EXILED RECORDS AND OVER-THE-COUNTERCULTURE: A CULTURAL
POLITICAL ECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF THE INDEPENDENT RECORD STORE
by
DAVID D. GRACON
A DISSERTATION
Presented to the School of Journalism and Communication
and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
September 2010
11
University of Oregon Graduate School
Confirmation of Approval and Acceptance of Dissertation prepared by:
David Gracon
Title:
"Exiled Records and Over-the-Counterculture: A Cultural Political Economic Analysis of the
Independent Record Store"
This dissertation has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for
the Doctor ofPhilosophy degree in the Department of Journalism and Communication by:
Janet Wasko, Chairperson, Journalism and Communication
Carl Bybee, Member, Journalism and Communication
Leslie Steeves, Member, Journalism and Communication
Julianne Newton, Member, Journalism and Communication
Douglas Blandy, Outside Member, Arts and Administration
and Richard Linton, Vice President for Research and Graduate Studies/Dean of the Graduate
School for the University of Oregon.
September 4, 2010
Original approval signatures are on file with the Graduate School and the University of Oregon
Libraries.
© 2010 David D. Gracon
111
in the School of Journalism and Communication to be taken
David D. Gracon
An Abstract of the Dissertation of
for the degree of
IV
Doctor of Philosophy
September 2010
Title: EXILED RECORDS AND OVER-THE-COUNTERCLTLTURE: A
CULTURAL POLITICAL ECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF THE
INDEPENDENT RECORD STORE
Approved:
Dr. Janet Wasko
This study examined the cultural political economic significance of the physical
"brick and mortar" independent record store in the digital era. The research was built
upon two critical frameworks - the political economy of communication and critical
cultural studies.
The political economy of communication situated the independent record store
within the dominant music industry, and was concerned with the corporate structuring
and standardization of music culture. The study analyzed the extreme market
concentration involving the "big four" major record labels (in terms of vertical and
horizontal integration, diversification and product synergy), their interconnectedness to
the major corporate music retailers, and the implications for the manufacturing of popular
musical artists. The independent record store (to varying degrees) counters these
tendencies by offering greater cultural diversity in terms of "independent," local, used
vand obscure music. However, the independent record store is influenced by the policies
and practices of the major label system, distribution channels, big box chain retailers, and
on-line commerce. The study examined the dominant industry policies and practices,
including buying (centralized versus localized), music as a loss leader, co-op advertising,
retail "payola," retail censorship, and the overall range of musical diversity, vis-a-vis the
practices and semi-autonomous nature of the independent record store.
This project was equally invested in the cultural aspects of the independent record
store in terms of communities and scenes. Various subcultures gather and connect with
each other at independent record stores, where anti-corporate and counter-hegemonic
narratives circulate, and individuals learn about the depths of musical history and culture.
This project explored the physical atmosphere and vernacular culture associated with the
stores, as well as the cultural significance of vinyl record collecting. However, these
cultural attributes are framed in terms of the harvesting of commodification, where the
perception of "independence" is rendered problematic in terms of the economic realities
associated with the logic of capital.
The primary ethnographic field sites for this study included the House of Records
in Eugene, Oregon; Music Millennium in Portland, Oregon; and Amoeba Music in San
Francisco, California. Numerous specialty independent record stores within these
geographic areas were also included in the study.
CURRICULUM VITAE
NAME OF AUTHOR: David D. Gracon
GRADUATE AND UNDERGRADUATE SCHOOLS ATTENDED:
University of Oregon
State University of New York, University at Buffalo
DEGREES AWARDED:
Doctor of Philosophy, Communication and Society, 2010, University of Oregon
Master of Arts, Humanities, 2001, State University of New York, University at
Buffalo
Bachelor of Arts, Department of Media Study and Sociology, 1999, State
University of New York, University at Buffalo
AREAS OF SPECIAL INTEREST:
Critical Cultural Studies, Political Economy of Communication, Visual
Communication, New Media Theory, Media Arts Production, Media
Subcultures, Alternative Media
PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE:
Graduate Teaching Fellowship, School of Journalism and Communication,
University of Oregon, 2006-2010
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Vll
Adjunct Professor of Multimedia Arts, Medaille College, Buffalo, NY, 2004-
2006
Technical Supervisor, New Media Institute, Medaille College, Buffalo, NY, 2004-
2006
Adjunct Professor of Sociology, Trocaire College, Buffalo, NY, 2004-2006
Assistant Language Teacher (ALT), Japanese Exchange and Teaching Program
(JET), Kanazawa-City, Japan, 2002-2003
Adjunct Professor of Video, University of Rochester, Rochester NY, Spring, 2002
Technical Director, Squeaky Wheel, Buffalo Media Resources, Buffalo, NY,
November 2001 to July 2002
Teaching Assistant, State University of New York, University at Buffalo,
Buffalo, NY, 1999-2001
GRANTS, AWARDS AND HONORS:
Lokey Scholarship, University of Oregon, 2009
Kappa Tau Appha award in Journalism and Mass Communication, University of
Oregon, 2009
Excellence in Teaching Award, State University of New York, University at
Buffalo, 2001
PUBLICAnONS:
Gracon, D. (2009). The independent record store as a site of cultural resistance and anti-
McDona1dization - A case study of the House of Records. In R. C. Sickels (Ed.),
The business ofentertainment: Popular music: Vol. 2 (pp. 205-221). Westport,
CT: Praeger Publishers.
Vlll
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank my dissertation committee members: Janet Wasko, Carl
Bybee, Leslie Steeves, Julie Newton and Doug Blandy for their encouragement and
support throughout this entire research process. I would like to add an extra thanks to
Carl and Janet, who were able to give their energy to this project despite difficult life
events occurring outside the university.
I would also like to thank the independent record storeowners and workers for
allowing me to conduct research in their stores in order to gain a critical insight into this
unique culture. Also, thanks to the musicians, record labels and distributors who
participated in this project. Without your open and giving nature, this project wouldn't
have been possible. In particular, I want to thank Greg Sutherland at House of Records in
Eugene, Oregon, who has been a relentless supporter of this project from day one. I
would also like to send a sincere thanks to Terry Currier, the owner of Music Millennium
in Portland, Oregon, who very kindly allowed a total stranger to spend two weeks
researching his store. Terry was also pivotal in terms of connecting me to other major
record labels and music distributors. Lastly, I would like to thank Tony Green at
Amoeba Music in San Francisco, Califomia for his kindness, and for granting me store
access.
Lastly, I would like to thank my friends and family. This includes my father and
late mother, my sister Jennifer, brothers Gary and Steven, and my two very hilarious
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nephews Josh and Eli. I would also like to say thanks to my friends: Marc Moscato, Tom
Eichler, Joanne and Don Eichler, Greg Genco, Brenna Wolf-Monteiro, Anne Conaway,
Greg Miller, Leslie Rutberg, Mary Erickson, and my doctoral cohort: Andre Sirois,
Jessalynn Strauss, Ahran Park, and Alina Padilla-Miller for their continued support over
the years.
For my mother, who taught me to be thrifty at a very early age.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter Page
1. INTRODUCTION 1
Overview of the Research Problem and Research Questions 3
Methodologies........................................................................................................ 15
Significance of the Study................ 18
Personal Relationship to Independent Record Stores 20
Chapter Preview 31
Summary................................................................................................................ 35
II. MAPPING THE MUSIC INDUSTRY, MUSIC RETAIL AND THE
INDEPENDENT RECORD STORE...................................................................... 37
A Brief History of Music Eras and Formats 38
The Mechanical Era (1877-1923) 38
The Electronic Era (1924-1960s)......................................................................... 41
Cassette Era (1970-1982)..................................................................................... 44
The Digital Era (roughlyl983-present)................................................................ 45
Current Trends in the Recorded Music Industry..................................................... 47
Contemporary Ways to Obtain Recorded Music 52
Current Trends: Music Consumption by Channel.................................................. 55
Current Trends: Music Consumption by FormaL.................................................. 57
Current Trends: Music Consumption by Age 58
Illegal Music Downloading/File Sharing................................................................ 59
Major Record Labels............................................................................................... 61
Independent Record Labels....... 65
Music Distribution (Physical and Digital) 67
Music Retail. 72
Charts and Payola 76
Types ofIndependent Record Stores 78
Current Themes: The Independent Record Store.................................................... 81
Chapter
XlI
Page
Summary................................................................................................................. 83
III. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND LITERATURE REVIEW..................... 84
Political Economy of Communication................................................................... 85
Political Economy of Communication and Music 90
Cultural Studies...................................................................................................... 96
Defining Culture 97
Cultural Studies: Beginnings 98
Hegemony and Ideology 102
Defining Resistance.................................................... 104
Cultural Studies and Subcultures 105
Subcultures Part 2: Punk and the DIY Philosophy 112
Vinyl Records and Collecting 120
Political Economy and Cultural Studies 127
McDonaldization and Rationalization 130
Space and Place 136
Community, Civic Engagement and Vemacular Culture 140
Independent Record Stores.................................................................................... 142
Characteristics of Indie Stores and Related Popular Literature....... 144
Research Questions......................... 150
IV. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 152
Postmodemism and Positivism 153
Political Economy Methods 155
Ethnographic Interviews 159
Field Ethnography 165
Visual Ethnography.... 169
Research Sample........................................................... 170
Procedures and Selecting Sources 176
Data Analysis 182
Limitations of the Study 185
Human Subjects 187
Summary 188
V. POLITICAL ECONOMY, PART 1: CORPORATE PROFILES OF THE
MAJOR RECORD LABELS, CORPORATE RETAILERS, AND ANALYSIS
OF KEY THEMES AND PATTERNS. 189
BriefReview: The Political Economy of Communication 191
Chapter
X III
Page
Corporate Profiles of the "Big Four" Record Labels 191
Universal Music Group (UMG) 192
Sony Music Entertainment (SME) 194
Warner Music Group (WMG) 196
EM!. 198
Independent Labels..................... 200
Corporate Profiles: Music Retail Outlets 200
iTunes 201
Wal-Mart 204
Best Buy.............................................................................................................. 207
Amazon 209
Target. 211
F.Y.E 213
Borders. . . 214
Barnes and Noble 216
Rhapsody............................................................................................................. 217
"Other" Stores 217
Independent Record Stores 218
Brief Analysis of Key Themes Regarding the Corporate Profiles 221
Music and Corporate Concentration................................................................... 222
Music and Corporate Conglomerates 225
Vertical Integration 228
Horizontal Integration 230
Synergy and Cross Marketing............................................ 231
Conclusion 233
VI. POLITICAL ECONOMY, PART 2: AN ANALYSIS OF CORPORATE
RETAIL POLICIES AND PRACTICES AND THE LOCATION OF THE
INDEPENDENT RECORD STORE WITHIN THE DOMINANT MUSIC
INDUSTRY 236
Key Differences in Scale and Approach...... 237
Orientations Towards Musical Product 239
Policies and Practices of the Dominant Music Industry........... 243
Pricing and "Loss Leaders" 243
Buying Practices: Centralized Versus Localized 248
Exclusive Only Offers ,. 252
Co-Op Advertising 253
"Payola" and Buy-Ins 257
Barriers to Entry: Digital Download Stores 262
iTunes Placement................................................................................................ 263
Controlling Used Music 264
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Chapter Page
Constructing the CD MarkeL......... 265
Music Retail and Censorship 266
Ambiguities of "Independence" and Indie Retail 270
Conclusions 278
VII. CULTURAL ANALYSIS, PART 1: COMMUNITIES, SUBCULTURAL
CONNECTIONS, MUSICAL EDUCATION AND COMMODIFICATION IN
THE INDEPENDENT RECORD STORE 282
Communities and Social Aspects of Independent Record Stores 283
Indie Stores as a Subcultural Connecter 296
Indie Stores as Educational Spaces.. 310
Conclusions................... 315
VIII. CULTURAL ANALYSIS, PART 2: SPACE AND PLACE, VINYL
RECORD COLLECTING, ANTI-CORPORATE NARRATIVES,
GENTRIFICATION AND COMMODIFICATION 318
Space and Place 318
Vinyl Records and Collecting 328
Anti-Corporate Narratives 342
Commodification and Indie Culture 347
A Brief Look at Gentrification and Class 357
Conclusions 360
IX. CONCLUSION 363
Contributions to the Field 363
Structural Implications of the Dominant Music Industry............... 365
Policies and Practices of the Dominant Music Industry 369
The Ambiguities and Harvesting of "Independence" 373
Community, Subcultural Connections and Gentrification 376
Anti-McDonaldization 380
Suggestions for Future Research 382
Recommendations for Those Associated with Indie Record Stores 384
FUliher Research 390
Concluding Thoughts... 391
APPENDICES... 392
A. FIGURES: PHOTOS AND DOCUMENTS 392
Chapter
xv
Page
B. LIST OF STORES AND OTHER INDUSTRY PARTICIPANTS 409
C. SAMPLE INTERVIEW INSTRUMENTS 411
D. CONSENT FORMSNERBAL SCRIPT 415
REFERENCES 419
XVI
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1. Music Retail Market Share Breakdown. 2008 NPD Music Watch Survey... .... ... 56
2. Music Sales by Label. 2009 Nielson Company SoundScan Year End Report..... 63
1CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
While visiting my hometown of Buffalo, NY, in the winter of2006, the local
independent record store, Home of the Hits, closed its doors after 25 years of service.
What might have appeared as a minor event in a city familiar with the disappearance of
heavy industry and blue-collar employment, the store's closing had repercussions on a
minor yet culturally significant level. A writer from the local alternative weekly paper,
Artvoice, claimed, "Retelling the story (of Home of the Hits), from my journalistic
standpoint, feels a lot like what I'd imagine it would be like to write the obituary of one
of my best friends" (Kuntzbach, 2006, p. 2).
Since the store's closure that winter, the old house that sold out-of-print punk rock
vinyl records, homemade demo tapes 1 and 7" 2 records from the bustling local indie3 and
1 Demo tapes are essentially self-produced cassette tapes often with a black and white photocopied insert.
They are cheap to produce and duplicate.
2 Chapter II will explore the nature of music formats in more detail. However, the 7" vinyl record was a
cheap alternative to pressing LP vinyl records, and was the medium of choice for independent punk,
hardcore, and indie bands. Bands would sometimes create a split 7", where two different bands would split
a side to the record.
3 Indie music is shorthand for independent or indie rock. Indie rock artists are known for placing a premium
on maintaining complete control of their music and careers, releasing albums on independent record labels
(sometimes self-owned and operated) and relying on touring, word-of-mouth, airplay on independent or
college radio stations and, in recent years, the Internet, for promotion. Indie bands are featured on
independent labels such as Merge, Matador, and Touch and Go. Well known indie bands include
Pavement, Sebadoh, and Guided By Voices. Tugboat Annie was a well-known indie band in Buffalo
2hardcore4 scene, new and used CDs separated by hand-drawn plastic dividers, gritty, self-
published photocopied fanzines,s and a variety of colorful t-shirts featuring the iconic
black bars of Black Flag and Minor Threat,6 currently sits in idle silence.
Gone are the quirky conversations at the counter about bands coming through
town and the merits of the latest new release from some obscure independent record
label. Gone is the atonal dissonance blaring from the speakers, music from the nearby
Buffalo State college radio station WBNY, as shoppers brushed shoulders with each
other in the narrow confines of the used CD section. Gone are the colorful, hand-
scrawled and crudely produced cut-and-pasted flyers advertising an underground punk
concert in someone's basement, or a show? at the local VFW post or in a church
basement. There are no more spontaneous conversations or accidental meetings with
friends, and chats about records, bands, concerts and things happening around town.
Gone are the casual conversations about corrupt local pOliticians, the Buffalo Sabers
making the hockey playoffs, and the cynical and often scathing comments regarding
during the 1990s. Their DIY loft space was also a music venue that showcased various indie bands from
around the country.
4 Hardcore music has several waves and definitions. By the end of the 1980s, hardcore became more
diverse, branching off into two sounds: one traditionally punk-based, referred to as old school hardcore,
and the other evolving into something heavier, slower, and influenced by heavy metal, known as new
school hardcore. With the Buffalo hardcore scene of the 1990s, the band Snapcase had a large following,
and hardcore bands were featured on the Victory and Revelation record labels.
5 A fanzine, or "zine" (an abbreviation of the word fanzine, or magazine), is commonly a small circulation
publication of original or appropriated texts and images. The term encompasses any self-published work of
minority interest, usually reproduced via photocopier. Zines are small-scale productions, and economic
profit is generally not the intent of publication. Zines will be discussed in more detail in the literature
review (Chapter III).
6 In the 1980s, Black Flag and Minor Threat were considered two of the most important and influential
bands in the history of American punk and hardcore music.
7 Concerts and live music have the same meaning as going to a "show."
3celebrities and the banalities of mainstream popular culture. Gone is that moment when
you discovered a record that in some way altered your way of seeing the world -like
when I first discovered bands such as Fugazi,8 Sonic Youth and Sebadoh.9
The closing of Home of the Hits raised many questions for those involved in
independent record store culture, such as the storeowners, employees and customers. On
the one hand, the store closure affected me on a personal level. But it could be related to
what C.W. Mills called the "sociological imagination," when individuals are inextricably
linked to the larger social and institutional structuring of society. Thus, some questions
from this store closure emerged: What social and economic forces led to the demise of
the store? What are the sociological implications of this closure in terms of the
availability of cultural diversity of musical product? Is the closure of Home of the Hits a
byproduct of how the larger music industry is organized and structured? What effect did
this have on local music culture and subcultural scenes? What effect has the store closing
had on the greater community of Buffalo?
Overview of the Research Problem and Research Questions
This study analyzed the independent record store from both a political economic
and critical cultural studies approach. Political economy is a structural approach
concerned with how the independent record store is located within the dominant music
8 Ian Mackaye of Minor Threat later formed Fugazi, a very political and influential post-punk band in the
1990s. He was also the founder of the independent label Discord Records based in Washington D.C. The
label is still in operation as of this writing.
9 Sebadoh's early recordings "The Freed Weed" (1990) and "III" (1991) embodied the aesthetic spirit of
indie rock with the use of distortion, atonal feedback, odd guitar tunings, audio collage, and lo-fi, or
inexpensive four-track home recording techniques. The band developed a cult following over the years.
4industry and impacted by the logic of late capitalism. The critical cultural studies
approach was concerned with the everyday meanings of the independent store in terms of
community, subcultures, and as a place where corporate culture was actively contested.
Also of concern were the various meanings of store design and atmosphere, and the
transmission of musical knowledge in the stores. These cultural attributes were
considered in terms of their relationship to commodification, thus creating a cultural link
to political economy. Both of these approaches are discussed in more detail below.
First, the political economic approach analyzed how the independent record store
is located within the dominant music industry. In brief, the political economy of
communication is a critical approach that examines the relationship between media and
political economic institutions, and how this interconnectedness is implicated by power
relationships that can result in anti-democratic ideals and the homogenization of
infonnation and culture. Mosco (1996) claims, "One can think about political economy
as the study of social relations, particularly the power relations, that mutually constitute
the production, distribution, and consumption of resources" (p. 25). The political
economy of music explores the nature of markets, monopoly practices, and the corporate
consolidation of power, wealth and control associated with the dominant music industry.
This meant locating the independent record store within the context of the dominant
music industry, and how such stores exist somewhat autonomously to, but never
completely outside of, this industry.
5The dominant music industry is characterized by extreme market concentration in
terms of the "big four" major record labels, three of which are a subsidiary of multi-
national conglomerates. These major labels include Warner Music Group, Universal
Music Group, Sony Music Entertainment and EM!. The major corporate retailers of
music such as Apple, Wal-Mart and Best Buy control an overwhelming majority of the
music market. As a result ofthis extremely concentrated market, the major record labels
and corporate retailers have an inordinate amount of control over the type of music
produced, released and stocked in both physical and virtual retail outlets in the United
States, and the world over. Most of this music is popular in scope, and is designed to
appeal to a mass audience. The bottom line in this corporate structure is to maximize
profits. As a result, music culture is largely determined and standardized according to
these corporate structures.
Corporate music is rendered popular through its simultaneous exposure on MTV,
Clear Channel radio stations, motion picture soundtracks, television commercials, social
media outlets, and the popular press. It is argued in this project that popular music is a
manufactured product of corporate entities, and a variety of major label and retail policies
and practices systematically reinforce this extreme market dominance. As a result, the
overall range and diversity of music promoted by these dominant systems is relatively
narrow 111 scope.
As an alternative, the independent record store offers much greater cultural
variety in terms of music. What is considered "popular" at the mainstream retail outlets
is generally not of interest at the independent record store. Indie stores specialize in
6"independent" and back catalog music generally not stocked at the major chain stores.
They sell used music on a variety of formats, and support local musical scenes by
stocking their releases. Indie stores often have depth in a variety of musical genres, or
they specialize in one particular musical form such as hip-hop, classical, world or indie.
Indie stores stock the obscure and the unexpected, such as self-produced and hand
decorated noise cassette tapes and local hip-hop DJ mixes. They carry releases that are
out of print, or only available on vinyl. Indie stores counter the myth that everything is
available on the Internet by stocking music not available via download. The music
found at indie stores is rendered "popular" through college or community radio,
independent fanzines, blogs, word of mouth and indie press. However, indie music is
increasingly found on television commercials, and many "independent labels" are
distributed by the major record labels. As a result, the nature of "independence" has
become increasingly difficult to define as it has become assimilated into the dominant
culture.
This study examined the cultural and political economic significance of the "brick
and mortar" independent record store within the context of the dominant music industry.
It explored how the independent record store has struggled to remain economically
relevant amongst a variety of socio-economic forces ranging from digital downloading
(both illegal and legal), to the corporate oligopoly and the economic structure of the
major record labels, and both virtual and physical retail chain stores. This study involved
an examination of the economic consolidation and power associated with both the major
"big four" record labels and the major music retailers. The policies and practices of the
7"big four" major labels, such as pricing tactics, censorship issues, co-op advertising, "buy
ins," retail "payola," the range ofmusic diversity, and music buying practices were
examined vis-a-vis the semi-autonomous (to varying degrees) practices of the
independent record store. The study explored how independent record stores, to varying
degrees, do business differently, but at the same time, are affected by the structure of the
dominant music industry.
Unpacking the music industry entailed a critical understanding of how the music
industry is organized in terms of corporate structure, and in terms ofmusic distribution,
and the nature of record labels - as well as how the practices and policies of the
dominant music industry affect the socio-economic sustainability of the independent
record store. These policies and practices over the years have contributed to the closure
of independent record stores. According to Keen (2007), in the first five months of 2006
alone, 378 record stores closed nationally, against 106 closures in 2005 (p. 100). There
are now 25 percent fewer music stores in America than there were in 2003 (p. 100).
Since late 2003, about 900 independent record stores have closed nationwide, leaving
about 2,700, according to the Almighty Institute of Music Retail, a marketing research
company in Studio City, California (Williams, 2006).
This research explored the policies and practices of the major music retailers,
which ultimately affected the economic sustainability of the indie record store. For
example, it examines how big box chain stores such as Wal-Mart and Best Buy have
distinct economic advantages in terms of music pricing and buying power. These chains
utilize co-op advertising and sell music as a loss leader, where profits are earned through
8the selling of expensive electronics, not recorded music. Issues related to "buy ins" and
co-op advertising, where the retail space of a corporate big-box retailer is paid for,
usually by the major labels, helps to explain why popular musical acts are essentially
manufactured by the dominant music industry. Because of co-op advertising, the big-box
retailers can sell musical product for cheaper prices, thus undermining their independent
counterparts. Also, buying practices are explored, and how the difference between
centralized and local buying essentially determines the musical variety within a given
retail outlet. Lastly, the practice of exclusive-only releases is explored in terms of the
control of culture, as well as the ambiguities of "independence."
Control also comes in the fonn of retail censorship. According to Rodman
(2009), artists who want to challenge the status quo by writing controversial songs about
race, religion, politics, or sex will be hesitant to do so in fear of being banned from large
retail stores (p. 241). As large retail stores comprise a large share of the music selling
market, they have the power to dictate musical content by encouraging artists to self-
censor, or provide edited versions of their album. Thus, the notion of censorship within
music retail was one of the issues explored through the political economic analysis.
The existence of the independent record store implies a cultural situation
influenced by power relations, where the desire to be "independent" suggests an
intentional cultural difference from the mainstream channels of music selling and
consumption. However, the nature of "independence," a tenn always in transition, is
impacted by the economic structuring of major record labels and music distribution. This
study explored the tensions regarding "independence" as a kind of commodified brand
9among independent record stores. I explored the nuances between how "independence"
is socially perceived amongst those affiliated with the independent record store versus
economic realities associated with the term. "Independence" is analyzed within the
context of a shrinking number of record companies and distribution outlets in terms of
media concentration, the centralization of radio ownership and playlists, and the
increasing integration of popular music into the broader advertising and commercial
aspects of the market (Media Education Foundation, 2001). Indie stores are impacted by
economic forces, and their existence is dependent on the dominant channels of music
distribution and promotion (to varying degrees). Likewise, many "independent" record
labels are actually distributed by one of the "big four" major record labels. Thus, the
notion of "independence" needs to be problematized.
What are some types of questions political economy would ask within this
context? In terms of political economy, the following questions emerge: How is the
dominant music industry currently organized and structured? How is the independent
record store affected by the policies and practices of the dominant music industry? How
does the dominant music industry affect cultural variety? To what degree do independent
record stores foster the commodification of culture? What is the role of independent
record stores in music distribution? How is music censorship part of retail chain culture?
What are the barriers to entry for physical stores selling downloadable music files? What
is the meaning of "independence," and how is this tenn connected with processes of
commodification?
10
Secondly, this project was concerned with the critical/cultural meanings that the
stores have on a fundamental social and human level for those associated with the stores.
This critical cultural studies approach illustrated how agents used and made sense of the
spaces and cultural artifacts within the stores, while political economy illustrated the
structural makeup of the music industry and how the stores are affected by the dominant
music industry. Through this cultural exploration, it was never assumed that social
practices are occurring outside of a capitalist framework; rather, they are very much part
of the dominant economic system. Consequently, the study explored the cultural aspects
of the independent record store in terms of communities, and as a place where subcultural
scenes gathered, connected with each other, and learned about music culture. The study
was concerned with the design and atmosphere of the stores, and the cultural significance
of vinyl records in an increasingly digital world. Lastly, the possibility of social
resistance or oppositionality in the stores was addressed, as well as the co-option and
commodification of indie culture by the larger cultural industries. However, all of these
cultural aspects are considered in relationship to processes of commodification.
Cultural aspects of the store were drawn from and situated within the economic
base. Therefore, the study explored the nature of the music commodity (tangible vs. non-
tangible), the use and exchange values of commodities, for the commodity has social-
political symbolic value associated with its consumption. Thus, economics, culture and
politics are integrated in the research project.
But culture as a term is difficult to define, as it can be "an informing spirit," "the
whole way of life of a distinct people or other social group," as languages, styles of art,
11
and kinds of intellectual work (Williams, 1981). According to Williams, the "sociology"
of culture can be defined as new kinds of social analysis of cultural institutions and
formations, and the exploration of actual relations between these and the material means
of cultural production, and actual cultural forms. Within this definition, culture is
influenced by a political and economic order. Hall (2003) claims, "the use of 'culture'
refers to the widely distributed forms of popular music, publishing, art, design and
literature, or the activities of leisure-time and entertainment, which make up the lives of
'ordinary people' - what is called 'mass culture' or 'popular culture' of an age" (p. 2).
There are some overarching themes in the definition of cultural studies.
According to Kellner and Meenakshi (2001), cultural studies considers how cultural
artifacts and commodities are not only produced by a culture, but how such objects
contain ideologies that contribute to social formation. At the core of cultural studies is the
notion of power, and essentially how power is negotiated and contested within culture.
