

Evyenia:  Mhmm.  

 

Yolanda: Somehow and kill them. So, they move. But some of of them, I know they 

were forced to move.  

 

Evyenia: Yeah. Mhmm.  

 

Yolanda: They didn't want to. 

 

Kyriacos: Also, Thia [aunt], there was this, another aspect of this, which was, and you 

mentioned the coup against the president that was organized by the Greek Junta at that 

time. It was a dictatorship in Greece.  

 

Yolanda: So, they Yes. They funded this coup against the president, and the and the aim 

of that was to unite Cyprus with Greece. And a lot of those nationalists, they were against 

Turkish in Cyprus, and the Turkish Cypriots in their villages on the south were afraid that 

they will become the target of these Greek Cyprus nationalists. 



 

61 
 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Kyriacos: And that was one… 

 

Evyenia: Excuse?  

 

Kyriacos: …Turkey used that for Yes. An excuse. An excuse to invade. To invade. And 

second… 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Kyriacos: To go and say, hey. I'm liberating my Turkish Cypriots, saving them from the 

Greeks, and come to the north.  

 

Evyenia: So, would you say that was something that was happening though, where, like, 

let's say the Turkish where there's violence against them or they were discriminated? 

Like, did that happen a lot? 

 

Kyriacos: It happened in the past, Thia. And probably, you know, better than way better 

than me because it was…  

 



 

62 
 

Yolanda: There are most time that there were, yes, fightings between them, Greeks and 

Turks.  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Yolanda: But, again again, it was, we are living very peacefully before. 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Yolanda: But after the that, this became, because when we are fighting the British, then 

the British stop the policemen and make the Turkish people policemen. But Turkish 

people then were not educated people. They were not educated before they were very low 

class and giving them this Authority. Authority and office. And then Turkey became that, 

okay, Cyprus belong to me because they before the British were Ottoman Empire Yeah. 

Inside. Yeah. So they remember that they own the place.  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm. 

 

Yolanda: So they started from there. And I remember then the first fights between Greek 

and Turks. The Turkish were talking about they said.  To unite with. Enosis [unite Cyprus 

with Greece]. Uh-huh. So basically, what my understanding is that the Turkish at that 

time, they were saying division of the island or death. So they wanted to divide the 

island. And That's why I said it's an old plan, very old plan. Yeah.  



 

63 
 

 

Evyenia: Yeah. And then, yeah, I know you said the Turkish Cypriots were more lower 

class. What was- were they, like, prevented from doing the same things or prevented 

from, like going to school or things like that? 

 

Yolanda: No. They have school. They went to school, but their professions were usually 

low, very low.  

 

Kyriacos: Was it because the Greek Cypriots were not giving them opportunities for 

employment? Or No. 

 

Yolanda: I don't think so, Kyriacos, because they in villages, they have their own 

property and all this. But I don't know. Is their culture, I think. Is their culture? You see 

Muslims and all this, they are very they don't they have opportunity to educate and now 

they do. But then it was, and the people that we are staying in Cyprus, they were the poor 

Turks. When the British came, they left. Turkish people left.  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Yolanda: The the rich ones and all this, they have something they they left. So only the 

poor stay.  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  



 

64 
 

 

Yolanda: That's why they were regret. Oh, okay. Uh-huh. We had a very good relation. 

So basically, the Turkish Cyprus basically. When British handed it, left, the Turkish 

Cyprus that had the good jobs, education, and all, they moved. They went out of Cyprus. 

They went to Turkey… 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm. 

 

Yolanda: Or somewhere else. Yeah. Who stayed behind were the people that lacked 

education, the means to have a to leave. To go to leave. And and and my understanding, 

these are the people that will make Koupes, Shamishi, or labor, type of work rather than 

professional. 

 

Evyenia: Yes. Yeah. And then but yeah. Also, my question is they weren't, like, 

segregated is what I'm saying. Like, they could everyone could fully do. 

 

Kyriacos: No. There was a time where segregation with Turkey, and I don't know what 

year happened, Thia, where initially Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots, they were 

working together and living together. Right? But but then there was a time where they 

withdrew to their towns and they wouldn't allow Greek Cyprus to enter their towns. 

Right? 

 



 

65 
 

Yolanda: Yeah. It was, after ‘57, ‘63 that time. Yeah. Also when Yeah. Your I had to say 

to to give you an example, my grandfather from my mother's side, he was playing violin, 

and he used to play to Turkish weddings. He was very famous for that, and he was doing 

that. I mean, very- and my father had many customers, Turkish customers. Many. I I 

know because I went to the shop sometimes and I work there. And they they, they have 

good relation. So, yeah, what what what forced the Turkish Cypriots to segregate and 

move to their own villages was that because there were, at times, Greek Cypriots that 

would go and bother the Turkish, and Turkish will say I think yeah. I think, Turkish 

started this. Uh-huh. They started this and then okay. Our part, they they did the same. 