Cultural studies is intended to arm individuals with a critical understanding of how
mechanized society and the commodity system works, and to seek critical alternatives.
Media artifacts can reinforce or normalize dominant or ruling ideologies; this form of
power can become hegemonic in scope, but can also be challenged and contested.
The study examined how the independent record store was related to community,
and how such communities led to a more humanizing experience of space and culture.
However, it is noted these communities could be exclusive to outsiders. This meant
looking at how the store had meanings beyond simply selling things and commodity
exchange. For instance, these spaces were used for meeting and gathering, as well as for
12
alternative musical education and infonnation exchange. The display of flyers at stores
promoted a kind of community outside the store. In other words, it was a vernacular or
unsanctioned cultural space. It also meant looking at social investments in the store, as
well as the store as a social marker of independence and subcultural space. Also of
interest was the notion of supporting locality, or the idea of keeping business within the
local community by supporting local merchants. An additional issue was how local
culture is still implicated by corporate culture, and how they are not always separate from
each other.
The independent stores' notion of challenging cultural predictability with a
diverse selection of cultural products was indicative of a different orientation and
preference towards the musical fringes and underground musical scenes. The cultural
variety ofproduct also related to the preservation and conservation of music that occurs
at such stores, especially with the availability of rare or out-of-print releases. This was
especially true with the preservation and sale of vinyl records, an "obsolete" fonnat of
choice for many record collectors, which has been considered the savior of some
independent record stores (as opposed to digital fonnats and digital downloading). But
record collecting itself needs to be considered as a commodity pursuit (as rare records can
be very expensive), and perhaps a fonn of nostalgia and/or resistance to new media
technologies.
The fact that stores sell a particular kind of musical product suggests much about
musical diversity and the desire to supply cultural objects not widely available elsewhere.
Thus, independent record stores challenged notions of cultural diversity, as opposed to
13
what is deemed "popular" by the conventions of the dominant music industry. At the
same time, a small number of major label vinyl records are being remanufactured on a
small scale, along with turntables to profit from this nostalgic niche.
This project explored how counter-hegemonic value systems are constructed and
negotiated within the space, and why people have such belief systems (and how they
were formulated). For example, the research at the House of Records suggested that
those associated with the store generally maintained a staunch anti-corporate philosophy,
and thus shopping and interacting at the store reinforced a kind of "otherness." This
otherness suggested locality and an independent attitude that was fundamentally different
from a corporate or mainstream cultural sensibility - yet its very definition depends on
the existence of corporate culture. The study explored these oppositional views as part
of the "independent" brand associated with indie stores as well as how "independent"
culture is often co-opted by the dominant industry. For example, independent record
labels have been increasingly formed into hybrid labels, where a corporate parent owns
them. Corporate retail chains (such as Best Buy) currently stock indie and punk music
and haverecently decided to sell vinyl records, as they have had a subcultural
"resurgence." In other words, these subcultural trends have been co-opted for economic
gain. This project also explored the nature of independence as a form of
commodification, and how buying differences are implicated by a capitalistic ideology, a
dialectical relationship where the tensions between independence and subcultural
difference are co-opted and absorbed into the dominant system.
14
In terms of critical cultural studies, the following kinds of questions emerged for
this study: What kinds of communities are associated with the independent record store?
Do the stores foster subcultural communities? Are communities harvested as a form of
commodification by the independent record store? Is shopping at an independent record
store a form of resistance to corporate culture? To what degree do the cultural attributes
of an independent record store facilitate an "independent" brand? To what degree is this
brand commodified? What happens to a community or culture when independent record
stores close?
The goal of this research project was to integrate the study of political economy
and critical cultural studies.. While this approach may have been ambitious, a complete
analysis of independent record stores was impossible by only using one of these
approaches. Both approaches have their strengths and weaknesses. While cultural
studies (American cultural studies, in particular) tends to valorize cultmal objects with
little regard to its economic context or base, this project explored the political economy
of indie stores and the economic structuring of culture. It also considered how the social
actors made sense of and used the independent record store as it constituted a social
practice within this economic framework. While political economy is sometimes
considered overly deterministic, the project examined the social practices and ideologies
that occurred within the stores on an ethnographic level.
In sum, there were two parts to this study. The first explored the political
economic relationship between independent record stores and the dominant music
15
industry, and how the stores are impacted by the policies and practices of the dominant
music industry. Secondly, the project analyzed the various cultural meanings of the
stores and how people actively made meanings from and engaged in community
interaction at the stores. At the same time, the cultural context was considered in terms
of its relationship to commodification and the logic of capital. Four main research
questions guide this project:
Research Question #1
What is the political economic makeup of the major record labels and dominant retail
outlets, and what are the implications of these structural arrangements?
Research Question #2
From a political economic framework, what are the practices and policies of the dominant
music industry and corporate music retail- and how is the independent record store
affected by such practices? As a result, how is the "independent" nature of the store
affected by such structuring?
Research Question #3
Under the auspices of commodification, what are the cultural meanings and naITatives
within the independent record store and what are its major defining characteristics in
terms of community, subcultures, and as an educational space?
Research Question #4
Under the auspices of commodification, what are the cultural meanings and narratives
within the independent record store and what are its major defining characteristics in
terms of space and place, vinyl records, anti-corporate narratives and gentrification?
Methodologies
This study utilized four methodological approaches: field ethnography,
ethnographic interviews, visual ethnography and political economic methods. This
16
variety of methods was designed to obtain a variety of multilayered data, each with their
own qualities and insights into independent record store culture.
The project utilized a variety of independent record stores in three geographic
locations: Eugene, Oregon; Portland, Oregon; and San Francisco, California. The
justification and rationale of the field and geographic locations is detailed in the methods
chapter (Chapter IV).
For the political economic analysis, I analyzed company annual reports and the
trade literature related (Billboard and Variety magazines) to the record industry to get a
sense of the trends and patterns of music production, distribution and consumption for
independent music stores. This required some quantification in terms of obtaining
national statistics on the number of independent record shops in existence and the number
that have closed in recent years. I also looked at the statistics related to actual CD/vinyl
production and sales from the point of view of major and independent record labels, and
charted the decline of the musical object, especially the CD. I also utilized sources from
the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA), SoundScan, NDP Group and the
International Federation of the Phonographic Industry in order to obtain a political
economic overview of the dominant music industry. Field interviews and ethnography
also were pivotal in tenns of gathering data and infonning the political economic
analysis.
The study included semi-structured and in-depth face-to-face interviews with
independent record store owners, buyers, managers, employees and customers. In these
three geographical locations, the majority of the niche or specialty record stores in
17
operation were included in the study. A niche store specializes in a particular musical
genre such as punk, world music, hip-hop or classical, and is a small operation with a low
number of workers. In this case, the owner or manager of the store and a small number
of customers were interviewed. Interviews (some of which were conducted via
telephone and/or email) were also conducted with owners of stores that have closed,
representatives of independent and major labels, channels of physical music distribution
(both major label and indie), and various bands and artists, as well as employees at
'"corporate chain stores, academics, a vinyl design agency and other experts and
stakeholders related to the music industry.
For three primary stores (House of Records in Eugene, Music Millennium in
Portland, and Amoeba Music in San Francisco), I conducted an ethnography of the space,
where I spent up to two weeks observing the behaviors and social patterns in the store.
At Amoeba Music in San Francisco, I was limited to four days of ethnography. My goal
as an ethnographer was to obtain a deeper immersion into independent record store
culture in order to understand what others (customer, store owners and employees)
experience as meaningful and important. This entailed evaluating and experiencing the
ordinary routines and conditions under which people conduct their lives. I often sat
behind the check out counter and took field notes of the kinds of conversation that took
place in the store, as well as how customers and employees used, interacted, and
communicated in the stores. At times I would sit in a comer and/or some elevated space
where the overall activities occurring in the store could be observed. I also analyzed the
stores as a text, as the physical space contained attributes and a variety of cultural
18
meanings and signifiers. When exploring the store as a text, I examined the store
atmosphere, the layout of the space, the sounds and smells, how the stores were decorated
in terms of posters and promotional materials, as well as vernacular culture in terms of
drawings and hand written music reviews and flyers.
I also incorporated visual ethnography. I documented the research subjects and
physical space via digital still photography. The digital photographs were then analyzed
as ethnographic field data. Select images have been included in the appendix of this
project, and provide visual evidence of the cultural and economic aspects of the
independent record store. These images captured the exterior of the stores, the stores'
layout, design and decoration, interactions between workers and customers, and images
of the interview subjects.
Significance of the Study
This research project is significant on a number of levels. Music serves as a
catalyst for social change and is a reflection of cultural values. Music as a media form is
ubiquitous. We encounter music in our private worlds while listening to an iPod, while
driving in our cars, listening to the radio, watching MTV and YouTube music videos, and
on film soundtracks. We encounter music in retail shopping spaces, at sporting events,
and dancing at clubs. People get married to music and others experience religion and
spirituality via music. But although music is ubiquitous, it is a highly fetishized
commodity that needs further analysis. In the documentary Money for Nothing: Behind
19
the Business ofPop Music (McLeod, 200 1), Robert McChesney frames popular music
and the related music industry within a broader socio-cultural and economic context:
If you look historically right through the present day, its social movements,
movements for social justice, movements for peace, for democracy invariably
popular music has played a large role in communicating ideas through songs,
popular songs, just sort of unifying people, bringing people together. It has a very
rich important tradition and legacy that still exists today. But even though music
is the popular medium, it's the people's medium, it really isn't the people's
medium in our society today. It's the property of four or five companies who have
inordinate control over what sort of music gets produced and what sort of music
doesn't, and it made it much more difficult for it to be the people's medium, and
this is the problem we face. This is the crisis we face.
Despite the ubiquity and social influence of music in our culture, music as an area
of study in the academic field of communication is underdeveloped. Under the umbrella
of critical cultural studies and ethnomusicology, the retail side of the music industry is
vastly neglected. Breaking this down further, there is little to no academic research done
on music retail, especially in terms of the brick-and-mortar independent record store.
While a small number of books (written for a general audience) have been written on the
topic of independent record stores, none have a concrete grounding in political economy
or critical cultural studies. While these texts document the current state of the
independent record store, they tend to focus on nostalgia and valorize the stores and
record collecting culture. From an academic perspective, there is next to no literature on
the topic; thus this project is filling an important gap. This project is also extremely
timely, as it explores the intersections of new and old media and how technological
change imoacts the indie record store. This Dfoiect also makes a si~nificant contribution
....... .s. J. ~ Lo'
to the field of communications as it bridges political economy and critical cultural
studies.
20
The topic is also significant because it is symbolic of independent media in
general, vis-a-vis the dynamics of corporate power and new media flows. Not only are
independent record stores disappearing, but a similar pattern is evident with other media
related "brick and mortar" stores as well. The local video store is impacted by changing
formats, most notably DVDs (rented through the mail) and digital streaming through
services such as Netflix and iTunes. Movies can be downloaded via BitTorrent, much
like digital MP3 files. The impact of these changes is evident with the declining number
of chains such as Blockbuster and Hollywood Video, as well as the relative
disappearance of the independent video store. Bookstores are also in the midst of a major
transition, as new media devices such as the Amazon Kindle and Apple's iPad are paving
the way for the digital distribution of books. As a result, "brick and mortar" bookstores
are facing a precarious future.
Whether it is a local video store, used bookstore, or an old house that sells vintage
vinyl records, such places have a variety of complex social meanings for their
communities. When the stores vanish, something happens to the people and communities
involved. This project explores how media artifacts intersect with space and place, and
how our rapidly evolving media environment is altering social relations.
Personal Relationship to Independent Record Stores
As a teenager in the early 1990s, the Nirvana video for "Smells Like Teen Spirit"
was my first exposure to punk rock, or at least, a vastly popular and hyper-commodified
fonn of punk rock. At the time, I didn't know the difference between "authentic" punk
21
and the kind displayed on MTV. Regardless, their energy was raw and anarchistic, and I
had never heard anything like it. Before discovering Nirvana, I listened to heavy metal,
and the 1980s pop music that my older siblings enjoyed. I remember purchasing my first
CDs from a suburban department store, or through the Columbia House mailing record
club. Unknown to me at the time, as I lacked a "sociological imagination," music retail
was linked to larger social structuring and economic systems. The mainstream retail
music outlets and department stores familiar to me only catered to popular mainstream
music. Itwas the same music played on corporate radio and MTV and featured in major
music magazines such as Rolling Stone and Spin. They were the same artists known for
holding arena-sized performances and tours. It was major label music produced for a
mass audience. I had no conception or framework of music existing outside of these
narrow yet dominant cultural boundaries. This range of music was what the hegemonic
media landscape offered, and this shaped my perception of what the music world was.
Nirvana was also part of the machinery of the dominant music industry. Nirvana's
"Smells Like Teen Spirit" officially "broke" punk music for a broader mainstream
audience, which led to the further commodification of underground music, and the social
construction of "alternative" music, a nebulous phrase suggesting difference, when in
reality many "alternative" bands had a similar sound and aesthetic. "Smells like Teen
Spirit" became a radio hit and the band was prominently featured on MTV and was
commodified through various media outlets as "grunge" music was the latest musical
commodity to be exploited by the major record labels. lO Regardless, discovering
10 The documentary film Hype (1996) by Doug Pray highlights the major label commodification of
underground "grunge" music in Seattle, Washington, that occurred in the mid-to late 1990s.
22
Nirvana was a defining moment of my youth. Because of Nirvana, I was eager to learn
about the history of punk music, and I wanted to hear the bands that influenced their
sound. Around this same time, I had heard about Home of the Hits from some friends.
A small group of friends and I packed into a car (with a friend's parent driving)
and traveled from the suburb of Hamburg into the city of Buffalo - a small pilgrimage
to the record store known as Home of the Hits. The trip from the homogeneous suburbs
to the city crossed through miles of industrial wastelands and dilapidated steel mills, and
we eventually entered into one of the most impoverished and socially segregated cities in
the United States. While we were going to a record store, the experience also exposed us
to racial and ethnic diversity, and the glaring urban decay and social stratification of the
inner city. While the suburbs have their share of social problems, this geographical
segregation kept us relatively sheltered from such urban social realities. The nightly
news often perpetuated the city as being extremely dangerous and violent via simplistic
media representations, and common suburban stereotypes of Buffalo being threatening
were reinforced by unresolved racial tensions perpetuated by the overt social
stratification that continues unabated to this day.
In opposition to the ubiquitous strip-malls and corporate chain mono-culture of
the typical suburb, Home of the Hits was located on the colorful and eccentric Elmwood
Avenue, a strip characterized by punks with green hair and knee high Doc Marten11
boots, coffee shops and bohemian culture, youthful college students from Buffalo State
College -and a wide variety of independent shops and boutiques.
11 The leather boots and shoes have been especially popular among skinheads, punks, and members ofa
few other youth subcultures.
23
I remember the feeling of excitement upon entering the store, but I also felt like a
novice. I remember feeling nervous because I was new to the culture, and didn't know
how to "act" within the space. The social codes were unfamiliar to me.
My first purchase was the newly released Dirty record by Sonic Youth, and I
remember going home and listening to songs like "Youth Against Fascism," where the
singer/guitarist Thurston Moore insisted, "Yeah the president sucks/He's a war pig fuck";
these lyrics informed me that questioning power and authority should be encouraged
(Moore, 1992, track 9). And the track "Swimsuit Issue," where the bassist Kim Deal
screamed, "Don't touch my breast/I'm just working at my desk/Don't put me to the
test/I'm just doing my best," introduced me to feminism before learning the meaning of
the term (Gordon, 1992, track 2).
The political messages provided by Sonic Youth were politically challenging, and
such overt critiques were not explored or openly discussed in my high school social
studies curriculum, heard on the nightly news, or addressed within my home. While
family, movies, and books had an impact on my socialization, it was mainly through
punk, hardcore and indie music, not through my high school education, that I learned to
question and challenge power structures. It was through this music and culture that I
developed a rudimentary political discourse. Punk and indie music taught me to question
racism, class, gender, war, and the nature of imperialism and capitalism. The music also
gave me a space in which to explore youthful feelings of alienation and anomie brought
about by family problems and a banal suburban environment characterized by malls and
monoculture.
24
It was the independent record store that acted as a gateway to music and
subcultural scenes. I gained knowledge about an underground musical community either
completely out of, or on the periphery of, the mainstream media - one happening in my
own backyard. As I spent more time in Home of the Hits, I began to critique the world
around me and explore new cultural terrain.
Future visits to Home of the Hits led to my introduction to bands such as Fugazi,
Quicksand, the Dead Milkmen, The Clash, and the Sex Pistols. While these bands were
rather iconic and popular in underground culture, I also learned about locality or the
"scene" of hardcore and indie bands in western New York who were part of the DIY, or
do-it-yourself, ethic. DIY is a powerful notion where people can take it upon themselves
to actively make their own culture and cultural spaces - and not merely be passive
consumers of media and culture. According to Sinkler (2007) and O'Hara (1999), the
punk philosophy is in part a reaction to a cultural landscape that is overly commercial and
is often termed "alienating." In the context of DIY culture, bands release their own
music, fonn record labels, and book their own tours as a way to exist autonomously from
the dominant music industry. It was the practice of making "free" spaces that spoke to us
and over which we had a sense of control. This prompted me and my friends to go to
shows and all-ages l2 events at the local VFW Post, in church basements, and un-
sanctioned loft spaces that doubled as music venues.
The Buffalo hardcore scene, with bands like Snapcase and Earth Crisis (from
Syracuse, NY), had a brutal and often masculine intensity, and the fans slam-danced
12 The all-ages concert is an important element to punk and indie culture, as it provides a space for those
under the drinking age to be exposed to live music. Thus, it is a more inclusive social space.
25
maniacally to the music. There was also an ostensible politic at the shows, as some
people were militantly straightedge (a sub-culture that does not do drugs or drink alcohol)
or vegan animal rights activists, while others were affiliated with Food Not Bombs and
other activist groups. Bands would pause between songs to disparage racist skinheads,
oppose war and government policies, raise awareness about social issues, and politicize
the personal (the tragic death of a friend, breaking up with a loved one, family strife, or
the politics of friendship). People at the shows sold fanzines or photocopied magazines,
which acted as mouthpieces to underground culture and the politics of the community or
scene. As opposed to a top-down model of culture where the participants are passive
consumers, this scene encouraged everyone to do-it-themselves. This meant forming
bands, creating zines, and participating in culture.
Home of the Hits acted as an ad hoc subcultural center to this scene and
community. At the store, you could examine flyers and posters announcing local
underground shows, and thus, the store connected you to the local music scene. At the
store, you could buy the music, local demo tapes, and 7" vinyl records. You could
overhear talk about music releases, live shows and news of the scene that enabled a
connection outside the retail space.
The store featured a wooden shelf devoted to punk magazines such as
MaximumRocknRoU13 and Punk Planet, 14 but also had a row devoted to locally produced
13 Maximumrocknroll is a widely distributed, monthly not-for-profit fanzine based in San Francisco. It
features interviews, columns, and reviews from international contributors about punk culture.
14 Punk Planet was a punk zine based in Chicago, Illinois, that focused most of its energy on looking at
punk subcultures rather than punk as simply another genre of music. In addition to covering music, Punk
Planet also covered visual arts and a wide variety of progressive issues - including media criticism,
26
independent fanzines. Here I discovered The Avenue Player, a zine published by the staff
at Home of the Hits. Its satirical humor and biting take on independent music, popular
culture, and personal and often hilarious stories had a strong impact on me. At the time, I
wrote for my high school paper, and didn't like the fact that someone had editorial
control over my work, so I decided that I could make my own fanzine and have total
control over the entire creative process. It was titled Ape fanzine, which sold well at the
store. By creating this zine, I became connected to other zine makers and we formed a
micro-community with our shared interest in zines. This practice turned me into an
active producer of culture and it was my introduction to do-it-yourself culture, a powerful
notion that people could be more than passive media consumers, but rather could be
active producers of culture. This was a very powerful notion to me, and it still is today.
It was Home of the Hits that connected me to this underground culture and
provided a roadmap to becoming an active participant of culture. The store introduced
me to more obscure and underground music with a political sensibility, which in tum led
me to a larger subcultural scene of concerts, fanzines, and communities. The store was
more than a retail space where music was bought and sold - the store also had a social
significance and it connected participants in the subcultural community.
Today, the former Home of the Hits is a mundane business office that rents
apartments to college students (see Appendix A., Figure 1). Upon my last visit to
Buffalo in the winter of 2010, I drove past the former store and felt a genuine sense of
loss, similar to the Artvoice writer who compared the store's demise to the loss of a best
feminism, and labor issues. The most notable features in Punk Planet were the interviews and album
reVIews.
27
friend. There was a palpable change in energy and spirit, as this small section of
Elmwood Avenue had been permanently altered by the store's closure. What remains is
one less social space in which to interact, socialize and connect with people, and one less
place to learn about non-mainstream musical culture and politics. The closure of Home
of the Hits symbolized the disconnect between space, place and community - a kind of
personal anomie brought about by a variety of sociological and structural forces. While
the store's closure was symbolic ofloss, Home of the Hits nonetheless introduced me to
DIY, or do-it-yourself culture, and connected me to alternative fonns of media containing
informative and inspiring political insights.
But why did the store close? Jennifer Preston, the former owner of Home of the
Hits, claimed that in the 1990s, the widespread use of Napster and the illegal
downloading of free music radically altered the music sales for her store. Napster was
the main factor in terms of the store's eventual closure, as obtaining music for free via the
Internet appeared to be an assault on the hegemonic nature of a dominant music industry
known for high CD prices and corporate greed. Also the simultaneous popularity of the
iPod had ushered in a new paradigm in which consumers of music no longer needed to
patronize a physical record store to obtain music. Music had become an instantaneous
commodity of the Internet era and digital world. Legal downloading sites such as the
Apple iTunes store, and on-line stores such as Barnes and Noble (both online and
physical) and Amazon.com, as well as the commodification of obscure new and used
music via Ebay, had also deeply affected the sales at Home of the Hits. The economic
influence and price advantages of large chain stores, such as Media Play, Best Buy,
28
Target and Wal-Mart, also contributed to the demise of Home of the Hits - and the indie
store simply couldn't compete with the inexpensive CD prices at the average chain store.
According to her interview, Preston ran Home of the Hits because of the "honor
of selling good music" and because "she loved her customers." But as time passed, fewer
young people visited the store. And why would they, when they could obtain the same
music for free via the Internet? As a new generation of customers had grown up in the
digital world, the Internet consumption of music had become normative. Young people
these days are less likely set foot inside an independent record store, although some have
become interested in collecting vinyl records. However, these youthful vinyl collectors
are a minority. Thus, store traffic dwindled at Home of the Hits, and sales became so
minuscule that the owner was forced to permanently close the doors.
Home of the Hits was clearly more than a place of commodity exchange, as it
reinforced a spirit of independence (both real and imagined), one that was at least
somewhat autonomous, however not completely free from the economic influence of the
dominant music industry. The store was unique. It was situated in an old house and was
one-of-a-kind. In an era of homogeneous retail and mass consumption, there was only
one Home of the Hits in the world. Only one. The store maintained a cultural grittiness
that emphasized the obscure fringes of underground music, as well as supported the local
music scene. It was a unique place where a subcultural community (although not all
shoppers fit within a specific subculture or considered themselves subcultural) could
gather, exchange ideas and learn about bands and musical scenes that existed on the
29
cultural margins. It was a place that existed outside of the narrow margins of what the
dominant music industry considered to be popular and marketable. Within this cultural
context, individuals learned to consider alternative pockets ofmusic and culture
associated with non-mainstream and "underground" media.
When Home of the Hits disappeared, it inspired me explore the culture of the
independent record store. I wanted to develop a more complex understanding ofwhy
independent stores are closing, and how these closures are connected to the larger music
industry. At the same time, I was equally interested in the people and communities
affiliated with the independent record store. These two thematic streams evoked the
sociological imagination, where individuals are affected by larger social structures.
What started as a single field observation for a graduate level methods class eventually
turned into a doctoral dissertation.
After visiting Buffalo in the winter of2006, I returned to Eugene, Oregon, to
continue with my graduate studies. To provide a brief context, Eugene is a small city
known for its progressive and left leaning politics, strong sense of environmentalism,
organic food, miles of bike trails, and the University of Oregon. While different in terms
of the range of musical genres for sale, Eugene's equivalent of Home of the Hits is a few
blocks away from the University of Oregon campus on 13 th Avenue, a street
characterized by a variety of coffee shops, an indie cinema theatre, vintage clothing
stores, and other independent businesses. The store known as House of Records is
locally owned and situated in what used to be an old house that was converted into an
independent record store in 1971. After meeting some of the store workers, their
30
enthusiasm for my project was infectious. I completed a case study of this particular
store (Gracon, 2009), and decided to explore other stores located on the west coast to
obtain a more representative picture of independent record store culture.
I expanded the project to include other record stores based in Portland, Oregon,
and San Francisco, California. I was curious to find out if other stores in other
. geographic locations were also facing a precarious economic future, and I sought a
deeper understanding of what independent record store culture means to its owners,
employees and customers. From this foundation, some basic questions emerged: Why
do people go to indie stores, and what social meanings do the stores have for these
individuals involved in the culture? Are the stores a form of community? What happens
to a community when such stores disappear?
Moving beyond a micro-sociological analysis, I wanted to examine what social
and economic forces the stores are up against, and what they are doing to stay in
business. This meant exploring how indie stores are connected to the larger music
industry in terms of distribution and the practices and policies associated with the major
record labels and various corporate music retailers. It also meant exploring the nature of
"independence" (in terms of record labels and the stores themselves) and
commodification within this indie retail context.
This project as a whole was nonetheless conceived from my youthful experiences
at Home of the Hits in Buffalo, New York, where my interest in musical subcultures led
to a greater understanding of punk culture, history and politics. Those experiences
resulted in agency, as I created a fanzine, and learned that culture could be produced from
31
the bottom up, a common theme amongst do-it-yourselfindie/punk musical scenes. I
didn't have to be a passive consumer, where culture was manufactured from the top down
by major corporations. Culture was something that everyone could make and participate
in, and I learned this at Horne of the Hits. There was local music and what I perceived to
be independent music from which to choose. There were powerful messages and
counter-hegemonic ideologies in the music. There was fanzine culture and I sold my zine
Ape at Horne of the Hits. Gradually, it occurred to me there were alternatives to uniform
mall culture, and the corporate model could be resisted. These were influential times for
me, and shopping at Horne ofthe Hits embodied-a challenging spirit. This train of
thought continues to this day, and had eventually led to this academic study on
independent record store culture and its relationship with the dominant music industry.
Chapter Preview
After this introduction chapter, Chapter II maps the dominant music industry and
paints a picture of what it currently looks like in terms of rapidly evolving music formats
(most notably the MP3 music file), and both virtual and physical music consumption
patterns and statistics by channel, format, and age. This overview begins with a look at
musical eras and music formats, from the early phonographic discs to the digital MP3.
The chapter outlines media ownership and the oligopoly of the "big four" major record
labels, independent record labels, and modes of distribution - both physical and digital.
The rapidly evolving nature of music retail- from virtual on-line sales and illegal file
sharing, to the political economic influence oflarge multinational, corporate chain and
32
big box stores, down to independent "brick and mortar" stores - is outlined. A brief
historical timeline of music retail is provided with a description of various types of
independent record stores, including current trends and themes.
Chapter III provides the theoretical framework that informed the research
questions and examines the following areas: political economy of communication,
political economy of communication and music, cultural studies, defining culture,
cultural studies beginnings, hegemony and ideology, subcultures, punk and DIY culture,
vinyl records and collecting, the merging of political economy and cultural studies,
McDonalization and rationalization, space and place, community, civic engagement and
vernacular culture, and independent record stores. Four research questions are discussed
at the end of this chapter.
Chapter IV is an overview of the research methods used in the study. This
chapter examines the various qualitative methods used to analyze independent record
store culture, and how the methods address the research questions. This includes an
overview of in-depth interviewing, ethnography, visual ethnography, political economic
methods, and action research. The chapter also explains the research sample, the
rationale for the three field locations, how the information was gathered (gaining entry,
building rapport, snowball sampling, exiting the field), procedures and selecting sources,
the analysis and coding of data, limitations of research, IRB approval, and the politics
related to these various methodologies.
Chapter V entails a political economic analysis of the corporate structuring of the
"big four" major record labels and their economic intersection with "big box" stores, as
33
well as the major on-line music retailers. The primary goal of this analysis is to reveal
the economic and structural mechanisms that bring musical objects into being - a
situation predicated on the viscous corporatization of culture.
This chapter also provides a structural overview of the corporate ownership of the
"big four" record labels, which includes Universal Music Group, Warner Music Group,·
Sony Music Entertainment, and EM!. These concise corporate profiles examine market
share and concentration, both vertical and horizontal integration, diversification and
synergistic practices. This is followed by a breakdown of "indie" labels within this
economic framework. Following the breakdown of the major record labels, the major
music retailers are profiled, including Apple's iTunes Store, Wal-Mart, Target, Amazon,
Best Buy, FYE, Borders, Barnes and Noble, and Rhapsody. Each of these retailers is
examined in terms of their market share, number oflocations (if it has a physical
location), both vertical and horizontal integration, as well as diversification and
synergistic practices. Independent stores are also addressed and how independent stores
are categorized by type.
Mapping this political economic foundation enables a more sophisticated
analytical reading of the independent record store under the auspices of the dominant
music industry and a social epoch indelibly marked by neo-liberalism..
Chapter VI addresses the specific corporate practices and policies utilized by the
dominant music industry and corporate music retailers, along with their ability to affect
the political, economic and cultural aspects of music retail in the marketplace. These
corporate policies and practices have both positive and negative consequences for the
34
independent record store and their sustained ability to exist and find a niche within the
capitalist structuring of music culture. The inherent tensions or give and take within the
dominant music industry is analyzed in terms of the problematic and often-ambiguous
nature of "independence" within a capitalist framework. This is followed by a systematic
analysis of corporate policies and practices in tenns of major labels and corporate retail
that have both positive and negative ramifications for the independent record store. This
section includes an analysis of pricing practices and loss leaders, centralized versus
individualized buying practices, exclusive only releases, co-op advertising, fonns of retail
"payola," barriers to "digital" entry, tactics of forced obsolescence and issues related to
retail censorship.
Chapter VII explores the nature of communities that fonn around the
independent record store, and how such spaces serve a particular social function in tenns
-
of socialization and act as an educational space in tenns of music culture. These
communities are comprised of a series of subcultures, and the indie record store
accommodates the facilitation and fostering of practices that link people to other social
spheres within the community - or, as I conceptualize it, the stores act as a subcultural
connector. At the same time, these cultural aspects are considered in tenns of the
harvesting of commodification and the development of an 'independent' brand.
Chapter VIII analyzes the cultural meanings and narratives regarding the
physical space and atmosphere of the stores (in tenns of the anti-McDonaldization of
culture, or processes that challenge the standardization of culture), and the primacy that
vinyl records and tangible music recordings have in indie record store culture. I also
35
trace the ideologies and cultural narratives associated with counter-hegemonic or anti-
corporate beliefs of those associated with independent record stores, as well as how indie
stores are connected to processes of gentrification. Lastly, I analyze the inherent
contradictions between the existence ofthe counter-culture associated with indie stores
and the inevitable connection to commerce and the harvesting of commodification -
thus linking the culture of the stores to the larger economic system and the logic of
capital.
Chapter IX is a summary of my conclusions and recommendations for the
survival of the independent record store. I suggest new research directions and questions
to be explored in future research on the music industry and independent musical retail.
Summary
This research project is a timely exploration of the independent record store as it
exists in a political economic system and how the dominant music industry impacts the
sustainability of such stores. In other words, the study explores how physical music retail
and the independent music store are connected to a larger economic system. This means
exploring the nature of the "big four" major record labels as well as the dominant music
retailers in terms of market power, as well as an analysis of their policies and practices
that work to reinforce the status quo of the music industry.
The stores are also explored via ethnographic fieldwork (both field ethnography
and interviewing) that provides insight into the cultural meanings of the stores in terms of
community and as a subcultural gathering space where connections occur. It explores
36
how the stores provide cultural variety and musical difference, as opposed to traditional,
corporate retail outlets, as well as how indie culture has been co-opted by corporate
culture. Other cultural aspects of the stores are considered in tenns of education and
learning about music culture, the unique design of space and place, and anti-corporate
narratives, as well as the significance of vinyl records in tenns of commodification, and
the development of an "independent" brand.
A multi-perspectivist approach has been designed to explore independent record
store culture from multiple cultural and economic vantage points. Within the digital
world, the anachronistic nature of the independent record store is a strong metaphor of
the nature of technology and how people make sense of our rapidly changing social
environment. Whether or not the independent record store is becoming a fleeting
memory or here to stay long into the future remains to be seen.
37
CHAPTER II
MAPPING THE MUSIC INDUSTRY, MUSIC RETAIL AND THE
INDEPENDENT RECORD STORE
This chapter maps and contextualizes the dominant music industry and paints a
picture of what it currently looks like in terms of rapidly evolving music formats (most
notably the MP3 music file), both virtual and physical music consumption patterns, and
statistics regarding music consumption by channel, format, and age. The chapter
outlines media ownership and the oligopoly of the "big four" major record labels,
independent record labels, and modes of distribution, both physical and digital. The
rapidly evolving nature of music retail- from virtual on-line sales and illegal file·
sharing to the political economic influence of large multinational, corporate chain and big
box stores, to independent 'blick and mortar' stores - is also explored. A brief
historical timeline of music retail is provided, including a description of various types of
independent record stores, as well as current trends and themes. This overview begins
with a brief look at the history of musical eras and music formats, from the early
phonographic discs to the digital MP3.
The aim of this chapter is to provide an overview and industrial description of the
music industry, providing the political economic and cultural context for understanding
38
the current state of music retail. In sum, this chapter addresses the following question:
What is the current state of the music industry and what are the key trends and patterns
for music retail?
A Brief History of Musical Eras and Formats
What follows is a brief description of the historical development of the recording
industry, including the mechanical, electronic, cassette and digital eras. This overview
provides a context for understanding the key themes in terms of technological change and
the history of musical eras and formats. It touches upon music industry ownership and
concentration over the course of the past century.
Before the printing era, musicians composed, played, and sang songs for their
own enjoyment or for whatever payment they might receive from live performances.
During the European Renaissance, which began in the 14th century, composers began to
create and write down what we now call classical music (Rodman, 2009, p. 221). In the
1800s, the industrial revolution ushered in high-speed printing, and printed music became
a commodity. At the time, music was a communal experience and people bought music
to play on their pianos and other instruments at home (for those who could afford them),
while family and friends sang along. Thus, music was an active and perfonnative act.
The Mechanical Era (1877-1923)
According to Albarran (2002), the ability to reproduce sound has captured the
imagination of engineers and scientists since the 19th century. In 1877, Thomas Edison
39
made the first recording of a human voice, using what he called the phonograph, which
provided the foundation and basic principles for analog sound recording. According to
Eisenberg (2005), Edison patented his phonography in 1878, and thus, "music began to
become a thing" (p. 13). The initial sound quality from the original machines was of
poor quality, yet the sound improved in 1888 when Edison switched to wax cylinders,
realizing the device might have some entertainment potential. He set up several
"phonograph parlors," where customers could listen to recorded sound for a nickel a play,
a paradigm that later incorporated moving images and became known as nickelodeons
(Rodman, 2009).
According to Sirois and Wasko (in press), there was a proliferation of companies
interested in the commodification of recorded sound. However, by the tum of the 20th
century, three dominant companies emerged in the U.S.: 1) Edison's National
Phonograph Company; 2) the Columbia Phonograph>::,Company; 3) the Victor Talking
Machine Company. These "big three" companies dominated the early industry because
they were large enough to manufacture and market their products on a large scale,
support research laboratories, and control almost every important patent for talking
machines and records (Chanan 1995; Morton 2000; Millard 2005). Because of the high
culture tastes of the men owning the "big three," the music manufactured and produced
by their record companies reflected such values (Morton, 2000, p. 29), signifying that in
the nascent days of the record industry, those in control of the means of material
production also influenced the ideological production of the era.
40
Format wars are nothing new in the history of recorded music, as one of the first
conflicts was between cylinders and discs for the phonograph. In 1888, Emile Berliner
invented the gramophone, which played flat discs that were easier to mass-produce and
that were less expensive than cylinders, despite the better sound quality of the cylinder.
Soon, both Victor's gramophone and Edison's phonographs were selling well, as were
the cylinders and discs people played on them. Owners extolled the virtues of their
choice and denigrated the competition, while collectors began to build libraries of
recorded music, mostly classical and Tin Pan Alley pieces (Rodman, 2009). The
Victrola, introduced by the Victor Company in 1906, was designed as a presentable piece
of hardwood furniture to be situated in one's home. In terms of the format wars, the disc
eventually won the first format war.
By 1910, according to Sirois and Wasko (in press), a mass market for recorded
music was rapidly growing as Victor sold 94,557 machines (compared to 7,570 in 1901).
The authors contend that as Victor's value grew to $33 million in 1917. Most of the
basic patents for the phonograph and gramophone expired that same year, thus opening
the market in 1918, when 166 recorded sound companies made $158 million in profit (a
500 percent increase in four years). According to Chanan (1995), the low cost of entry
into the business stimulated new labels, catering to relatively small markets, and thus a
distinction appeared between independent companies and the majors (p. 54).
After the end of World War I in 1918, the record player became a popular fonn of
home entertainment. In the absence of commercial radio and in the early years of film,
the money spent on records exceeded all other leisure time expenditures (Chapple and
41
Garofalo, 1977). However, the birth of commercial radio in the 1920s caused major
changes in the recording industry. At first, it spurred sales because people wanted to hear
the records at home that they were hearing on the radio. Jazz and country music was
popular. Dance crazes also sold records, as people bought the records and then practiced
the dances at home. However, the sales of radio sets in the U.S. nearly doubled from
1921-1922, which cut into the record industry's sales (Sirois and Wasko, in press). Hit
by falling sales and overproduction, as well as the introduction to new radio technology
providing free music, the 1920s was the first decade in which the recording industry felt
its first real economic hardship.
The Electronic Era (1924-1960s)
RCA converted most of its phonograph factories to radio factories, as live radio
caused a big dip in record sales during the 1930s. During the Great Depression, people
had little money to purchase records. A radio, on the other hand, could provide music,
comedy, drama, and news at no cost (except for the hardware). Even though the music
industry suffered during this time, jukeboxes contributed to the popularity of swing music
and jitterbug dances such as the Lindy Hop. More than 50 percent of the records being
produced were destined for jukeboxes across America, and the 13 million discs used
actually saved the music industry (Sirois and Wasko, in press).
During World War II, records were no longer manufactured from shellac (as the
material was needed for the war effort), and the base material changed to vinyl, which
- -
eventually led to the long play (LP) record. LPs ran at a speed of 33.3 rpm, which
42
allowed much more music to be placed on each record. Sales at first were slow, as the
new format required the purchase of a new record player.
By 1947, the popular music industry had come under control of five large record
companies: Columbia, Victor, Decca, MGM, and Mercury. In the 1950s, the recording
industry again had a flurry of independents (similar to the "indie" proliferation in 1918),
as LPs and 45s were relatively cheap to press, and there were fewer barriers to entry. The
"big four" major record labels has a 75 percent share of the $277 million U.S. market in
1955 (Sirois and Wasko, in press). By 1959, this share dwindled to a mere 34% ofthe
booming $603 million market. The indies were producing most of the popular and
profitable music and were marketing their records through radio disc jockeys. However,
independent retailers and distributors began disappearing as the majors controlled most
distribution outlets and started their own record clubs for direct sale. At this time, big-
box stores expanded.
While the big labels pushed a mainstream music style that was epitomized by the
crooning of Bing Crosby and Perry Como, many teenagers of the era rejected these
popular sounds. The rock and roll era was highly influenced by Sam Phillips, who
propelled the career of Elvis Presley and helped to define rock music through the 1950s
until the 1960s, when the Beatles and other British groups such as the Rolling Stones
entered the picture. According to Rodman (2009), in the 1950s, conservative ministers
sponsored bonfires in which rock records were burned, and citizen's groups were formed
solely to fight the menace of rock music (p. 239). With rock, the music industry became
43
big business, and teens the world over bought into the sound. Since the late 1950s, at
least 60 percent of record sales have been in some form of rock music (Rodman, 2009).
However, the major players solidified their dominance through vertical
integration. The majors "owned their own manufacturing plants and directly controlled
their distribution outlets in addition to simply producing records" (Chapple, 1977, p. 15).
Previously, market control had come from technological innovation and musical
production, but, in the end of the 1950s, market domination was firmly in control of those
firms with distribution power. Thus, controlling the means of production was no longer
enough; instead, the most powerful companies controlled distribution and the means by
which a recording made its way to retailers and eventually into the hands of the
consumer.
By 1967, the U.S. market was controlled by CBS Records, RCA-Victor, and
Capital, each with a 12 to 13 percent share of the market. Behind the "independent"
labels were a small number of integrated entertainment corporations; thus the multitude
of independents was merely an "illusion" (Millard, 2005). As the majors became further
horizontally integrated, "label federations," or what is commonly called a "music group,"
emerged, which involved loosely affiliated labels setting up divisions (usually by genre)
within major conglomerates. This strategy offered the majors greater leverage in coping
with market uncertainty by spreading their risks and reaping synergistic benefits by
creating company wide manufacturing and distribution in order to exploit economies of
scale. In the 1970s and into the 1980s, these media conglomerates grew even larger;
however, several small indies continued to exist. In addition, many observers have
44
argued that the logic of the corporation took over the creative logic of music making
(Chapple, 1977). According to Chapple and Garofalo, the merger movement of the
1960s was:
... a "natural" process of centralization in which the successful companies joined
to save expenses, to control prices and the market more effectively, and to
amalgamate companies specializing in different types of music into one
corporation that provided greater financing and simpler, central distribution
(1977, p. 82).
Cassette Era (1970-1982)
Cassette tapes did not produce major consumer waves until the oil crisis of the
1970s caused a shortage in the vinyl used to manufacture LPs. As Japanese
manufacturers (Sony and Matsushita) began incorporating cassette players into home
stereos that could rival the reel-to-reel format, the sale of blank cassette tapes soared to
125 million in 1970 (Sirois and Wasko, in press). After complaints of piracy by the
RIAA and its representatives, Congress enacted the Sound Recording Act of 1971 to
finally give mechanical recordings federal copyright protection. With the growth of
cassette piracy, music was for the first time circulated en masse outside of its intended
market.
In 1979, the precursor to the iPod, the Sony Walkman, was developed, which
assured the popularity of the eight-millimeter cassette, and music became more portable
than ever. The tape formats represented a major change for consumers; for the first time,
listening to their favorite recordings could now take place away from their home stereo
system, and separate from radio broadcast. In the early 1980s, tape sales were almost
45
equal to LPs, but by 1986 the sale of pre-recorded cassettes surpassed records and most
home stereos came equipped with two cassette decks.
Philips and Sony had released the compact disc (CD) as early as 1978. However,
the music industry did not support the new digital format until 1982. The industry
viewed the new format as a way to curb piracy and also to encourage consumers to
replace their LP and cassette collections with CDs. The arrival of a new format prompted
the consumption of new hardware, and record companies benefited from the sale of
music on a new format.
Many mergers took place in the 1980s, which were partly motivated by the
profitable promise of acquiring extensive copyright catalogs. Not only did major
companies become interested in owning the rights to sound recordings; they also began to
purchase publishing companies so that they could fully exploit music through other
media outlets such as television, radio and film.
The Digital Era (roughly 1983-present)
Cassette tapes were eventually usurped in the early 1980s when compact discs
(CDs) were introduced to the market. This new format revolutionized the industry as
many consumers replaced their collections of analog vinyl discs and cassette tapes with
the "better" sound quality and greater durability of this new high-tech medium (Rodman,
2009). However, the dominant music industry devised a policy that essentially forced
CDs on customers, as vinyl records became non-returnable for music retailers. This
policy forced retailers to exclusively stock the CD format (Negativland, n.d.).
46
The 1980s was a decade marked by mergers and acquisitions. In 1988, Sony
bought CBS Records for $2 billion, an acquisition that gave the electronics company a
roster of artists and back catalog (Sirois and Wasko, in press). Three years earlier,
General Electric had purchased the RCA Corporation, then sold 50 percent interest in
RCA Records to Bertelsmann (soon renamed BMG Music).
According to Frith (1988) and Dannen (1990), the increased consolidation ofthe
1980s had its effect on musical diversity as fewer titles were being released into the
market. In the 1970s, 4,000 to 5,000 titles were released annually, while in the 1980s,
that number dropped to about 2,000. Gonrow (1983) observed the industry's corporate
structure and mode of operati'olf"in the early 1980s was similar to that of the early 1900s.
These large sound empires spent the better part of the century swallowing up smaller
competitors, and the 1990s would be no different as "this feeding continued at a faster
pace in the digital era" (Millard, 2005, p. 367).
In 1990, the Japanese electronics manufacturer Matsushita paid $6.13 billion for
MCA Inc. Thus, by 1995, Sony, Matsushita, and Philips were the modem equivalent to
the original "big three" as these companies developed hardware, software and talent. In
1998, Seagram, in what was then the largest merger in the industry's history, bought
PolyGram for $10 billion. Two years later, Vivendi bought Seagram's entertainment
assets for $34 billion, and the Polygram and MCA family of labels eventually became
Universal Music Group.
In 1992, the Motion Pictures Experts Group introduced the MPEG-l format as the
standard for storage and retrieval of moving images and audio on various types of storage
47
media, including computer servers. By 1994, the original MPEG had been refined, and
the MP3 came into existence. The MP3 would cause concern for the recording industry,
which continues to this day, as the new format allows users to convert and copy audio
tracks from a CD to MP3. The files can then be shared through peer-to-peer services
such as Napster and, more recently, Limewire. Currently, legal paid-for MP3s are
primarily sold through Apple's iTunes online store, which is responsible for 70 percent of
all paid-for MP3 music downloads. More recent data from the NDP (a leading North
American market research company founded in 1967 that provides consumer and retail
information to manufacturers and retailers) claims that CDs comprised 65 percent of all
music sold in the first half of2009, compared to paid digital downloads, which
represented 35 percent of the market (Graham, 2009). Despite falling sales in recent
years, the CD is still the main fonnat (at least for now) for sound recordings, followed by
the MP3 and vinyl records.
Current Trends in the Recorded Music Industry
This music industry is in the midst of a tumultuous flux due to the changing
nature of music-related technologies such as file sharing (both illegal and paid-for), the
prevalence of social networking sites, satellite radio and major shifts in consumption
patterns. Technology has altered how music is delivered, how people listen to it, and
how it is promoted. According to On the Media (2010), the major record labels sold
about $13 billion worth of music in 1999, as opposed to 8 billion in 2008. RIAA statistics
from 2008 show that the total U.S. dollar value of the overall size of the U.s. sound
48
recording industry based on manufacturer's shipments (note, this is albums shipped, not
sold) at suggested list prices show a steep decline in worth from 1999 at $14,584.5
million down to $8,480.2 million (RlAA, 2009).
The decline of the music industry is evident in music retail as large chains such
Tower Records, Virgin Megastore, and Circuit City have all closed, and the retail space
allotted to the sale of physical CDs in large chain and big box stores continues to shrink.
Shopping malls no longer feature stores devoted solely to retail music as they did in the
1980s and 1990s. Music retail is now usually lumped in with other entertainment or
media commodities such as books, video games and DVDs.
Independent record stores have also been hit hard. Since late 2003, about 900
independent record stores have closed nationwide, leaving about 2,700, according to the
Almighty Institute ofMusic Retail, a marketing research company in Studio City,
California (Williams, 2006). Of the independent stores that remain, many struggle to
survive in the new media/digital world, even though many indie stores also sell music
online. Most indie stores are hybrid stores, where the physical retail location is
supplemented with an on-line presence. Others have captured a niche market, and have
benefited from the recent resurgence in vinyl records. They often stock second-hand
used music and employ knowledgeable workers who know about music history and
culture.
There is a persistence of the tangible musical object and many consumers still
continue to value physical CDs and vinyl records. One recent trend is the sale of new
vinyl records, which are packaged with a digital download card, thus allowing the
49
customer to import the digital files onto their MP3 device. Thus, consumers have the
physical format and its related packaging, as opposed to being objectless. Artists are also
holding on to the physical object in an increasingly objectless world. With the latest box
set Under Great White Northern Lights by the popular rock band the White Stripes, the
singer guitarist Jack White claims, "There is more beauty and romance in tangible,
mechanical things than in invisible, digital things" (Dombal, 20 lO). The box set comes
with a live CD and DVD documentary, as well as a photo illustration book, a 7" vinyl
single, and a silkscreen print. Numerous bands are using physical extras and bonus
material (extra songs, posters, etc.) with the promotion of the tangible musical artifact.
However, the persistent march of new media, participatory culture, viral media
flows, and Internet-based digital distribution of both legal and illegal MP3 music files has
radically altered the nature of the music industry. Ten years ago, the major labels backed
by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) fought over illegal peer-to-
peer file sharing via Napster, but have since embraced paid-for digital downloading.
Apple's iTunes is currently the largest retailer of recorded music in the United States with
an estimated 25 percent of the market in 2009, as it surpassed Wal-Mart as the nation's
largest retailer of music (Graham, 2009). In 2007, the industry was shocked when the
band Radiohead dropped their label and offered their new album via their website. Fans
of the band were encouraged to download the record for free or pay what whatever price
they wanted, thus shunning the old media model of having a label with physical
distribution and dealing with physical retail stores. However, not all bands have the
50
audience size and following to imitate this practice; Radiohead's album was later sold as
a CD and vinyl record in physical retail stores.
The invention of the Apple-based iPod has single-handedly revolutionized the
online music business and has changed the way people listen to and consume music.
People can download their favorite songs and hit the "shuffle" function to get a whole
new appreciation of how their musical choices fit together. This is radically different
than the "old media" paradigm when people bought a CD or vinyl record which was
consumed as a whole entity or concept. The recent introduction of the Apple iPhone and
other related smartphones allow phones to double as MP3 players, as well as to provide
Internet access, where music can be downloaded directly. The iPod has also
revolutionized the concept of legal downloading via the iTunes store. By 2006, some
claimed that there were almost as many legal downloads as illegal ones (Rodman, 2009,
p.224). Other sources, such as the RIAA, claimed, "illegal downloads continue to dwarf
paid-for music sales" (RIAA, 2009).
Commercial radio in the U.S. has also witnessed a huge drop in audience size, and
reports the smallest audience in history (Toller, 2008). The homogenization of the
airwaves was influenced by the 1996 Communications Act, which deepened the
economic consolidation of media outlets and altered the traditional means of promoting
music. In terms of commercial radio, local DJs have mostly disappeared as the large
radio corporations have attempted to cut costs by prerecording DJ talk and broadcasting it
in many markets. Radio play lists have been greatly restricted as a result of increasing
market research; few stations venture beyond playing the same handful of hits.
51
According to Bagdikian (2004), the two largest radio groups, Clear Channel (the largest
radio chain in the country with 1,200 stations) and Cumulus are committed to a daily
flood of far-right propagandistic programming along with automated, narrow music play
lists (p. 15). According to Freepress (2010), the radio market is dominated by Clear
Channel (1194 stations), Cumulus (313 stations), Citadel Broadcasting Corp. (223
stations), Entercom (l00 stations), as well as major holdings by large corporate players
such as CBS, Viacom, Walt Disney and Bertelsmann. As a result, the radio market is
extremely concentrated.
Meanwhile, MTV no longer airs music videos on television, but focuses on non-
music based programming. Today, contemporary bands break by having their songs
played on the radio, but also serve as soundtrack music in television programs and
commercials, video games and films. In conjunction with these outlets, music also
breaks through viral media flows on Internet blogs, various social media outlets such as
Facebook and MySpace, and the rampant spread of illegal MP3 downloads.
It is vital to consider how new technologies such as the iPod and digital
downloading has altered the independent retail landscape. Changes in music
consumption are likely to affect sales at physical record stores; however, such stores also
act as places for face-to-face gatherings, as opposed to Internet consumption, which
suggests social isolation. As recorded music has rapidly become objectless, the notion
that a large number of music enthusiasts continue to purchase the tangible objects (such
as CDs), and the recent resurgence in vinyl records, suggests a more complex portrait of
music forn1ats and retail. Contrary to popular belief, not everyone is downloading music
52
(for free or paid-for) and, for some people, that very system has driven them to the
physical independent record store as some prefer the tangible music object.
Contemporary Ways to Obtain Recorded Music
To provide a better idea of the various channels or venues for music retail, it is
interesting to consider the myriad ways to obtain an "album" these days in the physical
and digital world. As an example, I traced all of the channels where one can or can't
obtain an album, and the cost at each channel, using as an example the album Repeater
(released on their own independent label, Dischord), originally released in 1990 by the
band Fugazi, a post-punk band known for its anti-corporate stance and strong do-it- .
yourself philosophy.
First, I went to the oldest independent store here in Eugene, Oregon, House of
Records. I could buy the album on vinyl for $12.95 or on CD for $11.95 (they don't have
either in stock, but they could special order it, and I would get it in a few days. However,
they had several other Fugazi albums in physical stock). Another local indie store in
town, CD World, sells the CD for $11.99, and they claim the vinyl is out of print.
The local Wal-Mart Superstore does not stock Fugazi, and I was told by the clerk
that they cannot even special order the CD or LP. However, they do have a different
Fugazi title, The Argument, that can be purchased only online in CD format (no LP vinyl
versions are available); the audio tracks for this album can be previewed online. The
Wal-Mart webpage states "Not Sold in Stores." Best Buy offers the CD version of
Repeater (no vinyl copy) online for $11.99 (plus shipping), and has a link connecting to
53
Napster (now owned by Best Buy), where the album can be downloaded for $9.99. Best
Buy has several other Fugazi non-Repeater (both CD and vinyl) albums available only
online. The Best Buy clerk told me that you cannot special order it (for an in-store
purchase). It is in their system, but only available online, not in the physical location.
Target only offers the CD (no vinyl versions available) online at $10.99 (plus $2.99 for
shipping), and you are able to sample the songs as well; however, it is not possible to buy
a Fugazi album in a physical Target store, nor can it be special ordered. Wal-Mart, Best
Buy and Target are unable to special-order Fugazi CDs or LPs, and they simply can't be
obtained at their physical retail stores.
The Fugazi Repeater album can be ordered directly from the band's record label,
Dischord Records, either through mail-order (by sending them a check and getting the
CD/LP in the mail), or through its website. Going directly through its label, the vinyl LP
is $11 (plus postage), the CD $10 (plus postage), and the digital download is $7. The
album can be downloaded for $9.99 (or individual tracks for $0.99) from iTunes, or at
Amazon.com for $8.99. I can buy the CD on eBay for $6.67 (new) and $3 (used), and a
collectable first pressing LP sells for $26 (plus shipping).