Yeah. They started these things. So there is so there is somebody push somebody push 

them. Yeah. Somebody push them to do it. 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm. 

 

Yolanda: Yeah. Yeah. Somebody push them and told them this is the good thing to do. 

 

Evyenia: Yeah. Mhmm. And then, my next question was, what are your thoughts on the 

lasting effects of the invasion occupation since, obviously, it's still going on today? What 

are what are your thoughts on that?  

 

Kyriacos: Say it again.  

 



 

66 
 

Evyenia: What what are your thoughts on the lasting effects of invasion and occupation? 

Since we're still going today.  

 

Yolanda: So, basically, everyone's the the long effects, the long lasting the macro macro. 

Problem. And and what I said about I hate to show my passport. No? Mhmm. Yeah. 

Yeah. 

 

Kyriacos: How about overall, Thia, overall, the meaning the lasting effects because the 

occupation has been going on for so many years. How do you see the society the the 

impact on other Greek Cypriot society? Because it's been for us so long, so many years, I 

think it's very difficult now.  

 

Yolanda: Mhmm. I can see. It's very difficult because people that live in the north now, 

they were born there. They are 50 years old. Yeah. So, they feel that this is my home. 

This is my country. I- it's my village. Yeah. So, it would be very difficult to to solve the 

problem. Yeah. Solve the problem. 

 

Kyriacos: So how about on the Greek Cypriot society, where you live, the people that, 

you know, you you move around and you see people, and you've been there for so many 

years. How do you see the Greek Cypriot? So the impact of that invasion now, how do 

you see that impacting our Greek Cypriot society?  

 



 

67 
 

Yolanda: And the I think the youngsters, they live their life as it is now. And they are 

they are happy. They are doing they they don't know about. They don't know about the 

north. It's like Alexis [Yolanda’s youngest son]. Yeah. He doesn't want to go, even to see 

the property. I told him, you should go and see the property. Your own land there.  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Yolanda: He doesn't want to. He doesn't feel the need. And I don't feel nice. When I went 

there, I was sick, for my weekend, 10 days… 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Yolanda: …Afterwards. But Alexis doesn't want to even to go there to see the place. He 

does- they don't know it. They don't know it. They don't feel anything about it. They don't 

have an emotional connection. Nothing. 

 

Kyriacos: Ne [Yes in Greek]. Ne. Ne. Yeah. Ne. 

 

Yolanda: Yeah. Ne. You have because you live there. Yeah. And I and I the place. 

 

Kyriacos: And I know Evy is is going to interview me too, so I don't wanna tell her 

everything now. But I feel the I feel the same as you. When I was in Cyprus, my brother 



 

68 
 

asked me to go to Akanthou, and I said, no. I don't want to go just because it's painful. 

Yeah. 

 

Yolanda: You went there? No. Once at least. No? No. 

 

Kyriacos: Yeah. I went a a couple of times, at least 2 or 3 times. But this time when I 

was there, my brother said, let if you wanna go, let's go. And I said, no. I don't want to 

go. 

 

Evyenia: No. I I went twice, I think… Mhmm. 

 

Yolanda: [Talking about a friend she discussed the north of the island to]. Yeah. She said 

he said, you always talk about this, the village and you have this and that and all. So he 

wanted we went together. Mhmm. And he wanted to and to show him the place. And 

because I was explaining, this is our place. This we are planning to to build the 

bungalows. Then we went there. This is my home. And this had the- it was more 

emotional because I talk about it. Yeah. I have to explain and is somehow I lived it. 

Yeah. Again. I lived there. It was difficult. Yeah. So, I don't want to go again. Mhmm. 

Yeah. What other question? So, if that's a answer your question, but the youngsters 

sometimes because they don't know the place Mhmm. Maybe they don't feel anything 

about it. Yeah. 

 



 

69 
 

Evyenia: And then on a more, like, broader scale in what ways did the invasion change 

your perspective on on just, like, life? Like how did it change you personally? It changed 

me.  

 

Yolanda: It changed I I don't think that change. It's just I feel like this sad all the time 

when we have to talk about it and, but it- that's it. 

 

Kyriacos: So, I mean, Thia, sometimes these events change the way you see life and the 

way you behave in life… 

 

Yolanda: Okay. I I said something. Sometimes the after invasion, the early times, years, I 

was thinking why to build the house or why to do this? You might lose it. Mhmm. I- you 

are afraid to to move. You are afraid to move, to make progress, to do things. That's how 

I I felt. And when I saw people that were building and starting to build the house, I said, 

oh, how can they do it?  

 

Kyriacos: Right. 