There are numerous ways to stream the Repeater album online for free. Each of
the album's songs can be streamed for free on YouTube. At Pandora.com (LastFM offers
a similar service), when I enter Fugazi into their search engine, the Internet radio station
will playa song from the album, and then play other related artists with a similar
aesthetic. If I happen to like a particular song or album through this service, I can
download it instantly with a link that connects to iTunes and Amazon. On MySpace
54
Music, over 200 fan profiles claim to be "Fugazi," and various Fugazi songs can be
streamed for free and shared as content on other users' pages. Users can then purchase
music files from other users with an account/page; thus the everyday MySpace user acts
as a potential distributor of music. From here, songs can be purchased from iTunes and
Amazon.com as a fonn of viral music distribution. Facebook also has a Fugazi fan page
where live clips and links to YouTube versions of songs can be viewed and listened to.
.~
If Fugazi were to make a new album (if they were still a band), and were
reviewed on the influential Pitchfork.com, an online music criticism publication, the
tracks could be sampled and streamed on the Lala website (after the user signs in), and
could be purchased instantly via digital download through the site. Fugazi's Repeater is
also available at downloadpunk.com, othennusic.com, e-music, rhapsody.com,
shockhound.com, thinkindie.com, and a host of other online stores (both independent and
corporate). Another way I could obtain the record would be to bum a CD copy of the
album from a friend, or download it illegally for free from Limewire, a web-based file
sharing service.
I could try to listen to Fugazi on a local tenestrial radio station; however, none of
the corporately owned stations play tbe album as it is outside their rigid programming
fonnat. KWVA, the local college station for the University of Oregon, is the only local
radio station that would potentially playa Fugazi song.
In sum, there are many ways to obtain music today, both legally and illegally.
When it comes to a more obscure band such as Fugazi, it is impossible to acquire the
album at big box stores as it is outside of their ordering system, but possible through
55
some of the on-line versions of the box store, or a myriad of other online stores. If one
wants the album on a particular format such as vinyl, the only physical store that would
stock it would be an independent record store. Not only could they stock it, or special
order it, but they would also be able to articulate information about the band in terms of
its history and cultural context.
Current Trends: Music Consumption by Channel
As noted above, there are more ways than ever to consume music and, as a result,
consumption patterns are rapidly shifting in the digital world. However, big-box chain
stores, when total sales are combined, sell the most recorded music in the United States.
According to RIAA statistics from 2008, chain/big box stores comprised 30 percent of
the overall recorded music market (RIAA, 2009). However, these figures are down from
44 percent of the market in 1999 and 32.5 percent in 2004. Independent stores in 2008
comprised 28.4 percent ofthe market, down from 38 percent in 1999, and down a
staggering amount from 53.8 percent in 2004. Thus, physical brick and mortar retail
(indie and chain stores) still comprised 58.4 percent of the total market as of2008.
However, these overall figures are down from 82.8 percent of the market in 1999, and
86.3 percent of the market in 2004. In sum, music sales in the brick and mortar sphere
have declined sharply over the last decade.
On the other hand, digital downloads (paid-for) have radically increased in sales.
According to the same RIAA statistics from 2008, paid-for downloads constituted 13.5
percent of the market, up from 6 percent in 2005. Internet consumption via stores such as
56
Barnes and Noble and Amazon comprise 14.6 percent of the market, which is up from 2.4
percent in 1999. Thus, Internet-based music consumption is increasing dramatically.
Other modes of selling include live concert sales, which constitute 3 percent of the
market, as well as record clubs that claim 7.2 percent of the market.
According to the "NPD Music Watch Survey" from February 2008, the retail
market)s an extremely concentrated market consisting ofbig box corporate chains in
.... -
combination with Apple's iTunes with 71 percent of the market, as opposed to 29 percent
for independent record stores (Smith, 2009). Refer to Table 1 for a breakdown of retail
music by market.
TABLE 1. Music Retail Market Share Breakdown. 2008 NPD Music Watch Survey
(Smith, 2009).
RETAIL OUTLET PERCENTAGE OF USMARKET
iTunes 19%
Wal-Mart 15%
Best Buy 13%
Amazon 6%
Target 5%
FYE/Coconuts 4%
Borders 3%
Circuit City 3%
Barnes and Noble 2%
Rhapsody 1%
"Other" 29%
According to the NPD research group, as of August 2009, Apple's iTunes store
comprised 25 percent of all music units sold, and Wal-Mart remained in second position
57
with 14 percent (Graham, 2010). iTunes comprised 69 percent of the digital music
market in the first half of 2009, followed by AmazonMP3 at 8 percent. As a result,
Apple is currently the largest retailer of recorded music in the United States.
Within the context of music sales by channel, it is important to note that some
independent record stores don't utilize SoundScan (a bar code scanning technology that
tallies sales for the Billboard music charts) technology, or they only sell used music.
Thus, sales from some independent record stores are not necessarily counted by Billboard
or noted in industry statistics. As a result, sales from indie stores may in fact represent a
larger portion of the overall music market, but these sales are not reflected in the market
statistics compiled by Billboard.
Current Trends: Music Consumption by Format
For this project, it is vital to understand current patterns of consumption in terms
of music formats. According to RIAA statistics from 2008, full length CDs still
constituted the majority of sales by format with 77.8 percent of the market (RIAA, 2009).
Digital downloads (paid-for) were second with 12.8 percent of the market. While there
has been much hype about a "vinyl resurgence" over the past couple of years, the sale of
vinyl records only constituted 1 percent of the overall market.
While the CD continues to be the dominant fonnat, overall CD sales are on the
decline. While they constituted 77.8 percent ofthe market in 2008, this was down from
83.2 percent in 1999. According to the RIAA 2008 Year End Shipment Statistics, for
units shipped (net after returns), the CD was down 24.7percent from 2007, and the CD
58
single was down 71.7 percent from 2007. Paid-for digital downloads have rapidly
increased in sales. Downloads constituted 0.2 percent of the market in 2001, but
comprised 12.8 percent of the market in 2008. The downloaded album in terms of units
shipped was up 33.9 percent from 2007, and the downloaded single was up 27.5 percent.
Vinyl record sales were up a staggering 124.1 percent from 2007, but still only
comprised 1 percent of the overall music market. According to a Nielson SoundScan
2009 report, more vinyl albums were purchased (2.5 million) than any other year in the
history of SoundScan (1991), and two out of three vinyl records were purchased at an
independent record store during the year ("Nielson Company," 2010). Singles (all
formats including digital download) constituted 3.8 percent of the market.
More recent data from the NDP claimed that CDs comprised 65 percent of all
music sold in the first half of2009, compared to paid digital downloads, which comprised
35 percent of the market (Graham, 2010). According to Variety, physical album sales
continued to decline and digital album sales grew during the first six months of 20 10,
according to data released by Nielsen SoundScan (Morris, 2010).
Current Trends: Music Consumption by Age
The consumption of tangible musical objects (CDs, digital downloads, vinyl
records) is also strongly correlated with age, as younger consumers are buying fewer
CDs, whereas the older or graying audience is purchasing more tangible music.
According to the 2008 statistics of the RIAA, several significant consumption patterns (in
terms of paying for music) by age have emerged (RIAA, 2009). In 2008, 63% of all
59
music was purchased by consumers aged 25 and above. Ages 45 and over constituted the
largest portion of the music buying market at 34 percent. In fact, the age group 40+ was
the only segment where there was growth in sales between 1999 and 2008. In contrast,
all age segments between 10 and 39 have experienced a decrease in music sales between
1999 and 2008. Generally, the market size for music consumption has declined each year.
For example, the segment between 15 and 24 constituted 25 percent of the buying market
in 1999, as opposed to 21 percent in 2008. Those between the ages of25 and 34
constituted 26 percent of the buying market in 1999, compared to 17 percent in 2008.
What is missing from these RIAA statistics is information regarding the illegal
downloading ofMP3 music files. It might be suggested that those below the ages of39
have been influenced or socialized in a culture where digital downloading, or obtaining
music for "free," has become normative. In sum, the youthful portion of the population
between 10 and 39 is buying less music every year, and therefore, there is a consistent
pattern of decline. The "graying" population, or those ages 40 and over, have been
increasingly buying more music and constituted a majority of music consumption sales in
2008. The age group 45+ now constitutes the majority of the music buying market. This
prompts one to wonder: if the market for physical musical objects is said to be graying,
who will sustain the independent record store for future generations?
Illegal Music Downloading/File Sharing
In 1999, a college student named Shawn Fanning developed Napster, the first free
file-sharing program. Fanning's website made use ofMP3 technology, which consists of
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compressed digital audio files that enable music to be downloaded from the Internet.
Napster became hugely successful and CD sales dropped precipitously. As a reaction,
the RIAA filed a lawsuit and the site was consequently shut down, and the RIAA later
went after colleges by sending "take down" notices to administrators on several campuses
where high-speed Internet connections were being used by "music pirates." The RIAA
also went after other P2P (peer-to-peer) networks. As ofmid-2007, "the RIAA has sued
more than 20,000 individuals for sharing songs online, with 4,500 settling for about
$4,000 per case" (Rodman, 2009, p. 225). In 2006, the head of the RIAA declared that
unauthorized song swapping had been "contained." While the previous statistics referred
to "paid-for" music (see section in this chapter titled "Current Trends: Music
Consumption by Format"), the numbers regarding illegal peer-to-peer file sharing and the
downloading ofMP3 music files are difficult to gauge, due to its illegal nature. Current
modes of illegal downloading include Limewire and BitTorrent.
One analysis by the Institute for Policy Innovation (2010) concluded that global
music piracy causes $12.5 billion of economic losses every year, 71 ,060 u.s. jobs lost, a
loss of $2.7 billion in workers' earnings, and a loss of $422 million in tax revenues, $291
million in personal income tax and $131 million in lost corporate income and production
taxes (p. 17). The RIAA website claims, "We do know that the pirate marketplace
currently far dwarfs the legal marketplace, and when that happens, that means investment
in new music is compromised." According to the IFPI Digital Music Report 2010, the
growth of illegal file sharing has been a major factor in the decline oflegitimate music
sales over the last decade, with global industry values down 30 percent from 2004 to
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2009. The report goes on to claim that one in four P2P file-sharers typically spend
nothing on music.
According to Shuker (2008), there are several core issues in these developments
and debates. An immediate question is the impact of downloading on "legitimate"
recording sales. The industry point of view (for example, the RIAA) is that illegal
downloading as clearly hurting the industry. Some argue that consumers who download
music illegally are disempowering recording companies by resisting inflated CD prices.
Others are not so convinced that the industry is being hurt by these practices. Some
arguments suggest that with the wide range of free music available, it exposes more
listeners to a broader range of music, and as a result, they buy more music.
The report by the IFPI also suggests that new forms of piracy have emerged.
Although P2P file-sharing remains the most damaging form of piracy due to the volume
of files shared by users, the last two years have seen a sharp rise in non-P2P piracy, such
as downloading from hosting sites, mobile piracy, stream ripping, instant messaging
sharing and downloading from forums and blogs (p. 17).
Major Record Labels
In the music industry, a record label is a brand and a trademark associated with
the marketing of music recordings and music videos. Most commonly, a record label is
the company that manages such brands and trademarks, coordinates production,
manufacture, distribution, marketing, promotion, and the enforcement of copyright
protection. They also conduct talent scouting and are responsible for the development of
62
new artists ("artists and repertoire" or A&R), and they maintain contracts with recording
artists and their managers.
Four major corporations collect around 89 percent of recording industry revenue
each year ("Nielson Company," 2010). In other words, the music industry is a highly
concentrated market. The four major corporate players, also known as the "big four," are
Warner Music Group, EMI, Sony Music Entertainment, and Universal Music Group.
The "big four" are all international in scope, but receive most of their revenues from big-
name American performers. These four corporations are profiled in Chapter V.
Record labels are often under the control of a corporate umbrella organization
called a music group. A music group is typically owned by an international
conglomerate, which often has non-music divisions as well. A music group consists of
music publishing companies, record (sound recording) manufacturers, record distributors,
and record labels. As of2009, the "big four" music groups control about 70 percent of
the world music market, and about 89 percent of the U.S. music market ("Nielson
Company," 2010).
Music collectors often use the tenn "sublabel" to refer to either an imprint or a
subordinate label company (such as those within a group). Vanity labels are those that
bear an imprint that gives the impression of an artist's ownership or control, but in fact
represent a standard artist/label relationship. In such an arrangement, the artist will
control nothing more than the usage of the name on the label, but may enjoy a greater say
in the packaging of his or her work. Under the umbrella of the "big four" is a web of
smaller labels; however, not all labels dedicated to particular artists are completely
63
superficial in origin. Many artists, early in their careers, create their own labels that are
later bought by a larger company. If this is the case, the artist can have greater freedom
than if they were signed directly to the big label. There are many examples of this kind
oflabel, such as Nothing Records, owned by Trent Reznor of Nine Inch Nails. There are
also "hybrid" labels, which on the surface appear to be independent, but are in fact a
subsidiary or partially owned by a major label. For example, the Seattle based "indie"
label Sub Pop is half owned (49 percent) by Warner Music Group.
Figures from 2009 compiled by SoundScan suggest a highly concentrated market
(Table 2).
TABLE 2. Music Sales (Total physical/digital albums sold, including back catalog) by
Label. 2009 Nielson Company SoundScan Year End Music Industry Report.
Record Label Percent of US Market
Universal Music Group 30.20%
Sony Music Entertainment 28.58%
Warner Music Group 20.55%
EMI 9.20%
Other 11.47%
According to these SoundScan statistics, almost 89 percent of music sold in the
year of 2009 was through one of the "big four" record labels. In terms of digital albums
in 2009, the sales breakdown, according to SoundScan, is as follows: Eighty-four percent
of all digital albums sold in 2009 were through the "big four." In terms of market
concentration, almost 87 percent of all paid-for digital tracks (individual tracks) in 2009
were connected to one of the "big four" record labels ("Nielson Company," 2010).
-
64
For the first six months of 20 10, figures compiled by Nielson SoundScan
continued to suggest a highly concentrated market. According to these statistics, 84
percent of music sold in the first half of 2010 was through one of the "big four" record
labels, while digital albums accounted for 27.4 percent of all albums purchased (Morris,
2010).
Major label titles get the most exposure through advertising and radio play, and
thus have a major influence over what tastes will be popular and the manufacture of
musical trends. According to Toller (2008), in a market where power is concentrated in
the hands of a few, competition and the diversity of output suffers. Labels tend to sign
bands with a popular and marketable aesthetic, providing customers with few
alternatives. According to Shuker (2008), the market share exercised by the majors
varies from country to country, but in some cases is over 90 percent. There is
considerable debate over the economic and cultural dominance of such market
accumulation, especially regarding the strength of local music industries. Shuker (2008)
claims some critics view such concentrations of ownership as an ability to essentially
determine, or at the very least, strongly influence the nature and demand for particular
forms of popular culture (p. 19).
Critical political economists would argue that the conditions of oligopoly mean a
lack of incentive for firms to depart from the status quo, resulting in a high level of
product homogeneity. However, from a cultural studies perspective, it is suggested that
audiences are active, and have human agency. Audiences are capable of rejecting
65
mainstream music in favor of more localized musical scenes or music outside the margins
of the dominant industry. In other words, just because a mainstream record is heavily
promoted and distributed, it is not guaranteed that a mass audience will purchase it.
Independent Record Labels
Defining an independent label can be difficult as the meaning of the word
"independence" is polysemic. Record companies and music publishers that are not under
~.-
the control of the big four are generally considered to be independent (indie), even if they
are large corporations with complex structures. Some prefer to use the term "indie label"
to refer to only those independent labels that adhere to arbitrary, ill-defined criteria of
corporate structure and size, and some consider an indie label to be almost any label that
releases non-mainstream music, regardless of its corporate structure. According to
Shuker (2008), the term "indie" denotes not just a type of economic entity, but a musical
attitude as well, with authenticity at its core - the indie ideology views its music as raw
and immediate, while mainstream music is regarded as processed and mediated by
"overproduction" (p. 21).
Indie labels are frequently considered to be more flexible and innovative in their
roster of artists. For the purposes of thi s study, a "true" independent record label is
defined as being financially independent from the major record labels, as well as having
independent music distribution. However, this notion of "independence" is murky as
many indie groups distribute their music digitally via Apple's iTunes, a major
corporation.
66
An industry practice is for the majors to acquire any independent labels that
become successful (either an individual band or whole labels). These independents then
continue to produce their "own" records, which are then distributed by the parent
corporation. In effect, former independents become not only laboratories for new ideas,
but also talent scouts for the corporate owner. Many independents become successful by
handling specialized genres, like jazz, punk, hip-hop, electronica and indie rock, that are
not profitable for larger companies. Several independent labels have become successful
by handling material that a major label won't acquire because of its controversial nature.
According to Rodman (2009), "The independent label Priority distributed N.W.A. 's first
album, a record so obscene that it prompted a letter of complaint from the Federal Bureau
ofInvestigation" (p. 230).
Contract structuring can vary with independent record labels, but generally once
all the expenses have been recouped (production and marketing), many indie labels
utilize a 50/50 contract. With this contract, the label and artist split all revenues from
album sales. This system is much more generous than the major label system, where
artists are frequently in debt from expensive production and marketing. However, indie
labels tend to sell smaller quantities of albums.
Hundreds of "true" independents exist without corporate ownership. Together,
independent labels collect 16 percent of the market share left over from the big four
labels (Morris, 2010). According to Shuker (2008), these labels stay independent
because they feel that corporate ownership would be corrupting and limiting in terms of
creative expression. Established independent labels, such as Touch and Go, K Records,
67
Dischord, Kill Rock Stars, Alternative Tentacles, Arts and Crafts, and Righteous Babe
are true independent labels as they have no corporate sponsorship and utilize independent
fOTITIS of distribution.
Music Distribution (Physical and Digital)
According to Schwartz (2009), a "physical" music distributor is a wholesaler of
CDs, vinyl records, and tapes; it stocks product from labels and gets it into retail stores
(p. 136). Physical distributors, in a sense, consolidate music product from a variety of
labels and sell it to record stores. Many "physical" distributors today also distribute
digital content and get music into the digital realm for artists. Distributors are not
responsible for promotion, as that is up to the artist and label.
Digital distribution entails using the Internet and the digital downloading ofMP3
music files via legal downloading sites such as Apple's iTunes store directly to personal
computers. Digitally distributed content may be streamed or downloaded. Streaming
involves downloading and using content "on-demand" as it is needed (although there are
technologies that allow users to "rip" or steal the content of streaming media).
Meanwhile, fully downloading content to a hard drive or other fonn of storage media
allows for quick access in the future. By opting for digital distribution, an artist can get
his or her work into the public sphere of interest easily with potentially minimum
business overhead. This occurs by cutting out traditional physical distribution and
physical retail store sales, as digital distribution doesn't involve a physical wholesaler,
nor is product shipped in the traditional sense. This often leads to cheaper goods for the
68
consumer and increased profits for the artists. Most contemporary musicians and labels
today utilize a combination of both physical and digital music distribution.
According to Schwartz (2009), although sales of CDs continue to decline, they are
still selling, and many labels are a 50/50 business - digital and physical retail. Some
artists are only selling CDs at live concerts to diehard fans, and sell the rest of their wares
online. But if an artist wants to sell their records on a broader scale, physical stores are
still considered a strong direction. As Eric Speck of the independent label Ace Fu
Records claims,
So I do think CDs are becoming less and less relevant and convenient for people,
but it's still important to get them into stores. There's something still magical
about going to a record store and seeing the energy and new releases with cool
artwork. There's still something there that won't go away soon, but it's becoming
more niche (Schwartz, 2009, p. 135).
The big four record labels control approximately 95 percent of the music being
shipped to "retailers" (digital, Web, brick and mortar stores). In the industry a record
label is considered a "true" independent if it self-distributes or goes through an
independent distributor (i.e., El Entertainment Distribution (formerly Koch
Entertainment), Revolver, or Redeye). Therefore, a label owned by the big four may
utilize independent distribution and still be deemed a "true" indie while, conversely, a
label that is independently owned but relies on the major's distribution infrastructure is
not distinguished as a "true" indie.
There are only a few main venues for corporate "major label" distribution.
Universal Music Distribution is owned by the Universal Music Group. Alternative
Distribution Alliance (ADA), 95 percent owned by Warner Music Group, and 5 percent
69
by Sup Pop, distributes for the following independent labels: Domino Records, Sup Pop,
Merge, Thrill Jockey, Touch and Go, and Epitaph. ADA has merged with WEA, a
prominent distributor under the Warner Music Group. Caroline Distribution, a former
indie distributor is now owned by EMI, and Red is a distributor owned by Sony Music
Entertainment.
In terms of independent music distribution, the largest North American distributor
is EI Entertainment Distribution (formerly Koch Entertainment), although its record
labels are distributed under Universal Music Group in Europe and Asia. Another notable
channel of distribution of independent labels is RevolverlMidheaven (distributor of
Dischord, Alternative Tentacles and Slumberland records), although they are distributed
by Universal Music Group in the UK. The indie Redeye distributes for Kill Rock Stars
and Warp Records, as well as artist-run indie labels by David Byrne, Public Enemy and
Anti-flag. Other indie distributors include Carrot Top, Secretly Canadian and Forced
Exposure.
Independent distributors have a strong relationship with brick and mortar
independent record stores and chains that support indie music. According to Schwartz
(2009), independent distributors are often more knowledgeable than the majors about
specific niche genres, and they can act more quickly, as independents can hit appropriate
markets much faster than the majors when a buzz is created. Indie stores give indie
labels more personal attention, especially with records with good promotion. Mom-and-
pop stores are better at creating a grassroots buzz faster than a chain store, whereas chain
stores do well with records that have high visibility and promotion. Fans tend to go into
70
chain stores already knowing what they want, whereas mom-and-pop indie stores get the
word out on records that their customers should know about. However, it is important to
note that independent labels, distributors and indie record stores often share a similar
philosophy in terms of challenging corporate hegemony and supporting "independence."
But in the end, an indie distributor will sell to anyone willing to buy. This includes the
big-box chain retailers who have massive economic advantages and market dominance,
which actually undermines the economic viability of the independent record store (this
will be addressed in more detail in Chapter V).
One-stop distributors such as Super D cater to smaller neighborhood independent
record stops, as the typical indie store doesn't need large numbers of every record title.
Schwartz (2009) notes that larger major label distributors do not want to break up boxes
to sell a few units of a single title to a store, and tlms, it is more profitable and efficient to
sell large quantities of music (usually of a very narrow and mainstream range) to the big-
box stores. One-stops buy realistic quantities and sell to indies their desired quantity,
which can mean a lot fewer returns. Records are ordered as needed, as opposed to
ordering extra. Many small indie retailers must utilize a one-stop distributor as the "big
four" major labels won't sell directly to small accounts.
According to Schwartz (2009), returns are an ongoing problem. One downside of
using a major/large distributor is the potential for large returns, as music that doesn't sell
in retail stores can be returned to the distributor - a system unique to the music and
book industries. No matter how many copies are ordered by a retailer, there is no
guarantee of sales. A substantial amount can be returned to the distributor and the record
71
label eventually has to cover the bill. In the end, it is not the distributors who lose money
if a product comes back, as it is returned to the label or artist for a credit for what they
owe for the order. Retail stores can return albums to a distributor for a refund with few
restrictions, but labels get stuck with eating the returns in the end.
Schwartz (2009) claims most distributors allow labels to set the retail price. The
standard invoice is 150 to 180 days, which is the amount of time the distributor has to pay
the invoice. Distributors usually take product on a consignment-type basis, although
smaller ones might buy product if they have orders. When a product sells, distributors
are paid by stores and then, in tum, pay the label a price per unit. If a product doesn't
sell, it is returned to the label for a credit against the amount the distributor owes for the
order.
Obtaining visibility in the stores in tenns of shelf placement on display racks or in
listening booths can be bought through a distributor, who puts up the money and recoups
it with the sales. CDs don't end up on displays by accident; the space is bought like ads
in a magazine. It can be expensive, but indies claim it can get good results (especially if
a band is touring, playing on radio, etc.). Robb Nansel of Saddle Creek Records (an
independent record label) claims, "There are stores that won't take your stuff unless you
get into their program. A lot of stores have automated systems" (Schwartz, 2009, p. 246).
By buying into a listening station (a listening display prominently located in a retail store
where CDs can be sampled by customers), a store will take 15 copies of a record, as
opposed to just a few copies, and the computer will buy 20 more (as opposed to selling a
72
copy or two, and it can take weeks to order refill copies). This is a system for which
labels must pay, which can be expensive endeavor.
Distributors can also arrange co-op advertising, where a select number of records
are promoted (including information about the product, label and store) in a local
newspaper. In exchange for the distribution company and label selecting which records
will be sold and advertised, the record store gets the advertising for free, and thus stocks
and displays those particular records in a prominent location. This practice is analyzed
in more detail in Chapter VI.
Music Retail
According to Shuker (2008), music retail includes the sale of sheet music, musical
instruments, music related merchandise, concert tickets, music DVDs, music magazines
and books. But, primarily, the term "music retail" refers to the sale of sound recordings
to the public. Recordings are distributed and sold through a variety of retailers, including
traditional and online outlets.
Information on the history of music retail is sparse, but a quick sketch is presented
here. According to Shuker (2008), sound recordings were first available through shops
selling sheet music and musical instruments. Calamar and Gallo (2010) provide the most
comprehensive history of record stores. In the early 1900s, chains of department stores
began supplying hit songs (on the disc fonnat), along with sheet music, and contend that
at the end of the 20th century, even Bloomingdales had a record department (p. 34). In
1905, the prices for discs were determined by Victor and Columbia - $1 for a 12" record,
73
$0.60 for a 10" and $0.35 for a 7" record (p. 34). The authors note that, in 1906, there
were 25,000 record dealers, a total that was reduced to 7,500 fifty years later, and to
below 3,000 a half-century after that (p. 35). Records in the 1920s were not cheap, as an
album ofa classical 78 was about $7, when the average salary in the U.S. was about $100
a month, while individual 78s ran between $0.65 and a dollar (p. 34). The Five and Dime
stores, however, were serviced by another collection of labels that brought prices down to
below $0.50 a disk (p. 34). Meanwhile, in 1922, early "race records" were given away
when customers bought furniture, an early product tie-in (Calamar and Gallo, 2010).
According to Calamar and Gallo (2010), four stores became models for the
modem day record store: Commodore, Colony, Sam Goody's and Wallichs Music City.
Two of these stores went on to become two important record labels - Commodore, the
first independent jazz label, and Capitol Records, which was founded by the owner of
Wallichs Music City in New York. In 1955, Sam Goody stores accounted for 7 percent
of the total national sales ofLP records (p. 46). Later, small independent shops emerged,
and by the 1950s and the advent ofrock and roll, record retailers included independent
shops often specializing in particular genres, along with chain stores and record clubs.
According to Wolffs (2006) history of the Cleveland music scene, in the 1950s
and early 1960s, one could buy Top-40 singles and some albums at most large drugstores,
along with Five and Dime stores like Woolworths (p. 121). It has been suggested by
Wolff (2006) that the British invasion brought about by the Beatles in the mid-1960s
spurred the growth of independent record stores in the United States, as people wanted
sheet music and 45s. Several stores in this study began in the late 1960s (for example,
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Portland's Music Millennium opened in 1969). Meanwhile, the early 1970s spawned
countercultural "head-shops" that sold tie-dye shirts, drug paraphernalia, and
underground newspapers, and later began to sell vinyl records not commonly available at
drug stores and department stores. According to Calamar and Gallo (2010), in the final
years of the 1960s, local music shops underwent a transition. Previously they sold guitars
and sheet music, but recorded music soon became the primary focus. Records were now
in the front of stores, as water bongs and rolling papers were pushed to the side cases.
Independent stores have a history of selling music not widely available elsewhere.
For example, the sale of punk and experimental krautrock (a general name of
experimental German music) records from the UK and Gennany that were not distributed
in the U.S. in the 1960s and 1970s became available at independent stores, such as Rather
Ripped (located in Berkeley, California), as they developed specialized import sections.
Record stores kept getting bigger and bigger in the 1970s as the owners bragged
about their size and selection (Calamar and Gallo, 2010). For instance, Tower Records in
Los Angeles advertised itself as "the largest record store in the known world." In the
1970s, the explosion of suburban malls meant that several types of record stores were
available in cities and towns across the country. National chains were taking up space in
indoor malls and regional chains were finding homes in strip malls. Meanwhile, the mom
and pops were scattered around, usually wherever they could find cheap rental space.
Independent chains grew as well. For instance, in the 1980s and 1990s, Newbury
Comics became the most powerful and popular chain in New England, eventually
operating 28 stores within a hundred mile radius of the Boston flagship. Co-owner Mike
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Dreese explained, "The energy of punk and new wave was completely unaddressed by
mainstream retail" (Calamar and Gallo, 2010, p. 129).
CDs and cassettes were firmly entrenched as the formats of choice in the 1990s,
which spawned a new breed of store: the lifestyle store. In the 1990s, the record store
chains cut into shelf space formerly dedicated to music, bringing in DVDs, trinkets and
band merchandise such as posters and t-shirts. Also, in the late 1990s, the indie
superstore was born with Amoeba Music in Berkeley, California.
Today, traditional brick-and-mortar stores (including chain and big box stores)
still sell the largest number of recordings in the nation, but online stores are quickly
growing. It should be noted that many traditional brick and mortar stores are also hybrid
stores, meaning that they sell records both online and at a physical store.
Big box discount stores such as Wal-Mart, Best Buy, Target and F.Y.E (formally
known as Sam Goody), as well as bookstores such as Borders and Barnes and Noble, also
sell CDs. One of the top specialty stores, Tower Records, declared bankruptcy in 2006,
as did the Virgin Megastores and the Circuit City chain in 2009. According to Keen
(2007), in the first five months of2006 alone, 378 record stores closed nationally, against
106 closures in 2005 (p. 100). There are now 25 percent fewer music stores in America
than there were in 2003 (p. 100). Since late 2003, about 900 independent record stores
have closed nationwide, leaving about 2,700, according to the Almighty Institute of
Music Retail, a marketing research company in Studio City, California (Williams, 2006).
Online stores include websites where you can buy traditional CDs, such as
Amazon.com, and sites where you can order custom CDs, such as Mixonics and
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Rhapsody.com. Online stores also include those that specialize in digital downloads,
such as Apple's iTunes, where pages are devoted to genres and individual artists. Songs
can be previewed before being purchased, and there are tools to help users find the music
they like by showing them the choices of other people with similar tastes. According to
Rodman (2009), both iTunes and the new legal Napster Inc. (which is owned by Best
Buy) offer 500,000 licensed songs from all the major labels and most independents,
usually for around $0.99 per song (p. 230). Consumers have the ability to purchase
individual songs or complete digital albums. Online distribution has the potential to
produce a much higher profit margin than traditional retailing. The labels save the cost of
packaging and don't have to worry about having unsold overstocks or losing sales
because a title is sold out. While the labels benefit from this practice, the physical
independent record store is impacted, as more emphasis is placed on digital MP3 files as
opposed to the tangible musical object.
More literature on music retail will be provided in the Theoretical Framework and
Literature Review in Chapter III. The specific economic makeup and policies and
practices of the major music retailers are examined in Chapters V and VI.
Charts and Payola
The relationship between record charts and music retail should also be noted, as
the charts provide a crucial link between retail and radio. According to Shakur (2008),
the popular music chart is a numerical ranking of current releases based on sales and
radio airplay, usually over one week. The charts are affiliated with the various trade
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magazines (Billboard, Variety, Music Week), and provide a key reference point for those
working in sales and promotion. For example, Nielson SoundScan, a point of sale
scanning device, records album sales for the Billboard charts. It should be noted that
while most major retailers utilize SoundScan, some independent stores don't utilize the
service. As a result, records sold at non-SoundScan retailers are not configured by the
Billboard charting system.
The record charts playa major role in constructing taste. According to Schwartz
(2009), to the fan of popular music, the charts are not merely quantifications of
commodities but rather a major reference point around which their music displays itself
in distinction and in relation to other forms.
In the United States, album charts are based on the sale of records, whereas
singles charts are based on radio airplay. This represents a form of circular logic, in that
the charts are based on a combination of radio play and sales, but airplay influences sales,
and retail promotion and sales influences radio exposure. Historically, there has been
frequent controversy over "payola" attempts to influence the charts, and debates still
occur over perceived attempts to manipulate them. Calamar and Gallo (2010) claimed
the "SoundScan" scanning system has been manipulated in a number of ways by major
labels and retailers. Retailers are compensated with free product or other various gifts by
the record labels (Jones, 2009). The notion of retail "payola" and the music charts is
discussed in greater detail in Chapter VI.
The charts continue to provide the music industry with valuable feedback and
promotion that helps set the agenda for consumer choice. This is particularly true in
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tenns of big-box retailers who cater to Top 40 music and who are very influenced by the
charts, whereas independent record stores usually focus on music outside of the dominant
Top 40 charts. Indie stores are more in line with the charts related to college radio.
Some niche/specialty stores are indifferent to what music is popular and what music is
charting, as their music selection reflects a different sensibility and cultural orientation in
tenns of underground or subcultural music scenes.
Types of Independent Record Stores
The independent record store continues to have cultural and economic meaning
despite its anachronistic and, at times, intersecting relationship with the digital world.
But what exactly is meant by an independent record store?
An independent record store is defined by its ownership, and thus an independent
record store is independently owned and operated. Independent record stores are not
corporately owned; thus they are not directly influenced by fluctuations in the stock
market, nor are they responsible to shareholders. This study focuses on "brick and
mortar," or physical retail spaces where customers can buy and sell tangible musical
objects such as CDs or vinyl records, as well as more obscure fonnats, such as cassette
tapes, 8-tracks, 7" records, 78 rpm records.
Besides a small number of exceptions, physical record stores are also
supplemented by online sales, and an indie store may also sell tangible musical artifacts
via Amazon.com, Bamesandnoble.com or eBay.com. Most physical "brick and mortar"
stores are "hybrid" stores with both a physical and online sales presence. While most
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indie stores supplement their income via online sales, a small number of stores reject
online selling as it requires much time and energy, as well as potential negotiation with a
buyer. There can also be discrepancies over the condition and value of the musical
object, which involves refunds, and the mailing and packaging of product. Online sales
have been criticized because they can deplete the unique stock of a physical store due to
the global scope of the on-line market. It is also important to note that there are
"independent" record stores that only exist online such as CD Baby and Thinkindie.
However, this project focuses primarily on "brick and mortar" physical retail spaces.
Independent record stores tend to be locally owned and operated. An independent
record store is usually an individual entity with one location, but there are independent
chains with a varying number of locations. As previously mentioned, the largest indie
chain is Newbury Comics based in Boston, Massachusetts, which has a total of27 retail
outlets in five eastern states (four in New Hampshire, two in Rhode Island, one in Maine,
one in Connecticut, and 19 in Massachusetts). Amoeba Music, with three locations (San
Francisco, Los Angeles, and Berkeley), is the largest independent record store in the
United States.
This study focuses on three types of independent record stores: generalist stores,
niche/specialty stores, and used-only stores (however, there can be some overlap with
these definitions). Generalist stores stock a wide range of titles across a variety of
musical genres, which appeals to a broad range of customers. For example, Music
Millennium in Portland, Oregon, is a generalist store that stocks everything from rock,
indie, hip-hop, classical, folk, country, soul, rhythm and blues, and jazz. Because they
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stock a broad variety of musical genres, the generalist store tends to appeal to a broad
range of customers with varying musical taste.
Niche/specialty stores specialize in a particular musical genre (although they often
carry a small number of related genres), and generally have more depth in terms of
catalog within this idiosyncratic genre. Niche/specialty stores tend to cater to the needs
of a particular subculture. For example, Force of Habit Records in San Francisco
specializes in punk and hardcore music; Timbucktunes in Portland specializes in world
music; Anthem Records in Portland specializes in avant-garde and experimental music;
Groove in Berkeley specializes in electronic music; 360 Vinyl in Portland specializes in
hip-hop, and Rookie Ricardo's in San Francisco specializes in soul music (and only
stocks vinyl 45s).
Used-only stores exclusively sell second hand music and don't use the traditional
methods of dealing with a one-stop or distributor to obtain new merchandise. Essentially,
they have no connection to the dominant music industry or big four record labels. For the
most part, used-only stores acquire their stock from customers who sell used music to the
store directly, or they acquire music at estate sales or other second hand sources. Used
stores often stock a wide variety of formats and often specialize in vinyl records. For
example, Jack's Record Cellar in San Francisco stocks traditional vinyl records, but also
specializes in vintage recordings. This store's particular niche is collectable shellac
based 78s, which require a special 78-speed record player.
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Current Themes: The Independent Record Store
After reviewing the journalistic literature and a small number of popular books on
the topic independent record stores, it is clear that there are two distinct camps in terms of
the current economic sustainability and representation of indie record stores. In the first
camp, the independent record store is either dying or has already gone out of business.
The second camp suggests that the independent record stores are surviying and, in some
.'"J.
cases, is even thriving. What follows are some key themes and patterns represented by
these two perspectives. These themes will be explored in more detail in later chapters.
Independent record stores are going out of business for a variety of reasons.
Mainly, indie stores can't compete with free. The physical record store can't compete
with the free distribution of MP3 digital music files via such sites as Limewire. In
conjunction, the portable Apple iPod music player has altered how music is distributed
and consumed. No longer do consumers need to own tangible music objects, or go to a
physical store to purchase them. Because of the popularity of the iPod (as well as the
iPhone and various smartphones), the online iTunes store is currently the largest music
retailer of recorded music in the U.S. The CD's decline in popularity and sales due to its
expensive price, along with the cultural/technological shift towards the MP3 format, has
affected the independent store. Also, corporate competition in the form of big box chain
stores such as Wal-Mart, Target, Best Buy and FYE sell music cheaply as a "loss leader."
They also offer exclusive only releases. Major record labels cater to the big box stores
due to their large market presence and offer price discounts and marketing synergies not
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offered to indie stores. However, some indie stores have closed because their rent
becomes unaffordable. For example, when a neighborhood becomes gentrified, the rents
increase and small independent businesses are forced to close or relocate. Lastly,
because of the economic recession since 2007, people are buying less in general, and
have less disposable income to purchase music.
The other camp suggests that independent record stores are succeeding and
staying open for a variety of reasons. The first reason is the cultural diversity of musical
product. Indie stores emphasize niche, obscure, rare, local and non-mainstream music
outside of the fringes of the dominant music culture. There is primary emphasis on
independent music and major label back catalog. For example, a chain store may stock
the most popular release of a particular artist, but the store won't have that artist's early
albums (possibly on independent labels), or more obscure albums of that artist (live
album, b-sides, various formats, etc.). There is continued interest in the tangible musical
object, cover art and packaging of CDs, vinyl records and cassettes. According to 2009
SoundScan statistics, two out of three vinyl records were sold in independent record
stores ("Nielson Company," 2010). Used music adds to the cultural diversity and variety
of a store's music selection. The merchandise is constantly shifting and rotating, and
there are opportunities to find the unexpected. Used merchandise also has higher profit
markups as opposed to new product. Other reasons include the knowledge and expertise
of music amongst store employees, and the stores act as a community gathering space.
Lastly, the stores supplement in-store sales with a global on-line presence, and many
stores have diversified merchandise (DVDs, T-shirts, concert tickets).
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Summary
In sum, this chapter explored how the music industry is organized and currently
structured. It does so by exploring the structural and industrial makeup of record labels
and distributors, and the current state of music sales and trends. It also explores the
current state of corporate music retail and the independent record stores. This foundation
provides the basis for the political economic and cultural analysis in Chapters V through
VIII.
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CHAPTER III
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND LITERATURE REVIEW
A variety of critical theoretical approaches serve as the foundation of the
exploration of the independent record store from a cultural political economic
perspective. According to McQuail (2002), the critical paradigm in the field of
communication studies is concerned with the concept of power and how power is
implicated and reproduced by social institutions and the logic of capitalism.
The very notion of an independent record store is determined by power
relationships. Using the political economy of communication to study indie record stores
involves exploring how these stores are connected to record sales, music distribution, and
independent and corporate record labels, as well as the nature of markets,
commodification, monopoly practices, and the corporate consolidation of economic
wealth and power in the music industry. After the political economic foundations are
established, the cultural aspects of indie stores can be drawn from and situated within this
economic base. This is accomplished by exploring the nature of the music commodity
(tangible vs. non-tangible), and by exploring the commodity in terms of use and
exchange value. It is also possible to analyze the potential for the commodity to have a
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social-political symbolic value associated with its consumption, thus integrating
economics, culture and politics.
This chapter provides the theoretical framework that informs the study's research
questions and examines the following areas: political economy of communication,
political economy of communication and music, cultural studies, the definition of culture,
cultural studies beginnings, hegemony and ideology, subcultures, punk and DIY culture,
vinyl records and collecting, political economy and cultural studies, McDonaldization
and rationalization, space and place, community, civic engagement and vernacular
culture, and independent record stores.
Political Economy of Communication
As previously defined, the political economy of communication is a critical
approach that examines the relationship between media and political economic
institutions, and how this interconnectedness is implicated by power relationships that
can result in anti-democratic ideals and the homogenization of information and culture.
Mosco (1996) claims, "One can think about political economy as the study of social
relations, particularly the power relations, that mutually constitute the production,
distribution, and consumption of resources" (p. 25). According to the Mattelarts (1998),
a primary goal of political economy is to "recognize and clearly state the issue of an
imbalance in communication flows, and to evolve strategies for overcoming it" (p. 19).
Political economy examines how the communications industry maintains and reproduces
a concentration of wealth and power, and how processes of integration, diversification
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and internationalization function to reproduce the economic status quo in capitalist
society.
According to McQuail (2002), the political economy of communication is based
on Marxist principles. Marx and Engels (1932) claimed that those who own the
economic means of production also influence and dominate the ideological structures and
systems of society. History is conceived as a series of class struggles, where the
dominant class owns the means of production, and the subordinate classes sell their labor
power to capitalists. This system perpetuates "alienation" or a loss of control over one's
social relations. Individuals exist with "false consciousness," or are unable to see how
exploitation reproduces social stratification. The economic mode of production
detennines how social reality is defined through capitalist structuring.
Similarly, Smythe (1977) describes media institutions as a "consciousness
industry" that provides monopoly capitalism with "psychological manipulation." Ewen
(1976) explores how the advertising industry essentially manufactures desires, habits, and
needs which fluctuate with the expanding marketplace, and thus is linked to capitalist
expansion (p. 37). McChesney (2008) claims that all human needs, relationships, and
fears - the deepest recesses of the human psyche - become means for the expansion of
the commodity universe of modern marketing (p. 264). Wasko's (2001) analysis of the
Disney Corporation ardently critiques how Disney's magic and fantasy are deliberately
manufactured by one of the largest media and entertainment corporations in the world (p.
1). These texts embody the thoughts of Marx and Engels, in that the ruling class controls
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the "means of mental production," which thus reinforces the nature of capitalist
exploitation and the economic status quo.
According to McQuail (2002), communications industries essentially reproduce
the economic status quo of a capitalist society. Political economy is a theoretical
framework highly critical of the corporate consolidation of economic and ideological
power, as well as the concentration of power that can lead to undemocratic ideals. The
political economy of communications is concerned with the monopolistic tendencies of
the culture industries, which leads to standardization and the commodification of media
products. It also considers how audiences are constructed by market forces; it considers
labor issues within the communications industry, as well as global flows of economic
power and consolidation.
To emphasize the consolidation of economic power, Bagdikian (2004) claims that
five global firms (as of2003, Time Warner, Walt Disney Corporation, News Corporation,
Viacom and Bertelsmann) strongly influence how the population learns about society.
He claims, "This gives each of the five corporations and their leaders more
communications power than was exercised by any despot or dictatorship in history" (p.
3). He also writes, "The major media only have marginal differences among them, and
this leaves the majority of Americans with an artificially narrowed choices in their
media" (p. 7).
According to Golding and Murdock (1991), the political economy of
communication must address the integration and diversification of media companies.
Diversification is a practice where a corporation diversifies its products or business to
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maintain economic stability. Horizontal integration is when one company purchases
another company within the same thematic area. For example, one book company
purchases another book company. Vertical integration occurs when various modes of the
production and consumption process are owned by the same company_ For example,
EMI consolidated its filmic power by owning and controlling pre-production, production,
distribution and the exhibition of its film products. Overall, these economic practices
highlight media consolidation and economic control.
As Meehan, Mosco, and Wasko (1993) claim, "This research uncovers
connections between ownership, corporate structure, finance capital, and market
structures to show how economics affects technologies, politics, cultures and
infOlmation" (p. 347). It is a structural approach that examines how culture and
audiences are manufactured, providing the tools to critically explore the conditions under
which manufacture and distribution occur, along with the nature of commodification.
The political economy of communication also includes uncovering the connections
between ownership, corporate structure, finance capital and market structures. Political
economy is concerned with the nature of capitalist expansion and public intervention in
terms of moral questions ofjustice, equity, and the public good. For example, this means
examining how advertising affects the kind of "news" information we might receive, as
the ads are the main source of funding of a news station. It examines how media
conglomerates and their interconnectedness to power, class, and the perpetuation of
social inequalities are part of a cyclical economic system that reconstitutes the ruling
class system of domination. Political economy also explores the practices of alternative
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and independent media that are resistant to dominant trends in the media industry - but
ultimately how the narratives of dominant media forms are implicated by the hegemonic
nature of corporate interests (the systematic reproduction of economic power) and the
consolidation of power.
Murdock and Golding (1974) examine the practice of diversification, where larger
companies have increasingly diversified their interests and acquired holdings in a range
of leisure and information-providing facilities. This enables companies to hedge their
bets and to cushion the effects of recession in a particular sector. For example, the
Disney Corporation owns a television network, theme parks, animation/film studios,
many different products and merchandise, record labels, and hotels. As a result, Disney
has greater leverage during economic downturns, as well as a dominant presence in the
media and entertainment industries.
According to the Mattelarts (2004), media must be studied in terms of its global
reach. In this context, the first world acts as the economic center and the third world acts
as the periphery. Unbalanced flows of information and media power and consolidation
are ultimately imperialistic in scope. This approach looks to find ways to overcome such
imbalances.
The term "late capitalism" originated in the Frankfurt School and now dominates
our postmodern culture. It is characterized by new fonns of business organization, such
as transnational corporations and new forms of media interrelationships (Felluga, 2003).
This macro framework refers to a pervasive and complicated web of bureaucratic control
that is less perceptible, but more permanent precisely because it is all-pervasive - a
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process which renders itself hegemonic in scope. For purposes of this study, late
capitalism is characterized by new forms of media interrelationship, consolidation of
power and product synergy (Felluga, 2003). According to Wasko (2001), synergy is a
practice where companies increasingly realize the benefits of promoting their activities
across a growing number of outlets, creating a synergy between individual units and
producing immediately recognizable brands (p. 71). The media constitutes one of the
more influential products of late capitalism (print, internet, television, film, music), and a
new means for the capitalist takeover of culture. Through the mediatization of culture,
we become increasingly reliant on the media's version of our reality, a version of reality
that is filled predominantly with capitalist values and contradictions.
Political Economy of Communication and Music
Suisman (2009) suggests that music has historically entered people's homes and
lives in exciting new ways, but this expansion has depended on a complex set of social
and cultural changes, whose meanings reach far beyond music proper. This means
viewing music as a commodity within a broader structural and economic context of
production, distribution and consumption. Within the tradition of the political economy
of communication, there has been little emphasis on the music industry, although there
are a few exceptions.
Several key texts deal specifically with the political economy of music and the
music industry. Attali (1977) addresses political economic themes on a number of
metaphysical and psychological levels, especially in terms of the standardization and
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corporatization of music - in other words, music as a form of social control and an agent
in reproducing social relations. Building upon Marxist principles, the idea of
"reproducing social relations" as a result of the economic structuring of society reinforces
how the economic mode of reproduction also reproduces social relations (Attali, 1977).
In Attali's (1977) chapter called "Repeating," he argues that the notion of
recording music and sound is a form of social control, as recordings reproduce the rules
of society. Vinyl records were first utilized to disseminate the voices of leaders, and are a
form of military art. "Without the loudspeaker, we would never have conquered
Germany," wrote Hitler in 1938 in the Manual a/German Radio (Attali, 1977, p. 87).
Thus, power is incorporated into the very process of the selection of repeatable molds and
formulas, and mass production leads to mass repetition and standardization of cultural
molds. Attali contends that because white capital owns the means of production and
dissemination of music, black music, such as jazz, was sanitized and "molded," and the
sense of alienation expressed in the music was silenced and exploited for profit. Through
the "production of demand," specific musical molds can be marketed, as their sheer
repetition allows them to have mass appeal. Attali claims this has a hypnotic effect,
which is the murder of creativity. The author also suggests that "death should be
accepted for what it is: an invitation to be fully oneself in life" (p. 127).
Chapple and Garofalo (1977) explore the political economy of the music industry
and how the commodification of rock and roll is linked to oligopolistic corporations.
The authors explore how corporations are interconnected with the military establishment
and defense contracts. For example, the profits that the Rolling Stones made for Decca
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Records during their early years were funneled into a corporate division which produced
radar equipment used by the U.S. Air Force in their bombing strikes during the Vietnam
War. The text explores the history and economics of the music industry, and considers
how it grew as a business. They explore various themes such as marketing, the influence
of radio, payola, live concerts, promotion, and the rock press, as well as the politics of
race and gender in the music industry. Race politics, in particular the history of black
music and the political economy of music, is explored in Kelley's (2005) collection of
essays. He explores the commodification of black music, noting that blacks have
developed many musical genres, yet have no real control or ownership in the recording
industry.
Cvetkovski (2007) offers a contemporary look at the political economy of music
and examines the role that new digital technologies will have on the future organization
of the music industry. Cvetkovski claims that the music industry's processes are highly
integrated and its business model is complex because it centers on sophisticated
management and the aggressive appropriation of intellectual property (via copyright) for
repeated exploitation of music for decades after its initial acquisition. While the music
industry is one of control, both the positive and negative impacts of emerging
technologies (mainly, the digital MP3) have created a serious dilemma in terms of
product commodification for the controllers of the industry. Furthermore, illegitimate
and legitimate technological challenges are at play. The reorganization of the industry is
taking place in a multidimensional manner.
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According to Cvetkovski (2007), in Australia (much like the United States), the
music retail market is remarkably concentrated. A variety of techniques connect major
retailers and the major record labels in the form of price negotiations, bottom line price
negotiations, delayed payments, return policies, the use of television advertising, and
privileged returns (pp. 158-159). This text also explores the changing nature of music
retail outlets (both major and indie retail), as "technology has assisted in the fragmenting
of consumer's tastes and desires, as the stores are stocking more non-traditional products,
thereby displacing the prominence of traditional music products, and as a result have
become multimedia outlets" (p. 165). In sum, technological change is causing a
fundamental shift in the relationship between the major labels and music retailers, as the
industries move away from the tangible object and towards digital downloading and
utilizing music as a branding vehicle (for example, music located in television
commercials, in-store Muzak and ring tones).
Shuker (2008) claims increased consolidation of ownership has been a feature of
the music retail industry. An increasing proportion of physical recordings are sold
through general retailers (Wal-Mart, Target, Best Buy, FYE). This concentration
influences the range ofmusic available to consumers and the continued economic
viability of smaller retail markets. The general retailers frequently use music as a loss
leader, reducing their music CD and DVD prices to attract shoppers whom they hope will
also purchase other store products with higher profit margins (p. 139).
Allain and Waelbroeck (2006) discuss the recent decrease in the number of new
releases and the possible role of the retail structure in the decrease of music variety. The
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authors contend that, according to SoundScan (a system that totals record sales within
retail outlets), there were a total of38,900 releases in 1999, as opposed to 31,734 in 2001
(p. 2). This decrease in music variety offered to consumers should be connected to two
factors: the increasing concentration of the retail segment with the emergence of large
superstores selling to the masses, and their increasing share of total music sales to
customers. For example, Wal-Mart accounted for 13.5 percent of music sales in 1998,
which jumped to 34.8 percent in 2003 (p. 2).
Fox's (2005) work on Wal-Mart examines the effect such mega stores have in
terms of music retail, and claims that "the typical Wal-Mart store stocks around 5,000
titles, whereas the average Tower Records store stocks around 60,000 records" (p. 513).
It is suggested that ifWal-Mart is a success and small independent stores close in smaller
towns, then Wal-Mart is largely dictating what consumer demand will be through the
products it makes available, which is disproportionately geared towards Top 40 music.
In smaller towns where Wal-Mart may be the only music retailer, consumers-
particularly those consumers without Internet access - will have a limited ability to buy
music outside of what Wal-Mart deems as acceptable.
According to Klien (2000), the band Nirvana had difficulties selling their In Utero
CDs at Wal-Mart due to the store's censorship practices. Wal-Mart refused to carry the
album (even through their previous album went quadruple platinum) because the back
cover art featured artwork with a fetus. Facing a loss of 10 percent (as Wal-Mart is the
largest and most influential music retailer in the country), Nirvana and their label Warner
backed down and changed the artwork, also changing the title of the controversial song
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"Rape Me" to "WaifMe" (p. 167). The situation with Nirvana and Wal-Mart is similar
to a media filter, as described in Herman's (1996) The Propaganda Model Revisited.
While this version of censorship isn't related to the news industry, it does suggest how
corporate media industries are firmly embedded in the market system where the
commodification of media products appear in a supportive selling environment (or the
constructed and controlling nature of a «family atmosphere") where powerful businesses
have the power to exert power over the flow of information available within society.
According to Murdock and Golding (1974), information control and consolidation
contributes to a sense of consensus and the frameworks offered are necessarily articulated
with the nexus of interests producing them; in this sense, all information is ideology.
Unless an independent store is in a unique location or is designed to derive
revenue from a wide variety of products, it is increasingly difficult to stay in business,
especially in terms of competing with the pricing power of the giant retail outlets.
According to Kusek (2005), as more physical stores close, product selection nan-ows,
with only the hits and best sellers making it to the shelves. However, this often works
hand in hand with a label's radio and promotion strategies: focus the efforts on the "sure
thing" and take fewer chances. Promoting a very nan-ow range of "proven" artists is
more lucrative for the label in the short run, but it leads to homogeneity of the market (p.
87). This situation relates to Murdock and Golding's (1974) claim that media products
are commodities to be packaged and promoted in the same way as any other. Thus, the
use value of music means little if it is not economically profitable.
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In sum, the scholarship in the area of the political economy of communication, as
noted, has not included much work on music. Furthermore, the retail side of the music
business has been neglected and there is no scholarly research done specifically on the
political economy of independent record stores. Thus, this project is filling a void within
the academic literature, and is very timely within the context of a precarious and shifting
music industry that is experiencing new digital technologies and new modes of
distribution.
Cultural Studies
According to Kellner and Durham (2006), it is increasingly clear that media and
culture today are of central importance to the maintenance and reproduction of
contemporary societies. The narratives of media culture offer patterns of proper and
improper behavior, moral messages, and ideological conditioning, or the sugar coating of
social and political ideas with pleasurable and seductive forms of popular entertainment.
With media playing such an important roles in contemporary life, it is obvious that we
must come to understand our cultural environment if we want control over our lives.
According to Sardar and Van Loon (1997), "cultural studies" is polysemic and
one overall definition should be avoided, as cultural studies itself is somewhat of an
"anti-discipline." Cultural studies borrows from a variety of academic disciplines
ranging from sociology, anthropology, English, comparative literature, linguistics,
women's/gender studies, media studies and communications. It borrows from a variety of
contested theoretical leanings such as Marxism, structuralism, feminism, and post-
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colonial studies. Depending on the cultural context, cultural studies can have several
meanings. Cultural studies has a different meaning in tenns of American, Canadian,
British, French, or Indian cultural studies.