 

Yolanda: But, yes, I was afraid to do to move forward to to do things, or even invest and 

build. Repair my house or buy things for my house. I didn't want to do it. Mhmm. Yeah. 

 

Kyriacos: You did. So, basically, you lost trust that what you're building might not be 

there tomorrow. Yes. Yes. Yeah. The future for the future. 



 

70 
 

 

Evyenia: And then my next question was what is something about yourself that you were 

most proud of that you did during that, like, difficult period?  

 

Yolanda: Proud. Not proud, but I was pleased that I could help my relatives at the first 

days of that when they were refugees and I could give them a place to stay at least and 

food and, but the necessary things to live.  

 

Kyriacos: Yeah. And we appreciate that and I to this day I remember it. Thank you. Yes. 

You, see?  

 

Yolanda: Yes. I know. I know. And the girls, I know the I take the love. Yeah. I I can 

feel it. Yes. I didn't I didn't do it for I I didn't want anything to give me back. Yeah. I I 

felt that way. And I am I am doing now for I have it. I want to give to help people. 

 

Evyenia: And then is there anyone oh, sorry. Yes. Oh, is there anyone who significantly 

impacted you, your life during this time? Like, is there one person that stands out that 

was like, oh, this person really helped me or really, I don't know, played a big role in my 

life during this time? 

 

Yolanda: During the wartime?  

 



 

71 
 

Evyenia: Yeah. Yeah. During the invasion. During the wartime, during that time, was 

there any person that really made a big impact on you or have changed your perspective, 

your life? Was there someone that played a big role during that time in your life?  

 

Yolanda: I, I, I cannot say anything. I don't know.  

 

Evyenia: That's okay. I mean, it's fine. 

 

Yolanda: Oh, I don't know.  

 

Evyenia: Yeah. Mhmm. That's that's- that's fine. Yeah. And then Yeah. My next question 

is, what can we learn from the past, specifically the invasion and occupation? Like, what 

lessons has it would you say taught, like, Greek Cypriots?  

 

Yolanda: What lessons what lessons did the invasion taught the Greek Cypriots? Don't 

mess with the British. Don't trust the British. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. You don't trust the 

British. Yes. Or Americans. Or Russians. Not to be too fanatics. Yeah, extremes. Yeah, to 

the extremes. And but we are, we're all human beings, so love each other and just to live 

Mhmm. To live peacefully and just not to do I I'm going to do this, not to do to others 

what you don't want to to to you. To do to you.  

 

Evyenia: Yes. Yeah. Yeah. And then Yes. So is that you you would say find ways to live 

together peacefully We can live… rather than… 



 

72 
 

 

Yolanda: Yes. Division and and ‘better than you’. Yeah. Yeah. 

 

Evyenia: Right? 

 

Yolanda: Wars all these wars and all these, I get the worst. Yes. Yeah. They all they do 

harm people Yeah. They harm people. Yeah. Mhmm. Destroy the lives and then the 

whatever new deeds. Mhmm. Destroy everything. Right. Now I see the worst we have 

Yeah. Everywhere. Mhmm. Mhmm. Yeah. They destroy livelihoods, societies. Yeah. 

And You built and they ruined it. Okay. 

 

Evyenia: Yeah. Yeah. Okay. And then oh, yeah. And then my next question is more 

specifically about, like, you as an individual. Above all, what would you like to be 

remembered for? Like, what do you want about yourself to be remembered by everyone?  

 

Yolanda: I would like to to be remembered. Okay? Like I'm a good person and but I 

could help people and did good things. 

 

Kyriacos: Yeah. Yeah. That's good. And I will add to that her kindness and generosity.  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm. 

 

Kyriacos: And generosity  



 

73 
 

 

Yolanda: Thank you. With whether it is helping people financially or with her time 

devoting her time to because your- Yolanda also is a member or other organizations that 

help women.  

 

Evyenia: Oh, really?  

 

Kyriacos: And so yeah. Yeah. Yes. What what was what is that organization? Thia, 

maybe she can mention that you are presiding or you are the president of that?  

 

Yolanda: I- I was so president of that. It's Zonta International. It's American 

organization. This is international organization actually. Zonta. It's- if you go and see 

Zonta.org, you can see about it.  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm. We have another one, Kyriacos. It's- we call it Zoi vs. War Violence.  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Kyriacos: Zoi is life. 

 

Yolanda: Zoi is life. Zoi is life. Yeah. Zoi is life. Yes. And we are planning to start next 

month in January. There was an, what can I say? An Ergastirio [workshop] is, Zoi xana is 

life again.  



 

74 
 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Yolanda: And we are trying to help women, that, from both sides is by communal this 

program, that had this, psychological problems during the invasion. Right. I mean, if they 

they are violence or not violence, even just refugees just left the house, is they feel 

something sad inside and cannot live normal. Mhmm. Yeah. They they have this in life. 