There are some overarching themes in tenns of "defining" cultural studies.
According to Kellner and Meenakshi (2001), cultural studies considers how cultural
artifacts and commodities are not only produced within a culture, but how such objects
contain ideologies that contribute to social fonnation. Within this social and cultural
fonnation, cultural artifacts contain ideologies about gender, sexuality, race, ethnicity,
class, and nationality - and thus their omnipresence in a culture affect how identity is
constructed or reinforced by cultural symbols and codes. At the same time, cultural
studies insists that audiences are active and capable of resisting dominant media
messages and codes and making their own or oppositional readings of cultural objects.
Thus, at the core of cultural studies is the notion of power, and essentially how power is
negotiated and contested within culture. According to Kellner and Durham (200 I), a key
question to consider under the umbrella of cultural studies is: What do people do with
the cultural commodities they encounter in their daily life?
Defining Culture
But what is meant by culture? Williams (1981) notes the difficulty of defining the
word "culture," and that it exists uneasily in the following ways: "an infonning spirit,"
"the whole way of life of a distinct people or other social group," as languages, styles of
art, and kinds of intellectual work. According to Williams, the "sociology" of culture can
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be defined as new kinds of social analysis of cultural institutions and formations, and the
exploration of actual relations between these and the material means of cultural
production and actual cultural forms. Within this definition, culture is influenced by a
political and economic order.
Hall (2003) also claims that "culture" is difficult to define. He claims, "The use
of 'culture' refers to the widely distributed forms of popular music, publishing, art,
design and literature, or the activities of leisure-time and entertainment, which make up
the lives of 'ordinary people' - what is called 'mass culture' or 'popular culture' of an
age" (p. 2). Hall continues with a more social scientific definition: "the word 'culture' is
used to refer to whatever is distinctive about the 'way of life' of a people, community,
nation or social group" (p. 2). Hall argues that culture constitutes a set of practices, that
meaning has a "give and take" effect, and that within a culture there are a great diversity
of meanings about any topic. Hall (2003) notes, "cultural meanings are not only 'in the
head,' they organize and regulate social practices, influence our conduct and
consequently have real, practical effects" (p. 3).
Cultural Studies: Beginnings
Early cultural studies was influenced by Horkheimer and Adorno (2001), who are
associated with the Frankfurt School of the 1930s, where critical theory met early
communications research. Their work contends that the dominant media is an instrument
of standardization; that people become pseudo-individuals from this top-down model of
control; and that the media perpetuates a "false consciousness." As a result, people are
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removed from their true essence. This concept suggests how the power and nature of the
media can be highly deterministic, yet proponents of cultural studies often reject this
thesis.
British cultural studies built upon this critical model, but argued that people can
actively challenge media messages, create alternative media, and thus are not as
susceptible to the "brainwashing" that Horkheimer and Adorno suggest. As
Hesmondhalgh (2007) claims, "The culture industries and the texts they produce are
complex, ambivalent, and contested, and therefore, not monolithic and standardizing" (p.
4). According to the Mattelarts (1998), the culture industries need to be explored in
terms of how culture is commodified and standardized. Such processes are replicated on
a global scale, and thus affect how identity is constructed in terms of dominant and
socially constructed ideologies. Cultural studies are intended to arm individuals with a
critical understanding of how mechanized society and the commodity system work,
helping individuals to seek critical alternatives. Media artifacts can reinforce or
normalize dominant or ruling ideologies, and this form of power can become hegemonic
in scope; but it can also be challenged and contested.
According to Kellner, Durham and Meenakshi (2001), cultural studies began in
1964 at the Centre of Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) at the University of
Birmingham. Its founding fathers were Hoggart, Hall, Williams and Thompson. At the
time, they focused on adult education, as they were from the working class and were
highly critical of how the infiltration of media messages and codes from the U.S. were
saturating British culture (they were critical of British media as well). Some of the
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major tenets of cultural studies consist of ways to critically analyze media texts, and to
formulate ways to resist dominant media codes. At CCCS, much emphasis was placed on
class relations, and how the working class had the potential for social change. These
scholars also focused on subcultures of the 1960s and 1970s in terms of building
oppositional cultures vis-a-vis the hegemony of mass culture. Kellner (1995) articulates
this situation in the following passage:
The focus of British cultural studies at any given moment was mediated by the
struggles in the present political conjuncture and their major work was thus
conceived as political interventions. Their studies of ideology, domination, and
resistance, and the politics of culture, directed cultural studies toward analyzing
cultural artifacts, practices, and institutions within existing networks of power and
of showing how culture both provided tools and forces of domination and
resources for resistance and struggle (p. 12).
According to Kellner (1995), as cultural studies moved to the U.S., many argue
that the approach lost its critical, "left" edge, and lacked an economic and political
foundation. The American version created work that often valorized and celebrated
popular culture, as opposed to challenging its connection to economics like the early
British model. There is sometimes the urge to create linkages with the political economy
of communication and cultural studies in order to strengthen American cultural studies,
which is a primary aim of this project. According to Kellner and Meenakshi (2001),
another tenet of cultural studies is the notion of praxis. In other words, cultural studies
research should have some further purpose beyond the confines of academia. The idea is
to address the problems of those being studied or utilize forms of action research and
ethnography. The research should strive to effect real cultural and political change.
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Jameson (1991) explores the rupture or radical break from modernism generally
traced back to the 1950s or the early 1960s known as postmodemism. Postmodernism is
not characterized as style, but rather as a cultural dominant, especially in terms of late or
multinational capitalism, where all human relations are implicated by this cultural mode
of production. Postmodernism is also associated with a new flatness, or depthlessness,
and pastiche, where cultural forms are re-appropriated at face value as unthinking
combinations. It is also characterized by a weakening of history, which is seen as
fragmentary, and reduced to representations. Through a process of cognitive mapping,
which is vaguely assessed, one can gain an awareness of how such ideologies of the
postmodem condition under late capitalism shape and reconstitute us. In regards to
music, Jameson (1972) claims that capitalism doesn't just work on musical texts from the
outside, but capitalism is at work within the musical material in the form of various
musical elements, theme, instrumentation, and harmony, bringing it into a specific
commodity form.
I tum now to a brief discussion of the key tenets of structuralism and post-
structuralism. According to Assiter (1984), there are four common themes regarding
structuralism that formulate an "intellectual trend." First, the structure is what
determines the position of each element of a whole. Second, structuralists believe that
every system has a structure. Third, structuralists are interested in structural laws that
deal with coexistence rather than changes. And finally, structures are the "real things that
lie beneath the surface or the appearance of meaning" (Assiter, 1984, p. 272). According
to Mizruchi (1994), "Structuralism is often associated with a structural analysis in which
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social structures, constraints and opportunities are viewed as having a more pronounced
effect on human behavior than do cultural norms or other subjective states" (p. 329).
According to Barry (2002), post-structuralism offers a study of how knowledge is
produced, also offering a critique of structuralist premises. It argues that because history
and culture condition the study of underlying structures, it is subject to biases and
misinterpretations. To understand an object (e.g., one of the many meanings of a text), a
post-structuralist approach argues, it is necessary to study both the object itself and the
systems of knowledge that produced the object. Barry (2002) continues, a post-
structuralist critic must be able to use a variety of perspectives to create a multifaceted
interpretation of a text, even if these interpretations conflict or contradict one another. It
is particularly important to analyze how the meanings of a text shift in relation to certain
variables, usually involving the identity of the reader.
Hegemony and Ideology
Gramsci (2001) explores how subaltern classes are dominated by the ruling class.
This occurs through ideology or the "science of ideas." Gramsci points out that the ruling
or dominant ideology is essentially a fiction, or construction of man and a historical
epoch in time. The ruling ideas within a culture circulate within education, the media,
religion, and the family, and because of this circulation of ideology, ruling ideas become
normalized and "common sense" or an active fonn of consent. Yet, Gramsci argues that
dominant ideologies can be contested and challenged through counter hegemonic
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practices - power can be altered and changed, and this is a powerful thread that runs
throughout various tenets of cultural studies in tenn of resistance.
According to Lull (1995), hegemony is the power or dominance that one social
group holds over others, and dominance and subordination in the field of relations
structured by power (p. 31). Its effectiveness depends on subordinated peoples accepting
the dominant ideology as nonnal reality or common sense, in active fonns of experience
and consciousness. According to Gramsci's (2001) theory of ideological hegemony,
mass media are tools the ruling elites use to "perpetuate their power, wealth and status,
(by popularizing) their own philosophy, culture and morality" (p. 39).
According to Althusser (1971), the family, schools, religion and the media
essentially create the notion of people as "subjects." Through the ideological state
apparatus, economics are not the only constitutive factor in tenns of shaping social
totality, whereas identity and "self' are implicated by culture. On the flip side, ideology
is composed of "texts that are not closed," according to Hall (1985), who notes that
ideological "counter tendencies" regularly appear in the seams and cracks of dominant
fonns. Thus, hegemony is an incomplete process and power can be lost and cultural
assumptions can be challenged. Counter hegemonic practice can be a fonn of cultural
resistance to the dominance of mass culture.
A contemporary example under the auspices of post-colonial studies includes the
anti-globalization movement, where activists and protesters demonstrated in the "Battle
of Seattle" and the succession of anti-capitalist carnivals, often held symbolically during
international summits geared at consolidating global policies ofneoliberalism (Worth and
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Kuhling, 2004, p. 3). Another example is culture jamming (Lasn, 1999), where dominant
media images, such as commercial billboards, are altered and subverted as a form of
"citizen art," which challenges the lack of public space and which is designed to create a
dialog about excessive consumerism and civic engagement. While these acts can be
counter hegemonic in nature, the amount of real social change from these actions is
debatable, especially when the culture industry co-opts these movements and actions.
Hegemony is a logical focal point because it assumes individuals are socially
determined, but it also proposes that individuals choose their oppression by rather
abstract cultural forces of power - in this case, corporate power or the broader social
forces of late capitalism.
Defining Resistance
For purposes of this research, it is vital to explicate how resistance is defined and
characterized. According to Hollander and Einwohner (2004), more attention must be
paid to the definition of resistance and how it is socially situated in the individual,
collective and institutional levels of human life. Various definitions include "acting
autonomously in one's own interests; active efforts to oppose, fight, and refuse to
cooperate with or submit to abusive behavior and control; and, simply questioning and
objecting" (Hollander and Einwohner, 2004, p. 538). Resistance relates to notions of
power, inequality and social change. "Resistance can be through talk and other symbolic
behavior, it may be individual or collective, widespread or locally confined, and it can
take place with little or no coordination among subjects" (Hollander and Einwohner
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2004, p. 538). All definitions include a sense of action or active behavior, and contain
the words "counter," "reject," "challenge," and "opposition." Resistance almost always
includes activity, and of course that activity occurs in opposition to someone or
something else. There are also notions of "everyday resistance" that vary in their
visibility.
The question of whether resistance requires recognition by others has been the
subject of considerable contention (Hollander and Einwohner, 2004). Actors may be
unable to fully articulate their motivations in terms that may seem resistant to an
interviewer, and furthermore, "the actor may not even be conscious of his or her action as
resistance, as it can occur at the level beneath consciousness" (Leblanc, 1999, p. 15).
While this project explores notions of resistance related to independent record stores, it
doesn't negate the fact that stores are located within a capitalist system, and the stores
exist within larger structural and economic forces. Yet, for purposes of this project, the
overlap between resistance and counter hegemonic praxis is the foundation or driving
force of subcultural participation, as well as the accumulation of subcultural capital.
Cultural Studies and Subcultures
Gordon (1947) claims that a subculture refers to a sub-division of a national
culture, composed of a combination of factorable social situations such as class status,
ethnic background, regional and rural or urban residence. Gordon writes, "They fonn in
their combination a functioning unity which has an integrated impact on the participating
individual" (p. 40). According to Gelder (1997,2007) and Hebdige (1979), subcultures
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are essentially "non-nonnative" groups that are very much aware of their difference from
the status quo, and often celebrate such differences. Subcultures, in this sense, reject or
are in opposition to the banalities of mass or dominant culture fonns. Gelder (1997)
explores how early cultural studies theorists examined how subcultures could have a
revolutionary potential, but in the end, came to the realization that most subcultures are
more concerned with "style" and an overall sense of "rejection" of mainstream society,
and thus lack the larger potential to effectively create political or social change.
According to Gelder (2007), Thorton (2005), and Hebdige (1979), subcultures
are generally organized around their resistance to mass or dominant culture. In this
context, subcultures create a kind of internal structure or organization, or as Hebdige
refers to it, a homology. It's a place where history is from the "ground up," and it
explores how subcultures want to "win space back" from the dominant culture. While
subcultures such as punks are resistant to the status quo, there is the danger that such
ideas and fashion can be (or already have been) co-opted by the culture industry, and thus
the original meaning of "punk" is defused and massified, and turned into a commodity.
Style and fonns of rebellion have been historically co-opted by the culture industries. As
Harold (2007) notes, corporate and anti-corporate rhetorics do not oppose each other so
much as feed off and respond to one another - as oppositionality provides the conditions
for novelty and difference for which global markets thrive. The author notes how the
resistant act of culture jamming has been co-opted by advertisers and has become part of
advertising campaigns.
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Gelder (2007) considers subcultures to be more interested in "style" and a general
sense of "refusal"; as well, he notes that subcultures are too self-absorbed to create any
real or political form of change. Thus, change or opposition is limited to the cultural
sphere and does not include the political sphere. For example, the DIY (do-it-yourself)
ethic associated with zines (photocopied and personal publications) and punk music
(making your own music label, such as Dischord records, where one can have more
control over the product being produced), as noted by Sinker (2007), can be very
empowering in terms of creating small .and localized spaces, or places to deal with and
"contest" the alienation of mass culture. As Duncombe (1997) states in his analysis of
zine culture, the practice of making a zine can be very empowering and can connect one
to a community and critical consciousness. Yet, as Duncombe argues, this niche,
however progressive, becomes highly fragmented, and its ability to address critical issues
or broader political issues is limited. According to the author, making zines can be pre-
political in nature, and such an experience may lead to future political actions or a
political sensibility.
Hebdige (1979) analyzes how subcultures seek to define themselves vis-a-vis
mainstream mass culture. Hebdige (1979) poses some interesting questions: How do
subcultures make sense to their members? How should these subcultures be defined and
is there a unifying ideology behind them? To what degree do they seek to define
themselves in opposition to mass or mainstream culture? How does this contribute to a
sense of identity and community in tenns of resistance and opposition?
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Choosing not to conform is still a form of conformity, and according to Thornton
(2005), the internal structure of any particular subculture is characterized by an extreme
orderliness, which is how the subcultural member makes sense of the world. Thus, we
may have examples of a kind of reaction, rather than a dialectical or social
transformation. Collective self-image is made to reflect, express and resonate with
aspects of group life. Thornton (2005) contends that different youths bring different
degrees of commitment to a subculture, but in the end, members of a subculture must
share a common language.
Thornton (2005) builds on these group dynamics. Crowds generally congregate
on the basis of their shared taste in music, their consumption of common media, and most
importantly, their preference for people with similar tastes to themselves. "Vague
opposition is certainly how many members of youth subcultures characterize their own
activities" (Thornton, 2005, p. 185). Subcultural capital is objectified in the form of
fashionable haircuts and carefully assembled record collections. Subcultural capital is
embodied in the form of being "in the know," and puts a premium on the "second nature"
of their knowledge. Participants see themselves as outside of and in opposition to the
"mainstream."
Bourdieu (2004) discusses how aesthetic concepts such as "taste" are defined by
those in power and shows how social class tends to determine what our likes and interests
will be, and how distinctions based on social class are reinforced in daily life. He
observes that even though the subordinate classes may seem to have their own particular
idea of "good taste," it must never be forgotten that the working-class "aesthetic" is a
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dominated "aesthetic" which is constantly obliged to define itself in terms of the
dominant aesthetics (p. 41).
Young and Hebdige (1995) later describe the implications of resistance within the
framework of capitalism:
The assertion of cultural difference is an essentially progressive gesture, a step in
the right direction away from conformity and submission. If one believes that it is
in the nature of power to homogenize - then difference can be seen as a good
thing in itself. Yet, in a post-industrial world where consumers are incited to
individualize themselves and where the operations of power seem to favor
classification and segregation, it is hard to regard difference as necessarily
progressive (p. 102).
Gelder (2007) claims that subcultures are always in some way non-conforming or
dissenting. Through such views, the group gains cohesion and identity. Every
subculture, every social group - large or small - which can in some way be considered
subcultural, carries a set of narratives about itself. Some of these are generated internally,
while others, usually more visible and pervasive, are developed and deployed by the
society around it (p. 2). According to Gelder, modem subcultures are in opposition to
the banalities of mass cultural forms (p. 4). Here, subcultural identity is pitched against
the conformist pressures of mass society and massification. At the same time, however,
it is a negotiation with one of mass society's prevailing symptoms: alienation - where
subcultures seek to find critical spaces within the dominant culture. As noted by Sinker
(2007), the DIY ethic associated with underground culture (zines, punk music, creating
your own music label, or starting an independent record store), where one can have
control over the product being produced, can be very empowering in terms of creating
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small and localized spaces, or places to deal with and "contest" the alienation of mass
culture.
Maffesoli (2005) further describes the social nature of group development and
how group dynamics are learned:
The ritual perpetuates itself, and through the variety of routine or everyday
gestures the community is reminded that it is whole, or part of a tribe's collective
sentiment. The complex mechanism of give and take that develops between
various persons, on the one hand, and between the entity thus created the milieu
on the other. Whether they are real or symbolic exchanges is of little importance;
indeed communication, in its widest sense, takes the most varied routes.
Individual body is an offshoot of the community (p. 193).
Straw (2005) examines how different cultural spaces are marked by the sorts of
temporalities to be found within them - by the prominence of activities of canonization,
or by the values accruing to novelty and currency, longevity and timelessness. The
"logic" of a particular musical culture is a function of the way in which value is
constructed within them relative to the passing of time. As local punk scenes stabilized,
they developed the infrastructures (record labels, performance venues, lines of
communication, and record stores) within which a variety of other musical activities
unfolded (p. 471). By relying on small-scale infrastructures of production and
dissemination, these spaces are rooted deeply within local circumstances, a feature
commonly invoked in claims as to their political significance. This connects to the
independent record store as they stock music from independent aliists and indie music
labels, which are small-scale infrastructures.
It is important to consider how the actions and strategies of subcultures effectively
create (or fail to create) political and social change. One major argument that spawns
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from the subcultures literature is this notion that subcultures become co-opted by the
dominant cultural industries. For example, punk, zines and culture jamming have all
been co-opted by advertising, or the dominant media industry. This argument contends
that all resistance is essentially co-opted and re-articulated by the ruling capitalist order,
and while resistance is a progressive step in the right direction, we must also consider
how capitalism co-opts and seeks to profit on notions of resistance and oppositionality.
As Best (1997) notes, "contemporary theorizing of popular culture must allow for spaces
of resistance, as well as being able to take issues of domination, exploitation and cultural
imperialism into consideration" (p. 19).
Building on instances of counter hegemony, Hall's (2002) Deconstructing the
Popular discusses the concept of resistance in further detail:
The cultural industries do have the power constantly to rework and reshape what
they represent, and by repetition and selection, to impose and implant such
definitions of ourselves as a fit more easily the descriptions of the dominant or
preferred culture. That is what the concentration of cultural power - the means of
culture making in the heads of the few - actually means. In our times, it goes on
continuously, in the complex lines of resistance and acceptance, refusal and
capitulation, which make the field of culture a sort of constant battlefield (p. 187).
Accordingly, this research on indie record stores explores similar lines of
resistance and refusal, and views the space as a cultural "battlefield," with both victories
and defeats.
It is also important to note research conducted on post-subcultures (Hollands
and Greener, 2006), where is it is suggested that, in postmodemity, there is such a
fragmentation of homogeneous culture that it is no longer possible to have
subcultures, so even smaller groups or neo-tribes, with shared lifestyles or interests,
."
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form and refonn (Maffesoli, 2005). It is suggested that subcultural membership is
superficial and transient, and only represents a fraction of an individual's overall
identity (p. 399). This framework also critiques the romanticizing of subcultures
within the CCCS, and that "style" itself offers little in terms of radical or political
social change. While the post-subcultural literature has come under fire for being
overly theoretical and lacking empirical evidence, this project is a deep immersion
into the subcultures located in indie record stores, and will address these concepts in
the analysis sections.
Subcultures Part 2: Punk and the DIY Philosophy
The punk subculture relates to this project as early British punk releases were
only sold at independent record stores as "imports" of European releases. Early
American punk labels, such as SST and Dischord, sold their records predominately at
indie record stores, as well as through mail order. Most contemporary indie stores
continue to sell punk music in its myriad of stylistic offshoots, from traditional punk to
post-punk, hardcore and indie rock. The stores are spaces where punks and other
musical subcultures congregate; thus the spaces can act as places of socialization.
Hannon (2010) claims that record stores were some of the key places where punks could
meet others, hear music, and learn more about performance spaces, fanzines, and radio
stations.
In the 1970s, punk music was spawned from a culture that grew out of an
oppressed working class (in Britain), rebelling against the threats of capitalism's
inequality. Yet it has grown over the years into a commercially successful and popular
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musical genre that now relies on capitalism (Bashir, 2007). One can say that the punk
subculture emerged in opposition to mass culture, as punks tend to have anti-capitalistic,
anti-commercial, and non-conformist views. Yet at the same time, they need the
capitalistic system in order to survive. The canon of punk music includes the Sex Pistols,
The Ramones, and The Clash - all of whom signed with major record labels.
According to O'Hara (1999), modem society is a mechanized and depersonalized
world where man has an indefinable sense of loss. He feels that there is a current feeling
in modem society of alienation so powerful that it has become commonplace and
accepted. Members of subcultures, regardless of how oppressed, have often succeeded in
finding a solidarity and understanding amongst themselves that is lacking in mainstream
society. According to O'Hara (1999), what subcultures can succeed in doing is "to imbue
their members with some sense of higher purpose" (p. 23). Born from feelings of
alienation and frustration, punk in Britain was essentially a movement consisting of
underprivileged working-class white youths. Many of them felt their social situation
deeply and used the medium of punk to express their dissatisfaction. According to
O'Hara (1999), punk is defined as an art, mixed with theories and politics related to
avant-garde movements, unusual fashions, the blurring of boundaries between art and
everyday life, juxtapositions of seemingly disparate objects and behaviors, intentional
provocation of audiences, and the use of untrained performers. Messages of non-
confonnity and questioning the prevailing modes of dominant thought are common
themes within punk music.
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The punk subculture in its conception was meant to be an autonomous culture that
broke the norms of mainstream society and owned the means of production.
Nevertheless, the culture industry still managed to subsume it. Adorno (1989) insists that
"autonomous" art forms, which of course rarely ever predominated in an entirely pure
form, are tendentially eliminated by the culture industry. The punk ideology was
"coerced" by the economy and eventually shifted towards commercialization and
sameness (Bashir, 2007). Today, punk commodities are sold at typical shopping malls,
having become mainstream products where the original danger and anarchy associated
with punk has been commodified by the culture industries. This process of
commodification relates to Debord's (1967) concept of the spectacle. He claims, "Media
culture proliferates ever more technologically sophisticated spectacles to seize audiences
and augment their power and profit - and it unifies and explains a great diversity of
apparent phenomena" (p. 4).
Marcus (1989) considers the Sex Pistols (arguably the most famous punk band in
history) as a construction of Ma1colm McLaren, a storeowner of a shop called "Sex" that
sold records and subcultural apparel (such as t-shirts depicting the Paris riots of 1968 and
biker clothes). McLaren recruited the band out of his store, found them a place to
rehearse, gave them an offensive name, and preached to them about the possibilities of
ugliness and confrontation - all of which acted as pop cultural art project and rejection of
the status quo, and thus, a mixture of commodification and resistance.
The do-it-yourself (DIY) ethic allows resistance and empowerment to take shape
not simply as signification and representations, but also in creating an unusual kind of
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public sphere (Habennas, 1991). Pierre Bourdieu's (1993) theory of the field of cultural
production "refers to a network of social relationships that is organized around a
particular practice and is relatively autonomous from the social structure at large"
(Moore, 2007, p. 440). At the same time, no field can be completely independent, for it
is always subject to the influence and pleasure of class, power, and markets as they are
ordered in the overarching social system. "A field is defined in part by the degree of
autonomy it has established, and much of the struggle within the field is between those
who wish to preserve this autonomy and those who would gain by absorbing it into the
system's economic and political logic" (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992, pp. 94-114).
Best (1997) argues that all cultural texts, including those labeled "folk," "punk" or "high
culture," must negotiate in some way with the mass or micro media of the culture
industry.
While some punk bands have been quick to "sell-out" to a major label contract
(for example, Green Day), other iconic bands such Fugazi maintained a DIY ethic and
actively worked to create a space with a different sense of ideals not predicated on profits
alone (the band has been on pennanent hiatus since 2002). According to Sinker (2007),
the band has never compromised its egalitarian ideals and insisted on low door prices
(none of their shows have cost more than $6 and the shows have always been open to all
ages), independent venues (instead of the club circuit, they have played in church
basements, community centers, high schools, and even a prison), and low-priced,
independently produced records. Fugazi's front man, Ian MacKaye, and his independent
label Dischord, started in 1980. He has repeatedly turned down numerous major label
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offers to buy both the band and the label. This is an example of resisting co-option and
resistance to the dominant music industry. Sinker (2007) interviewed MacKaye, who
describes the DIY ethic:
One aspect of DIY is that you really have to do-it-yourself. It's work! We
manage ourselves, we book ourselves, we do our own equipment upkeep, we do
our own recording, we do our own taxes. We don't have other people to do all
that stuff. I think the reason we take the approach to music that we do is that we
ultimately have complete control over how we do our music, and how we operate
as a band. We don't feel compelled by anyone to do anything that we don't want
to do. We're not indebted to anyone. When a band signs to a major label, no
matter how good of a contract they think they have, no matter how much control
they think their contract provides, it's unavoidable that you're conscious of being
an investment (pp. 19-20).
During the 1990s, corporate interest in punk and alternative music threatened this
ideology of independence with the prospect of cooptation or "selling out." Sinker (2007)
contends that indie labels circulate cultural products that are typically more risky and
experimental; these products generally are not attractive to the corporate culture industry
that prefers to repeat successful or at least familiar fonnulas. At the same time, many
independent labels depend on the distribution systems of the corporate sphere, and many
independent music labels have been bought out or co-opted by major labels, or fonned
into hybrid labels that perhaps look independent, but are actually backed by a major
record label. Many independent labels are founded on a spirit of opposition, as suggested
by the Olympia, Washington, based Kill Rock Stars, and the Washington D.C. based
Dischord Records, which both remain staunchly independent. Corbett (1990) claims that
the Pacific Northwest's K Records (International Pop Underground) and New Zealand's
Flying Nun Records are two examples of the innumerable grass-roots recording
companies currently on the periphery of the mainstream music industry (p. 98). Lee
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(1993) explores the co-option of the fonner independent record label Wax Trax and the
nature of their "independence" after being purchased by TVT (which is owned by
Atlantic Records). Lee highlights how "indies" have been co-opted by major record
labels through the construction of "hybrid" labels, and how the logic of capitalism has
forced many indie labels to secure ties with major labels, especially for distribution.
Thus, the nature of "independence" can be ambiguous and its level of autonomy is
debatable.
According to O'Hara (1999), resistance is seen in punk subculture's practice of
creating independent media for the purposes of creative expression, cultural participation,
and community fonnation - whereas the idea of making a lot of money may be
secondary, as the spirit of punk encourages a different kind of public sphere and
relationship to capital. In the case of independent record labels, it is a space where
bands have more control over the means of cultural production and the overall look and
feel of the final product. Opposition continues to spring from punk and other corners of
cultural production where peers and critics measure success not in temlS of the
,.
"economic capital" of sales and profits, but rather the "symbolic capital" of making good
art that is recognized (Moore, 2007). According to Moore (2007), these cultural
producers do not simply compete within the field on its own tenns but challenge the way
that the game is played by redefining the rewards worth pursuing. In the process, their
struggle alters the field itself: even pop stars must answer to the fact that critics find their
music derivative and uninspired.
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Moore (2007) notes that others are motivated to produce culture without any
notion of success or capital but simply to get themselves heard, be part of the scene, have
fun, and make friends. It encourages self-empowerment, the act of picking up an
instrument or making a fanzine. On the other hand, the "culture of authenticity" seeks to
establish a network of underground media as an expression of artistic sincerity and
independence from the allegedly corrupting influences of commerce (Moore, 2007).
This interaction between "independence" and being co-opted by a major label or
corporation is characterized by the interplay of struggle and desire, involving mirroring
and the fear of absorption and loss of identity. The other side of reflection is
incorporation. Hebdige (1976) reminds us that expressions of rebellion can be
commodified. As Davidson (1992) observes, the music and fashion industries frequently
package the music and dress codes of the very groups who use music and clothes to
counter their social subordination (p. 190). Brennon (1993) seeks to explain this as an
effect of mediation; in this view the counter-culture, which has been projected by the
mainstream as "other," is dangerous and represents an enemy which must be identified
(made the same) by means of assimilation.
Zines are another form of alternative media associated with the DIY ethic. Zines
have historically been sold at indie record stores, along with underground newspapers.
According to Duncombe (2001), zines are non-commercial, non-professional, small
circulation magazines that the creators produce, publish, and distribute by themselves.
Publishers strive for a scale that allows them to have complete control over production
and distribution, while maintaining close personal contact with the readers. In his
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discussion of the politics of alternative culture, Duncombe claims that creating an
alternative underground world, no matter how novel and supportive it is, and putting out
a "radical zine" - no matter how irreverent, expressive, fun, and woefully adequate, zine
creation is a reaction to the assault of hyper consumerism.
According to Duncombe (2001), individuals can and will be radicalized through
underground culture, but they will have to make the step to political action themselves.
Although underground culture is created in reaction of the main currents of society, it is
also shaped and guided by them. The fact of the matter is that there is no coherent
political public to which or for which zines can speak. Zines represent the fragmentation
in society and are reinforced in opposition to capitalism.
Ensinger (2009) explores the nature of handmade punk posters/flyers that
permeate independent record store culture as well as urban spaces, such as telephone
poles and alleys. Before punk was co-opted by the culture industries, the flyers were a
main fonn of advertising for underground music, as the dominant media didn't yet focus
on punk music as a mass commodity. Ensinger argues that street flyers have been
disappearing because of viral or Internet based advertising. But it is impOliant to note
the cultural significance of punk flyers and their connection to indie stores, as the stores
provided an outlet for punk flyers to circulate. The author also contends that the silk-
screened/cut and paste/DIY aesthetic of punk posters has been co-opted by the culture
industry, and now t-shilis at Target mimic the look and feel of early punk poster art.
As Laclau and Mouffe (1985) state, "All values are values of opposition and are
defined only by their difference" (p. 106). Senses of shared identity are alliances formed
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out of oppositional stances. Yet even in the world of alternative or punk music,
"oppositional choices are increasingly channeled through the conduits of corporate
capitalism; so that you may choose to buy the latest record by the Breeders instead of
Color Me Badd's platinum album - but both CDs are released by Warner Music Group"
(Kruse, 1993, p. 34).
According to Kellner's (2000) interpretation of Marcuse, oppositional subjectivity
and the movements and revolts in which it was grounded were fragile and subject to
dispersion and defeat, or absorption and cooptation (p. 13). Moreover, Marcuse was
aware of the contradictions of oppositional subjectivities and movements that on the one
hand reproduced tendencies of the existing capitalist societies, while opposing other
aspects and seeking alternatives on the other hand. Subjectivity for Marcuse, whether the
dominated subject of advanced capitalism or oppositional subjectivity sought through
counter-culture, was historical, and was always full of contradictions and ambiguities (p.
14).
Vinyl Records and Collecting
Music formats, especially their changing and at times ephemeral nature, are a key
component to understanding the sustainability of independent record store culture. The
emergence of the digital world, most notably the introduction of peer-to-peer digital file
sharing, paid-for download sites (such as iTunes), and a variety of on-line stores (such as
Amazon.com and Ebay), have increased competition and have affected the brick and
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mortar retail store. However, many physical record stores have embraced the digital
world and are thus "hybrid" stores that sell music in both the real and virtual world.
There is a good deal of literature that explores the tangible nature of vinyl records
and record collecting, and a score ofjournalistic articles regard the "resurgence" of vinyl
records. This section highlights the complex nature of the medium, and draws attention to
the individual relationships with larger patterns of technological change, as well as
briefly looks at music technology, vinyl records and collecting.
Turino (1999) argues that recorded music can create emotional responses and
realize personal and social identities. Recorded songs work as triggers, bringing back
waves of emotion, the specificity of a time, an event, a relationship, or evoking more
general feelings. Like photographs, recorded songs can relate to personal memories. We
often engage with recorded music by stitching emotion or lived experience onto musical
impression, hence conjuring up mental maps, or internal stories that are later recalled as
part of our musical memory. Personal emotions and affects attached to songs are
articulated in explicit memory narratives that people like to exchange. These stories are
not only about emotions triggered by music, but directly bespeaking musical memory as
it relates to personal and group identity (Van Dijck, 2006).
McLuhan (1967) claims, "Any medium - that is, of any extension of ourselves -
result from the new scale that is introduced into our affairs by each extension of
ourselves, or by any new technology" (p. 23). Thus, we need to look at how changes in
musical formats (for example, the iPod and digital downloading of music) ultimately
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affect the way people not only listen to music, but where and how they consume music,
as well as how they form a relationship with particular musical media.
According to Van Dijck (2006), technologies and objects of recorded music are
an intrinsic part of the act of reminiscence, and personal memory evolves through our
interaction with these apparatuses (vinyl record, CD, MP3 players). Music listened to via
radio, vinyl records, cassette tapes, or MP3 players have different emotions attached to
them. Playing vinyl records over and over again, even as their quality deteriorates as a
consequence of multiple use, somehow contributes to the intensity of recorded music
stored in memory. For some, the scratches, cracks, and hiss on a vinyl record, capture a
different sense of aura, mood, and memory. "The transfer of emotive affection from the
brain onto the technology and materiality of audio recordings shows how memory acts
out in the spaces between individual reminiscence and shared experiences" (Van Dijck,
2006, p. 365). These same narratives disclose how materiality and technology often
become integral to memory.
According to Shuker (2004), as a social practice, record collecting presents itself
as a core component of individual social identity and a central part of the life cycle (p.
311). The author argues there is no "typical'" record collector, and that the meaning of
the word is polysemic. Shuker (2004) continues by claiming there are some shared
characteristics: contemporary record collectors have a shared interest in sound recordings
as significant cultural artifacts, and share the dominant characteristics with collectors
more generally, such as the thrill of the chase, obsession, accumulation and completion,
preoccupation with rarity and economic value, and a concern for cultural preservation (p.
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327). In sum, this author highlights the notion that record collecting is a social activity
and that collectors engage a kind of cultural capital within their peer group, which
includes buying only the "best" or collecting material considered cutting edge (Shuker,
2004).
The tangible nature of vinyl can be traced to its cover art and packaging. In a
related study, Cunningham and Jones (2004) explore how an individual maintains and
uses a personal music collection, in terms of both musical artifacts and digital downloads.
These authors touch upon several aspects ofthe personal relationship towards music,
especially in terms of the visual and tactile nature of music collections. They also note
that tangible musical artifacts (in this case, a CD) have meaning for users. For example,
one research participant discusses how CD inserts can serve as a decoration, by tacking
the insert to a wall, thus adding an aesthetic element to one's room. Another interview
subject reported that, after purchasing a new CD, he will "take it round to friends to show
it off and maybe let them hold the case" (Cunningham and Jones, 2004, p. 7). For these
people, simply having a digital MP3 file does not give the same pleasure or the sense of
ownership as having a physical music collection.
Vaher (2008) contends that exotic (extremely eccentric and obscure) record
collecting is a manifestation of identity politics - a way of reasserting one's agency in a
consumerist society through an expanded consciousness of the complexities of the
forgotten cultural past (p. 342). The researcher views collecting obscure records as an
expansion of collective cultural memory of the history of popular culture. As a result,
this practice combats the perennial industrial promotion of the "new" with more vintage
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and affective ways of defining oneself through material objects of imagined value.
Through the collection of exotic vinyl records, the author claims it is possible, and even
liberating, to read the whole grand narrative of culture differently through the "imagined
utopia" and experience of radical musical difference, which gives a "a glimpse (or sound)
of the fuller gamut of humanity" (Vaher, 2008, p.352).
Hays (2006) claims the resurgence of vinyl records, and the youth consumers who
collect vinyl LPs and utilize a turntable, is resisting industry-regulated contemporary
modes of music consumption. The author suggests that record collecting is a response to
the postmodern malaise brought about by consumer capitalism, where people are faced
with a constant barrage of new music for (and marketed at) their demography. "Young
people attempt to mark themselves as different by rejecting widespread practices of
consumption maintained by the capitalistic framework" (Hays, 2006, p. 58). These youth
attempt to construct alternative practices and attitudes that imply a deeper appreciation of
music perceived as being distinct from the mechanisms of commerce regulating their
peers listening experience (Hays, 2006). For example, the subjects seek out used and
obscure records that are only available on vinyl and not yet released on CD. This
R:r~ctice, the author contends, defies the industry's control of products according to
marketability, thus contributing to the subjects' knowledge of music as an "outsider,"
marking him or her as different or unique. For the collector of marginalia, hunting for
obscure recordings doubles as an act of resistance against the music industry's
maintenance of a constructed popular music narrative. Another aspect of vinyl
consumption entails the purchasing of used music at indie stores, which offers the
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shopper more agency by haggling with dealers and receiving discounts for frequent or
large purchases, whereas the prices are fixed and inflexible with major music retailers.
While record collecting is constructed here as cultural resistance, this article fails to
consider how the "vinyl resurgence," like many subcultural practices, has been co-opted
by the culture industries, as chains such as Best Buy currently sell new vinyl records in
their locations. Thus, record collecting intersects with the commodification of culture.
According to Straw (1999), record collections are carriers of the infonnation
whose arrangement and interpretation is part of the broader discourse about popular
music (p. 5). Straw contends that to collect is to valorize the obscure, and yet such
valorization increasingly stands revealed as dependent on the homosocial world of young
men. Straw claims:
Just as ongoing conversation between men shapes the composition and extension
of each man's collection, so each man finds, in the similarity of his points of
reference to those of his peers, confinnation of a shared universe of critical
judgment (p. 5).
This analysis explores the gendered nature of vinyl record consumption and
collecting within the context of a male dominated music industry, where women are
excluded, "as the boys in the band go back to discussing their record collections" (p. 15).
Vinyl (2000), a Canadian documentary on record collectors, includes only five females
among its 100 interview subjects. Both of these texts suggest record collecting is a male
dominated subculture.
According to Grossberg (1984), to collect the obscure is to refuse the mainstream
and to engage in rock culture's processes of "excorporation," "operating at and
reproducing the boundary between youth culture and dominant culture" (p. 231). Also,
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as resistance to dominant musical culture, record collecting converges with anti-
consumerist ethics that tie the collector's investment in the obscure and the refusal of the
blatantly commercial (Straw, 2005).
According to Wallach (2003), every consumer recording/playback format has its
adherents and detractors. The graphics, texts, and images that form an important part of
the overall package are vitally important in shaping the possible meanings of the
commodity (p. 50). Rather than stemming from the pure fetishization of vinyl, plastic and
cardboard, one usually collects recordings not for their use values or their inscribed
surfaces, but rather for the listening experience they offer.
Elborough (2009) claims that however popular vinyl might be at the moment,
it remains a niche interest - one that will appear anachronistic to most who actively
engage the digital world. Wallach (2003) contends that the MP3 lacks a fetishizab1e
form, critiquing the format as having a muddy midrange, nonexistent bass, and crisp,
but lifeless treble frequencies (p. 52). But he also discusses the advantages such
technologies offer the consumer in tenns of portability and instantaneous musical
choice. McLeod (2005) contends that file sharing networks act as an alternative
distribution system that pose a real challenge to major labels and, as a result, have led
an unwilling music industry into the online marketplace, opening the door for small
and independent labels to disseminate their music and circumvent play lists of
corporate radio (p. 521). While digital downloading and peer-to-peer file sharing
have decimated physical music sales, independent record stores for the most part have
embraced on-line retail, and sell physical recordings via eBay, Jem, and
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Amazon.com. There is speculation that indie stores will embrace in-store digital
downloading in the future.
While on the topic of music formats, it is of interest to note the recent trend in
cassette culture. For example, noise bands in Portland, Oregon, release limited
edition cassettes that are often hand-painted or crafted. According to McConnell
(2006), this small network rejects the homogenizing tendencies of mass-produced
culture and the corporatization of everyday life in favor of the crafted artifact and
singular experience. McConnell (2006) continues, "[Cassette-tapes] were labors of
love for ourselves, and for our friends in the cassette net. We were all privy to a
deeper and more personal, private, and inspiring aspect of communication, rather than
consuming empty marketing commodity" (p. 175).
In sum, this project builds upon these studies related to vinyl records and
contextualizes this literature in tenns of independent record stores, and their political
economic connection to the dominant music industry.
Political Economy and Cultural Studies
The political economy of communication will provide an essential foundation and
will situate the independent record store within the larger industrial framework of the
music industry. However, this research will also utilize several cultural studies
perspectives that consider the importance of political economy, much like the early
foundations of British cultural studies, where cultural products were linked to an
economic context. While these two critical approaches at times have a contentious
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relationship with each other, Mosco (1996) claims, "research should bring together, not
separate, intellectuals and cultural producers" (p. 272). Through a common goal,
"political economy and cultural studies can build a common understanding and common
political purpose that can advance the democratization of culture and, through it, the
democratization of social life" (Mosco, 1996, p. 272).
According to Meehan, Wasko and Mosco (2004), the relationship between
political economy and cultural studies could be beneficial and provide a more complete
overview of media power and products. The political economy of communication is
often criticized for being overly-deterministic, whereas cultural studies is criticized for
placing too much emphasis on media texts, which can lead to the uncritical valorization
of media products. Also, cultural studies, especially the American version, tends to omit
its critical foundations of early British cultural studies. Thus, the integration of political
economy could potentially work to create more insightful and complex research.
The work of Meehan, Wasko, Mosco (1994) exemplifies the interdisciplinary
possibilities between political economy and cultural studies in terms of postmodern
theory. Their essay uses the film Batman as an example of how the intertextuality of the
various products created around the film are a result of the economic structuring and
corporate synergy (for example, the film and soundtrack are interrelated with their
connection to Prince, or the artist formally known as such). The phenomenon of
intertextuality is a result of economic processes, more specifically the political economy
of communication.
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Wasko's (2001) interdisciplinary research on the Disney Corporation is another
example where political economy and cultural studies have complemented each other in
the same research project. The author claims:
The continued expansion and popularity of the Disney empire calls for the
deliberate integration of political economic analysis with insights drawn from
cultural analysis and audience studies or reception analysis, or, in other words,
analysis emphasizing the economics as well and the ideological, or production as
well as consumption (pp. 4-5).
Hall's (2003) notion of the "circuit of culture" considers cultural objects in a
manner that integrates notions of identity and the politics of representation associated
with cultural studies, as well as notions of regulation, consumption and production
associated with the political economy of communication. Hall's (2003) approach
incorporates cultural studies and political economy, and is a key example where the two
frameworks are bridged, resulting in a more sophisticated analysis of cultural products in
an interdisciplinary context.
Maxwell (2001) considers how cultural experience is linked to political economy,
and reminds us that a work of culture "has never taken place outside the areas of life
determined by particular economic systems and power relations; that is, culture is always
in political economy, however peculiar that might sound to those of us raised on a notion
that culture, economy, and politics enjoy a happy existence independent of each other"
(p. 3). Babe (2009) notes the renowned split between political economy and cultural
studies has been, in a sense, a distraction, a diversion and a faux debate, and recommends
the integration, or reintegration, of political economy and cultural studies (pp. 195-196).
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By embracing both political economy and cultural studies in this project, it is
possible to create a more sophisticated and interdisciplinary portrait of the independent
record store. Indie stores are an economic entity and through processes of
commodification are connected to consumption, distribution, and production. The stores
are connected to a highly concentrated music industry, as well as to corporate chain
stores and Internet modes of distribution. These attributes are clearly located in an
eeeFlomic base. While this economic grounding is vital to this research project, through
ethnographic interviewing (as well as documentary filmmaking and photography), I
explore the ideological nature of owning/working/shopping at an indie store, as well as
the orientation of the stores as a gathering space, place of socialization and location
within a physical community. This project investigates what the stores and their related
commodities mean to people, what people do with them, and how people frame indie
stores within a larger cultural and narrative framework.
As Hesmondhalgh (2007) claims, "Political economy versus cultural studies is
neither an accurate nor useful way to characterize approaches to the media and popular
culture," as it oversimplifies a whole web of disagreements and conflicts down to two
players (pp. 44-45).
McDonaldization and Rationalization
Ritzer's (1996) concept ofMcDonaldization explores processes of cultural
standardization that occur when notions of rationalization, or the processes of the fast
food restaurant, have come to dominate more and more sectors and practices of everyday
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society (p. 35). Rationalization is the process whereby an increasing number of social
actions and interactions are based on considerations of efficiency or calculation rather
than on motivations derived from custom, tradition, or emotion. Weber described the
eventual effects of rationalization as "leading to a 'polar night of icy darkness,' in which
increasing rationalization of human life traps individuals in an 'iron cage' (or 'steel-hard
casing') of rule-based, rational control" (Ritzer, 1996, pp. 18-23).
"The McDonald's restaurant pioneered the reutilization of interactive service
work and remains an exemplar of extreme standardization" (Ritzer, 2006, p. 15).
Rationalized processes of efficiency, calculability, predictability and notions of control,
which Ritzer claims lead to "irrational consequences," characterize this standardization.
The negative effects of rationalization are a sense of dehumanization and disenchantment.
As Ritzer claims, "A fully rational society would be a very bleak and uninteresting place"
(p.29). The Frankfurt School of the 1940s had also argued that the spread of
rationalization based on calculation and efficiency dehumanizes and contributes to a
"standardized" society. This critique holds that people have the potential to be far more
thoughtful, skillful, creative and well rounded than they now are, yet they are unable to
express this potential because of the constraints of a rationalized world.
Ritzer builds upon central elements of the work of Max Weber, especially in
terms of the concepts of efficiency, predictability, control and calculability. Similar
arguments were raised in the 1950s and 1960s by the cultural studies scholars Richard
Hoggart, Raymond Williams and E.P. Thompson, as they attempted to preserve working
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class culture against the onslaught of mass culture produced by the culture industries,
especially media artifacts from the United States (Durham and Kellner, 2006).
However, the central theme in Weber's analysis of modern society was the
process of rationalization, a far-reaching process whereby traditional modes of thinking
were being replaced by an ends/means analysis concerned with efficiency and formalized
social control. For Weber, the archetypal manifestation of this process was the
bureaucracy: a large, formal organization characterized by a hierarchical authority
structure, well-established division oflabor, written rules and regulations, impersonality
and a concern for technical competence (Ritzer, 1993).
Bureaucratic organizations not only represent the process of rationalization, but
also that the structure they impose on human interaction and thinking furthers the
process, leading to an increasingly rationalized world. The process affects all aspects of
our everyday life. Ritzer suggests that, in the later part of the 20th century, the socially
structured form of the fast-food restaurant has become the organizational force
representing and extending the process of rationalization further into the realm of
everyday interaction and individual identity.
Ritzer highlighted four primary components of McDonaldization: efficiency,
predictability, control and calculability. These components are explained below.
Efficiency is the optimal method for accomplishing a task. In this context, Ritzer
has a very specific meaning of "efficiency." Here, the optimal method equates to the
fastest method to get from point A to point B. In the example of McDonald's customers,
it is the fastest way to get from being hungry to being full. Efficiency in
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McDonaldization means that every aspect of the organization is geared toward the
minimization of time. In a McDonaldized society, people rarely search for the best
means to an end on their own. Rather, the previously discovered best possible means to
innumerable ends have been institutionalized in a variety of social settings.
Calculability implies that the objective should be quantifiable (such as sales and
profits) rather than subjective (such as taste). McDonaldization developed the notion that
quantity equals quality and that a large amount of product delivered to the customer in a
short amount of time is the same as a high quality product. This allows people to quantify
how much they're getting versus how much they're paying. Organizations want
consumers to believe that they are getting a large amount of product for not a lot of
money. Workers in these organizations are judged by how fast they are instead of the
quality of work they do.
Predictability implies standardized and uniform services. "Predictability" means
that no matter where a person goes, they will receive the same service and receive the
same product every time when interacting with the McDonaldized organization. In a
rational society, people prefer to know what to expect in all settings and at all times. This
system emphasizes discipline, order, systematization, formalization, routine, consistency
and methodical operation. The goal is the production of a world that offers no surprises.
Control creates standardized and uniform employees, as well as the replacement
of human by non-human technologies. This is motivated by a desire for greater control
and potentially more profit. The technology here not only includes machines and tools,
but also materials, skills, knowledge, rules, regulations, procedures, and techniques.
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Once people are controlled, it is possible to begin reducing their actions to a series of
machine-like actions. Bureaucracy trains people to work in a more prescribed manner.
The result of a McDonaldized society is the irrationality of rationality, or the notion that
rational systems often spawn irrationalities. In other words, rational systems can be
unreasonable and dehumanizing.
In a similar thread, Habermas (199l) claims that as advanced capitalists societies
have developed, the core integrative function of communication has been increasingly
disabled or colonized by social institutions, and that an "ideal speech situation" could
restore legitimacy. "Colonization" is to Habermas what the "totally administered
society" was to Horkheimer and Adorno, and what the "iron cage" of Weber - a situation
where the lifeworld of shared common understandings, including values, that develop
through face to face contacts over time over various social groups is compromised by a
form ofMcCommodification (Jeannot, 1998).
Building on Ritzer's concept of McDonaldization, this study explores how the
independent record store resists or challenges the social processes of rationalization, or
what can be termed anti-McDonaldization. This process ofanti-McDonaldization entails
a variety of practices that counter the negative effects of rationalization, such as
dehumanization and disenchantment. Since Ritzer's work has often been critiqued as
being overly deterministic and lacking in terms of the possibility of resistance (see Smart,
1999), the concept of anti-McDonaldization builds upon and expands the original
foundations of McDonaldization.
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According to Smart (1999) and Ritzer (2006), numerous debates suggest that
there is a sense of locality in the midst of a globalizing society, and not all social systems
conform to a dominant ideology such as McDonaldization. An example or break with the
original McDonaldization thesis can be found in the "slow-food" movement (Miele and
Murdoch, 2006), where Italian cooks and restaurant owners have created a manifesto and
resistance to the banality of fast food and instead focus on the importance of locality
(local food and ingredients) and food that requires time and patience.
Another weakness of Ritzer's theory of McDonaldization is that it fails to address
economics and economic determinism. According to Kellner (1999), it would be wise to
deploy a MarxlWeber synthesis to theorize McDonaldization as a combination of
instrumental rationalization of production and consumption with a sustained corporate
attempt to increase profit (p. 188). At the foundation of the communications industry,
economics needs to be ardently considered.
Kellner (1999) continues by claiming that Ritzer could better contextualize the
problem within the framework of globalization and a restructuring of capitalism, aiming
at the increase of productivity and profit through rationalization of production and
consumption (p. 190). In addition to being part of a rationalization process,
"McDonaldization is a form of techno-capitalism in which world markets are being
rationalized and reorganized to maximize capital accumulation" (Kellner, 1999, p. 188).
In this study, such weaknesses of the McDonaldization thesis is further reinforced and
strengthened by the political economy of communication, along with the theoretical
development of anti-McDonaldization.
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Space and Place
This project briefly examines how the independent record store is located within
space, place, and social geography. This literature describes the politics of space, and
relates to unique spaces versus McDonaldized spaces - but ultimately how space and
urban design is impacted by capital expansion. According to Low and Lawerence-
Zunigias (1999), spaces are contested precisely because they concretize the fundamental
and recurring, but otherwise unexamined, ideological and social frameworks that
structure practice. The authors contend the correlation between "spatial configuration"
and "social structure" might in some cases be obvious but, in others not so clear, and in
still others, "extremely difficult to discover." In other words, social space is never
neutral.
According to Liggert and Perry (1995), spatial practices are strategically,
geographically, ideologically, and materially mobilized in the individual and collective
conditions of society. The production of space implies division and hierarchy. Space is
an active component of ongoing political play, struggling to define and enforce social
realities.
Ritzer (2006) considered social geography in terms ofMcDonaldization, but has
since developed a more nuanced version of the effects of rationalization. Instead of an
over-detennined "iron cage" blanketing society, the social reality consists of "iron cages"
and "pockets" or "islands" of McDonaldization (p. 33). For example, a city block may
contain many McDonaldized shops and businesses, but within this same block there may
also be independent stores and shops. Thus, the overall picture ofMcDonaldization is no
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longer as bleak and totalizing as once conceived. In sum, Ritzer believes that society has
become, and will continue to become, even more McDonaldized, but at the same time,
there is localized variety - and people can choose to shop at places that are less or non-
McDonaldized.
According to Steele (1981), to experience a place, we must take into account the
eyes, ears, intentions and moods of the person experiencing it. When people are unaware
of the ways in which place experiences affect their lives, places tend to not have much
conscious influence on the nature of their experiences. Perception of place has much to
do with what one brings to it as it does with the attributes of the setting itself.
Industrialization has led to settings that have no special personality or distinguishing
spirit and has wiped out regional differences in architecture and building materials. We
replace a rich variety of place with homogenized, "efficient" settings that have no variety,
surprise, or traces of their own history and development. This relates also to Berry
(1987), who argued that the fundamental balance in tenns of the scale of building is out
of touch with that of nature. This process was brought about by industrialization, and a
"McDonaldized" state of affairs where society is turned into "consumer society" and
where the GNP has become the standard by which human progress is measured, as
opposed to human community and human connections.
According to Solomon (2003), shopping has merged with entertainment to
emerge as a new fonn of activity some have tenned "retailtainment," which is derived
from the traditional marketplace (celebrations, exotic peoples, mysteries and carnival)
through the creation of corporate created fantasy worlds and themed stores. Klein (2000)
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explores the branding of the cityscape, where manufactures and retailers seek out
authentic scenes and public events. Klein (2000) describes the "The Queen St. takeover"
that took place in Toronto, as Levi's Silvertab jeans led to the largest and most expensive
outdoor ad campaign in Canadian history. The Queen Street strip was painted silver and
the company bought of the facades of almost every building and changed them into
Levi's billboards. The ads later moved to busses, streetcars, taxis, and clothes as
wearable billboards.
According to Liggett and Perry (1995), shopping malls are highly controlled and
predictable spaces, and relate to Ritzer's notion of a McDonaldized society. Malls are
uniform in terms of the products for sale, and their hyper-real design gives the illusion of
a public gathering space. In reality, shopping malls are privately owned. While shopping
malls are not panoptic in physical design, the omnipresent use of surveillance technology
in malls is evidence of the controlling nature of these "quasi" public spaces. They create
a simulation of a city, while "other" populations such as homeless people are excluded
from the space.