So, we try to help them… 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm. Good.  

 

Yolanda: … In in new organization. Okay. And then my last question, is there anything 

else that we haven't covered that you want to discuss or speak more about or anything 

like that? 

 

Yolanda: Hey, we said a lot of things. Yeah. What about you? Do you want to go and 

visit Akanthou too?  

 

Evyenia: We have. We- the most recent time was not last time we went to Cyprus, but 

the time before.  

 

Yolanda: Mhmm. So, you do remember then?  

 



 

75 
 

Evyenia: Yeah. I do remember going to see it, but I think it'd be it'd be nice to see it 

again. But, obviously, if that's like a painful thing, then I wouldn't wanna go.  

 

Kyriacos: No. No. I mean, no. For you, I would definitely go because I think it's good for 

you guys to because now, you're looking at it through different eyes. You're more mature 

now. You can see things and yeah. Remember, I think it is value there. Yeah. And just 

when you listen to the history, you see it differently. 

 

Evyenia: Exactly. Yeah. Yeah. Mhmm. Personally, there's no like painful personal 

memories to it. That's like we are learning about this too so it's not like forgotten but 

there's no connection to yeah, that area.  

 

Yolanda: Mhmm. Yeah. 

 

Evyenia & Kyriacos: Yes. Well, okay. Thia, we first of I mean, thank you for doing all 

of this, taking the time.  

 

Yolanda: Oh, no. It was, it was nice. It was to remember all these things. I wrote down, I 

wrote it just to remember. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. 

 

 

 

 



 

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Interview Transcription: Kyriacos Kitsis 

December 29, 2024 

 

Evyenia: Hello, dear father. Do you, first of all, do you mind if I record you? Depends 

how you're gonna use this precious interview. Okay. What is your name and birthday? 

 

Kyriacos: My name is Kyriacos Kitsis. Birthday is September 4, 1963.  

 

Evyenia: And then where were you born and raised?  

 

Kyriacos: I was born in Lefkosia, otherwise known as Nicosia in Cyprus. I was raised in 

I was raised in initially up until the age of 11in Akanthou, village of Akanthou in the 

northern part of Cyprus. 

And then up until the age of 24, I lived in Nicosia.  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Kyriacos: And then after that, I came to the US, and I've been here since then.  

 

Evyenia: Wow. Is there a reason why you were born in Nicosia and not, I mean… 

 



 

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Kyriacos: That's a question for my mother. But I guess there was no hospital to deliver. 

They had what they call, kinda like a nurse. Oh, what's that called?  

 

Evyenia: Midwife?  

 

Kyriacos: Probably. I'm not sure. But it was obviously the right choice to be I think I 

don't know. I think it was in a clinic… 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Kyriacos: I was born. I don't remember. I don't know the name of the clinic or the doctor, 

but, yeah, for that reason.  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm. And then can you tell me about your family background? So that's, 

like, your grandparents, what you know about, like, let's say, just, like, your family 

history. 

 

Kyriacos: The, briefly, my mother's father… 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 



 

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Kyriacos: …Was a big landowner in, and his father was even a much bigger landowner 

because as you go from generation to generation, you divide land. Land gets smaller. 

Right?  

 

Evyenia: Yeah. 

 

Kyriacos: …Per person. But my grandpa divided his own property by 4 because he had 4 

kids, and still my mother had a lot of land inherited by her father.  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Kyriacos: Considerable land. My- you know, he was basically doing farming. 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Kyriacos: And on my and his wife was housewife and also helping him.  

 

Evyenia: Mhmm.  

 

Kyriacos: You know? At at that time, it was, again, agriculture and farming. My father's 

side, my- they own land too, and my dad inherited land as well. But my grandpa was a 

shepherd. Mhmm. He had goats and sheep, and and he lived in, outside of the village. 

We've been there where they started building houses, the Turkish… 



 

79 
 

 

Evyenia: Mhmm. Oh, yeah. Close to the sea.  

 

Kyriacos: Yeah.  

 

Evyenia: Oh, so when- when you say, like I know you said on your dad's side that he was 

a shepherd, but on your mom's side, like, farming, what specifically?  

 

Kyriacos: I don't, I mean, they have a lot of, I mean, agriculture, you name it, from 

tomatoes to potatoes to but I I don't think my I don't know if my I need to check with my 

brother and my dad to see if he had any, goats or anything like that. Maybe. Uh-huh. But 

I don't know. He has a lot of, obviously, olive trees and all that.  

 

Evyenia: But I guess my question is it's not like let's say, like, animals. It's primarily, 

like, vegetables and stuff like that. Like, plant-based things.  

 

Kyriacos: I think so. I mean, I'm not absolutely a 100% sure.