According to Liggett and Perry (1995), control within a shopping mall is the
norm. For example, any activity or gathering of a political or activist variety is not
allowed. There are no constitutional rights in a shopping mall, where consumerist values
trump citizen and civic values. In tenus of spatial design, malls have open sections
where there are no places to sit, and thus have no place to congregate or organize with
other people. Therefore, the spatial organization is a form of social control. While malls
are extremely popular in terms of consumer shopping, they essentially are responsible for
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the destruction of the traditional "downtown," where locality is undercut by mall culture
(Kuntsler, 1993). According to Kuntsler (1993), this leads to towns and cities
characterized by a kind of nothingness, where buildings and spaces have no connection to
each other, and there is no sense of locality. As a result, people are affected by the insular
nature of their private cars, private homes, and private entertainment. For example,
Straw (1997) claims that sprawling music superstores with their segregated sections,
multiple floors and careful construction of architectural confusion are a form of
"organized disorder." Consumption is marked by a tourist compulsion to explore, rather
than an obligation rooted in interpersonal contact that characterizes smaller boutiques and
stores.
Carr and Servon (2009) contend that urban design needs to consider vernacular
culture in terms of development, "yet many cities pursue development strategies that
result in homogeneity rather than preserving what distinguishes them from other cities"
(p.28). An example of this vernacular culture is Granton's (1990) The Zinester's Guide
to Portland: A Low/No Budget Guide to Visiting and Living in Portland, Oregon, a do-it-
yourself guide that explores the cities unique and quirky establishments as well as
subcultural spaces such as independent book and record stores in the city. The zine is
written from the culture below, or from the perspective of artists and zines makers. The
pamphlet Portland Guide to Independent Records, Tapes and CD Stores (2009) is
available at indie record stores in Portland. The pamphlet is an example of vernacular
culture, with its hand-drawn cover and alternative social geography which maps and
describes the many stores which permeate the city.
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Community, Civic Engagement and Vernacular Culture
Putnam (2000) contends that even non-political groups, such as local sports
teams, can be considered a form of civic engagement as they build social capital and
social networks that are necessary for a healthy democracy. Putnam (2000) discusses in
great detail how and why civic engagement has radically declined over the last couple of
decades. First, he claims that civic engagement has become "McDonaldized" in terms of
how people participate in culture. Instead of face-to-face interaction and the kinds of
social bonds formed through going to meetings and debating social issues, people are
now "mail-order" activists. People engage social issues from afar - where their group
membership or pledge of money helps to support causes. Beyond that, there are fewer
tangible forms of engaging community in a face-to-face manner. For example, people
are increasingly purchasing music via the Internet as opposed to shopping at a physical
music store, which alters the nature of civic engagement. In a later book, Putnam (2003)
considers the Internet in tenns of developing communities, and emphasizes the
importance of face-to-face interaction in terms of developing a real, and concrete social
foundation. The Internet works by reinforcing the real and tangible networks already in
place.
In terms of why people have stopped engaging in civic life, Putnam (2000)
contends that the media - in particular, the introduction of television - has exposed an
endless barrage of images or representations of people and events to a mass audience.
The author argues that television is a passive activity that encourages social isolation,
rather than social interaction with real people. Putnam refers to this as the privatization
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of entertainment. To Putnam, television consumption is directly related with one's
amount of civic engagement. He contends that television makes people passive and that
the overwhelming amount of conflicting information on television breeds a kind of
apathy, as people don't want to engage with social issues. The news also tends to
oversimplify complex social issues, as news itself has become McDonaldized (for
example, less time focused on complex stories that require more than sound bites, and
critical issues not being addressed by the news as it may interfere with corporate
advertising). Thus, in order to really understand complex social issues, one needs to be
engaged with actual social realities. Lastly, television audiences are treated as consumers
and television promotes a culture of consumption, rather than civic engagement.
Evens and Boyte (1986) examine the importance of free spaces and ultimately
. how our social landscape has been altered and there is less space "from the town square"
to "the local grocer" in which to have a healthy discourse. This is again is credited to the
commercialization or commodification of space. The authors contend that, historically,
free spaces are where civic engagement can occur, where one can be socialized or
educated by the space. For example, during slavery, black slaves would utilize Baptist
churches as spaces for political organization, as well as to relieve themselves from the
oppression of white-dominant society. Such spaces were later connected with the civil
rights movement, which thus demonstrates how the history of civic organizing is
connected with a large-scale social movement. As noted by all of these authors, the
rationalization brought about by industrialization, and later consumer culture, has
radically affected how people are organized and relate to each other in society.
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Independent record store culture includes elements of vernacular culture.
According to Lantis (1960), vernacular culture expresses locality and refers to cultural
forms made and organized by ordinary people for their own pleasure in modem societies.
Such culture is almost always engaged in a non-profit and voluntary basis, and is often
associated with tightly organized subcultures and religious cultures. According to Geertz
(1987), the kind of culture that has been developed by a people or by a majority of people
to express their own meanings and values is increasingly dominated by culture that has
been developed for a people. Embedded in this top-down structure is a range of
processes ranging from repressive imposition to commercial saturation (p. 2). While
independent record stores exist to tum a profit, they are characterized by elements of
vernacular culture that are local and individualized. This can be analyzed in terms of the
sale of local music, to hand-drawn cards that separate albums, the layout of stores,
fanzines, handmade decorations/drawings on the walls, record listening parties, and the
kinds of talk and lore that permeate independent record stores.
Independent Record Stores
There is next to nothing in terms of academic literature on the topic of
independent record stores. However, there are recent journalistic sources that explore
independent record store culture, and a small number of non-academic books and films
on the topic.
According to Gracon (2009), the independent record store and its related
culture promotes cultural variety and music not widely available through other
mainstream or commercial retail outlets. The unique design and aesthetic of the
House of Records based in Eugene, Oregon, is symbolic of non-rationalized space as
it reinforces locality, acts as a community gathering space and for those involved is a
form of social interaction, and is a "humanizing experience" (p. 218). It might even
be suggested that shopping at an independent record store has an element of carnival,
especially the notion of collectivity, where the behavior and actions within the store
suggest a kind of playful and critical interaction to the dominant culture. It is argued
that the closure of independent record stores result in a more McDonaldized culture
predicated on sameness, predictability, and an unhealthy lack of cultural variety.
This early research conducted on independent record store culture provided the
foundation for the more complex and sophisticated analysis in this study, which
involved a political economic analysis, along with a much larger research sample, and
a broader research scope.
Keen (2007) describes the closure of Tower Records, America's largest chain
music store, along with hundreds of independent record stores. The author largely
blames the digital revolution in the form of digital piracy and the low prices of
Internet retailers, such as Amazon.com and iTunes. Keen claims that Tower
represented around 40 to 50 percent of the niche-genre labels' entire market (p. 104).
Because of the loss of this important retail outlet and the demise of the physical
record store, Keen argues that there could be less musical choice, fewer labels and the
emergence of an oligarchic digital retail economy dominated by Amazon.com,
iTunes, and MySpace (p. 104).
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While this argument sounds convincing, it fails to recognize that the line
between the brick and mortar and on-line store have become increasingly blurred, as
most independent record stores are actually hybrid stores, where music is sold in both
a physical and on-line version of the store. Thus, the binary between on-line and
physical stores is not so clearly demarcated. Keen also fails to address the recent
popularity or "resurgence" of vinyl records, a trend that has been economically
beneficial to the independent record store.
Characteristics of Indie Stores and Related Popular Literature
Jones' (2009) Last Shop Standing: What Ever Happened to Record Shops? is an
inside look the closure of over 540 (down from 948 to 408) independent record stores in
the United Kingdom between 2003 and 2007 (p. xi). The author describes the record
store in the economic highs of 1990s, before the Intemet, DVD and video games. He
describes the downfall of the music industry in tenns of overpriced CDs, and greedy
record companies who exploited their artists in order to manufacture and promote the
new CD fonnat. Jones explains how storeowners were influenced by a modem day
version of payola; they were offered free CDs, trips, and discount deals for selling and
promotion of particular albums. The author suggests that record shops still have a future,
and recommends that indie stores embrace product diversification especially in tenns of
music genres and merchandise in tenns ofDVDs, T-shirts, books, musical instruments,
concert tickets, accessories and toys in order to compete with chain stores and online
sellers.
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Pettit and Monem's (2008) Old Rare New: The Independent Record Shop
consists of short essays, interviews with musicians and record collectors, and various
photos of American independent record stores. In part, the text is somewhat of a
nostalgic glorification of the culture, with its pages of colorful album covers and writings
on record collecting. There are moments of reflection exploring the community nature of
the stores, and their social significance. While touring the country documenting various
stores, the authors contend, "The pursuit of records, record shops, and record shop
owners and their customers offered up new perspectives on geography, local
communities, architecture, culture, politics and people" (p. 12). They describe New
York City stores that double as a bakery, live music venue, a bar, and a place where
listening parties occur. Rooky Ricardo's, a specialty shop that only sells soul45s in San
Francisco, also offers dance lessons. The stores are community spaces, as emphasized in
the following quote: "It's offers more opportunities for friendship, new ideas, unexpected
discoveries, chance encounters, and knowledge, and a more visceral and emotional
experience than any Internet chat room, MySpace comment, or email can ever replicate"
(p. 22). The authors describe dusty old stores that have been around since the 1960s that
encourage their customers to "pick up something unusual and inspiring," from leftfield
indie rock releases to teaching your parrot to speak German (pp. 16-20). The authors also
address issues related to gender within indie stores, and how a majority of record
shoppers are male, within a largely male dominated music industry. They explore how
hyper gentrification within major cities can force independent stores out of business, as
higher rents brought about by the proliferation of corporate chain stores such as
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Starbucks and Best Buy push out "long established local businesses and the history,
character, and specialist knowledge that they might offer" (p. 24).
Calamar and Gallo's (2010) Record Store Days: From Vinyl to Digital and Back
Again provides the most comprehensive historical analysis of record stores. The authors
outline the growth of the record store in the 1900s, up to the decline of the record store in
contemporary times. Key themes and issues in tenus of SoundScan technology is
discussed, as well as the communities associated with the stores. As a popular text, this
book provides key historical infonnation; however, their analysis does not make any
strong connections to the political economy of music or critical cultural studies.
Toller's (2008) documentary film 1 Need That Record! The Death (Or Possible
Survival ofthe Independent Record Store) is a complex investigation of both the
community and economic aspects of indie stores based on the east coast. The filmmaker
discusses how bands have fonned by meeting in stores (for example, the Patti Smith
Group), which function as gathering places. The closing of a Connecticut based store
evokes the following reaction from a loyal customer:
Now you have to go to the mall and get the top 50 spoon-fed garbage, that the
mass media, corporate America and record store industry shoves down the throat
of consumers - and nobody realizes they are being suckered into this bullshit they
call music. The music that stimulates your mind is at this store, not at the mall
(Toller, 2008).
The film does an excellent job in tenns of linking independent music retail to
the homogenization of culture influenced by the FCC's Telecommunication Act of
1996. The deregulation associated with this bill allowed for the corporate
consolidation of radio, and the homogenization of music played through Clear
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Channel stations. The film claims that five Clear Channel stations play the same
songs 73 percent of the time (Toller, 2008). The consolidation of power with four
major record labels has the following result: "competition and diversity of output
suffers, and labels sign similar sounding bands, providing customers with few
alternatives" (Toller, 2008). The documentary touches upon MTV's move away
from music programming; modem day payola scandals; the influence of big-box
stores; pricing practices of major label releases; the rise ofNapster and digital
downloading; and the influence of new music hardware such as the iPod. The film
addresses the complex nature of these various variables, but it fails to do so in a
complete manner. More detail and attention needs to be paid to the political
economic context.
Goss (2010) documents and profiles a variety of independent record stores in
the U.S., including Waterloo Records and Video in Austin, Texas, Rhino Records in
Los Angeles, and Amoeba Music, based in California. This text outlines the personal
narratives with various store owners. The author claims, "Without places to see, hear,
touch, and understand music, we lose part of our cultural identity" (p. 248).
Wolff (2006) documents the accounts of storeowners, workers, and fans recalling
the cultural significance of various stores such as Drome and Record Rendezvous in
Cleveland, Ohio. The author comments on the perceived "deviant" nature of the stores
in the 1970s, as they were located in "seedy" parts of town known for prostitution and
drugs. This was also a time when punk culture was in its infancy and was perceived as
culturally dangerous (with stories of parents not wanting their teenage kids to go to the
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stores because of their painted windows). The anti-establishment leanings were evident,
as the owner of Drome claimed, "My idea with Drome was to say, look, everybody, we
got a lot of talent here, and we don't need the national corporations to tell us what's cool
and what we should do" (pp. 126-127). In the 1970s, local punk bands such as the
Cramps and Pere Ubu had members who worked at indie stores, both of which became
iconic within the history of American underground music. The selection at the stores
reflected the obscure fringes of society - music literally not available outside the
independent record store context at the time.
According to Kusek (2005), adapt or die is the only way for music retailers to
survive. To counter constantly declining CD sales, stores are ultimately becoming
"lifestyle zones" or "music arcades," where people meet a like-minded crowd, and check
out all kinds of products that may be associated with music such as DVDs, t-shirts,
posters, and toys. In the future, there will be many new opportunities for traditional
retailers to work with digital distribution companies, such as in-store "filling stations" for
digital downloads and wireless content cards. Brick and mortar music distribution is also
no longer exclusively the province of the traditional music store or big box retailer. For
example, Starbucks acts as a digital coffeehouse, where customers can peruse digital
kiosks that provide access to more than 250,000 tracks (p. 89).
Milano's (2003) Vinyl Junkies explores the nature of record collecting, where
scores of collectors describe tales of obsessively finding and seeking obscure vinyl
records. Thurston Moore of the band Sonic Youth recalls buying records in the 1970s at
Bleecker Bob's. Moore claims that it was "the church of buying punk records," where
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the owner of the store would fly to England, personally bringing back imported punk
records not available stateside (p. 120). Related to independent record stores, this book
highlights the nature of record collecting, and rituals of physical music consumption. A
rare or collectable vinyl record may be from a first pressing, and is no longer produced,
distributed, or "in print." While a vinyl record is still a mass object, its finite run or
pressing separates it form other infinitely reproducible formats, and can render it
collectible, or scarce.
Independent record stores have been represented in Hollywood cinema, most
notably High Fidelity (2000), based on the novel by Nick Homby (1995). In the
film, a Chicago based storeowner obsessively organizes his vinyl record collection
chronologically according to life events, an interesting collusion between personal
identity and music collecting. The film features a stereotypical omery store clerk,
who derides a "square" suit-wearing customer for requesting the CD of a mainstream
artist. The customer is then banished from the store for having "bad" musical taste.
While this particular scene highlights the snobbery and elitism sometimes associated
with independent record stores, another clerk is soft spoken and gentle, and kindly
discourages a female customer from buying a popular Green Day record, instead
opting for the more "authentic" Stiff Little Fingers. Record stores are also featured in
Ghost World (2001) and 500 Days ofSummer (2009) as places to gather with friends
or go on a date. Empire Records (1995) documents an independent record store
(although not as authentically independent, like the store in High Fidelity), and the
cast of characters struggle to keep the store from being co-opted by a corporate chain.
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In Old Joy (2006), a slow moving and meditative film by Kelly Reichardt, a character
describes the closure of a Portland, Oregon, record store in the wake of eBay and
technological change, which acts as a subtle metaphor for changing times and the
melancholy evoked by the growing distance between two longtime friends.
Research Questions
This body of literature explores concepts related to the under-theorized culture of
the independent record store, and locates the culture within the dominant music industry.
Since there is little academic research done on the topic, this project is filling a void in
the academic literature, as well as venturing beyond the glorification and nostalgia of
indie record stores. The project entails a firm understanding of both political economy
and cultural studies, and thus explores the independent record store from numerous micro
and macro vantage points. The following four research questions guided this project:
Research Question #1
What is the political economic makeup of the major record labels and dominant retail
outlets, and what are the implications of these structural arrangements?
Research Question #2
From a political economic framework, what are the practices and policies of the dominant
music industry and corporate music retail? How is the independent record store affected
by such practices? As a result, how is the "independent" nature of the store affected?
Research Question #3
Under the auspices of commodification, what are the cultural meanings and narratives
within the independent record store, and what are its major defining characteristics in
terms of community, subcultures, and as an educational space?
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Research Question #4
Under the auspices of commodification, what are the cultural meanings and narratives for
the independent record store, and what are its major defining characteristics in terms of
space and place, anti-corporate narratives and gentrification?
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CHAPTER IV
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This chapter discusses the methods used to address the study's research questions.
This study utilized four methodological approaches, including political economy
methods, ethnographic interviews, field ethnography, and visual ethnography. This
variety of methods was designed to obtain a variety of multilayered data, each with its
own strengths and weaknesses, which enabled me to understand independent record store
culture from a number of intersecting vantage points. This project is also a form of
action research, as a documentary video will be created following the completion of the
written dissertation. The documentary video will be a 30-minute case study of the House
of Records based in Eugene, Oregon, and is designed to promote independent record
store culture to a broader audience outside an academic context.
This chapter includes the following sections: theoretical approach
(postmodemism and positivism), political economy methods, ethnographic interviewing,
ethnographic fieldwork, and visual ethnography. The chapter also examines the research
sample, procedures and selecting sources, data analysis, limitations of the study, a
description of the human subjects process, and chapter summary.
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This project used three primary field locations: The House of Records in Eugene,
Oregon; Music Millennium located in Portland, Oregon; and Amoeba Music in San
Francisco, California. In these three geographical locations, a majority of the niche or
specialty record stores were also included in the study. A niche store specializes in a
particular musical genre such as punk, world music, soul, hip-hop or classical, and are
small operations with a small number of employees. In these cases, I interviewed the
owner or manager of the store. Interviews (some of which were conducted via telephone
and/or email) were conducted with owners of stores that have closed; representatives of
independent and major labels and channels of physical music distribution; various
musicians; employees at corporate big-box stores; academics; and vinyl record designers.
More detailed information is provided under the "Research Sample" section in this
chapter.
Postmodernism and Positivism
Rubin and Rubin (2005) argue that neutrality for qualitative research is
impossible, and that conclusions reached by one researcher are unlikely to be replicated
by those of another. Thus, this research and my conclusions are one of many possible
perspectives on the topic of indie record stores. The goal is to present a range ofviews
and conclusions (in nearly as raw fonn as possible), as opposed to one overarching
conclusion or truth, as knowledge is situational and contextual. Further infonned by
Rubin and Rubin (2005), the interpretative overlay was less authoritative, and attention
was given to my own subjective position in the construction of meaning. This research is
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self-reflective and my own subjectivity will be part of the meaning making process. I'm
interested in polysemic or gradations of "truths" as opposed to one dominant overarching
"truth." Lindlof and Taylor (2002) reinforce this approach and claim that human beliefs
about the world are multiple, partial, approximate, and imperfect - and that causes to
events are multiple, interactive, and evolving. According to Rubin and Rubin (2005),
multiple and conflicting versions of the same event or object can be true at the same time.
In conjunction with this, Bailey (1992) claims:
Phenomenological research uses sampling which is idiographic, focusing on the
individual or case study in order to understand the full complexity of the
individual's experience. From this perspective, there is no attempt to claim an
ability to generalize to a specific population; but instead, the findings are relevant
from the perspective of the user of the findings. (p. 30).
While absolute truth and value-free inquiry are unattainable, the reduction of bias
in research (i.e., through peer review) is both attainable and desirable. According to
Lindlof and Taylor (2002), the use of multiple methods and the triangulation of data
enhances the explanation of complex phenomena. Rubin and Rubin (2005) recommend
exploring polysemy, or a synthesis of understandings that come about from different
reports on an event or cultural issue.
This project assumes that no research project, both qualitative and quantitative, is
free of bias, and that we as researchers filter information through our own subjectivity.
This project is a representation of field data, one of many possible interpretations of the
culture and economics of the independent record store. It also assumes that while
conducting fieldwork, there are issues of power at play between the researcher and
participants, and it is important to be cognizant of these situations by addressing them
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within the research project. My approach towards postmodem interviewing and critical
ethnography is addressed following the discussion of political economy methods.
Political Economy Methods
The foundation of this study was based on the economic structuring of the music
industry. Political economy methods provided the tools necessary to uncover and profile
the economic makeup of the "big four" major record labels and major corporate retailers.
In this study, documentary sources - company documents (primarily annual reports),
newspapers, and trade magazines were analyzed in order to create a narrative that tells us
about the various companies' economic holdings and their relationship to vertical and
horizontal integration, diversification, globalization, and concentration of media power.
This was accomplished through the construction of brief corporate profiles, which
provided a context in terms of key industry trends and how the dominant music industry
works. However, it should be noted that each of these corporate entities could be
examined in further detail.
This form of document analysis is not exclusive to political economic research, as
historians and students of business utilize similar document analysis. Political economic
themes were also addressed via field interviews and field ethnography; thus numerous
methodological approaches are capable of addressing this theoretical framework.
Scott (1990) points out that in research methods there is too much emphasis given
to participant observation, interviews and questionnaires. These in a sense have become
the tools of preference for many social science researchers because they are important for
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analyzing social phenomena; however, also of importance is the analysis of documentary
sources for understanding and distinguishing features of institutional structures.
Scientific data can be constructed from a variety to documentary sources (Scott,
1990), as much as from participant observation, interviews and questionnaires. In the
study of the independent record store, documentary sources provided primary
information about how the dominant music industry is structured and integrated, as well
as providing key figures and statistics in terms of current industry trends and patterns.
Other noted studies that have utilized political economic methods include: Atalli (1977),
Chapple and Reebee (1977), Wasko (2001, 2003), Chomsky and Herman (1988), Ewen
(1996,2001), and Bagdikian (2004).
Documents are very important because they are the "paper trail" left in the wake
of historical events and processes. Documents are also important because they can
indicate how an institution organizes itself, what the institution produces, and how the
institution relates to society (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002). This method involved locating
different documents that directly or indirectly address the research questions, identifying
those documents that are relevant for answering the posed questions, and analyzing the
documents for meaning (Howell & Prevenier, 2001).
The documents are divided into primary and secondary sources. Primary sources
are records of events as they are first described, without any interpretation or commentary
(Ruszkiewicz, 1996). In this study, the primary sources were all documents first and
foremost from the corporate parent (in parentheses below) of "big four" major record
labels that include: Universal Music Group (Vivendi), Warner Music Group, Sony Music
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Entertainment (Sony Corporation) and EMI (Terra Firma Capital Partners). This study
also examined documents ofmajor corporate retailers, which included: Apple, Wal-Mart,
Best Buy, Target, Barnes and Noble, Borders, Amazon, F.Y.E (Transworld
Entertainment Corporation) and Rhapsody. Primary documents included annual reports,
articles of corporate association and corporate organization, and detailed lists of
enterprises that are either dependents of, associated with or that participate with these
various corporate entities. The web site of each of these companies was also analyzed.
According to Scott (1990), secondary sources offer an analysis or a restatement of
the primary sources. They often attempt to describe or explain primary sources. The
secondary sources used in this study were books, academic essays, journal articles, and
industry, trade and economic magazines and newspapers. In many instances, secondary
sources have been the only way to learn about certain strategic agreements these entities
have made with other large conglomerates; and also to find out about labor problems and
internal tensions both of which are not necessarily reported in the annual reports
(Martinez, 2005).
This method required the use of some quantification in tenns of obtaining national
statistics on the number of independent record shops in existence and the number that
have closed in recent years. I examined the numbers related to actual CD/vinyl
production and sales from the point of view of major and independent record labels, and I
charted the decline of the musical object, especially the CD (whereas several indications
suggest vinyl sales are increasing, from the point of view of independent record labels). I
also utilized the trade literature from sources such as Billboard and Variety Magazine, as
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well as statistics from the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA), Nielson
SoundScan, the International Federation of the Phonographic Industry (IFPI), and the
NDP (a market research company) group.
Scott (1990) suggest that it is best to work with original documents since they are
authentic; however, if that is not possible, the researcher needs to make sure that copies
of the originals are not missing parts or altered in any way. If the copies have alterations,
the researcher needs to be able to tell and acknowledge the fact. For this study, I
obtained the annual reports directly from the financial section of the companies' official
web site. For secondary sources, particularly newspaper articles, trade journals, music
industry associations (RIAA) and magazines was obtained through the Lexis-Nexis
Academic database that provides copies from original texts that have been posted for
public access. In terms of its authenticity, one should trust that Lexis-Nexis Academic
uses only authentic sources and is a reliable source that compiles data previously
displayed in its original fonn.
According to Scott (1990), credibility is as important as authenticity. All sources
must be credible, meaning that what they are reporting is an accurate account of the
phenomena. In the case of annual reports, the discourse of the documents prepared for
their stockholders, for the government, and for a general public scrutiny may be biased
because of their source; the data does still need to be accurate in order to fulfill
government regulations and to infonn stockholders. However, it is impossible to know
what the totality of documents that exist regarding these corporate entities, because not
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everything is available to the public, and recent scholarly research on this topic is limited
and/or dated.
A weakness of this method is that the meaning of the material derives from the
researcher's judgment that this interpretation "makes sense," given his or her
understanding of the producer's intentions and frame of reference (Martinez, 2005). As a
result, the interpretation of the documents can be biased. Also, direct access to
stakeholders within the mainstream music industry could be difficult, if not impossible.
Documents provided a general overview of the institutional arrangement of the industry,
but interviews and ethnography added additional insight into the industry's structural
nature and mode of operation.
Ethnographic Interviews
The primary research method for this project was ethnographic interviewing.
More specifically, this approach entailed in-depth and semi-structured interviews.
According to Berg (2007), interviews are a conversation with a purpose. This purpose is
to obtain infOlmation regarding a specific research question or to explore social
phenomena in more complex detail. The interviewer gently guides interviewee through a
series of prepared questions, and obtains information related to a research question
(Linfhoff, 2002). According to Rubin and Rubin (2005), the researcher elicits depth and
detail about the research of a topic by following up on answers given by the interviewee
during the discussion. Berg (2007) writes that interviews can provide greater degrees of
human complexity and nuance versus statistical information, as it is an effective way to
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explore how social and political processes are fonned, and how people exist and
conceptualize such structures. It is a way to explore social processes and to obtain a new
or possibly different view of history and our current social world. Some other projects
that utilize ethnographic interviewing in the context of music subcultures include:
Hebdige (1981), Leblanc (1999), McNeil and McCain (1996), Sinker (2007), Blush
(2001), Greenwald (2003), Jones (2009), Pettit (2008), and Milano (2003).
I will now discuss the organization of my interview instrument. To explore the
culturalfoundatiol1ufwhatTndependerrtr-e-cGrd-storeculrnre means to people~-rbuittup6n ---
my literature review and preliminary field observations by fonuulating interview
questions in a semi-structured manner. This approach was useful because it offered a
greater degree of fluidity in tenus of how questions were phrased (if the intent of a
question was unclear, I was able to rephrase them), and gave me the opportunity to
answer questions in order to build rapport with my subjects - thus, I considered the
interview to be a collaborative process. By explaining my relation and investment to
such stores and culture to storeowners, employees, and customers (and a variety of other
sources), the interview process reinforced my dedication to the project, and helped me to
gain legitimacy and an "insider" status.
The semi-structured approach allowed the interviewing process to have a natural
flow, as opposed to a predetennined set of questions. I posed the same questions to all
participants, although the order and phrasing fluctuated. Questions were flexible in order
to account for differences in tenus of understanding the questions, and at times played
out to a particular language within a particular context. As the interviewer, I answered
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questions and made clarifications, and added and/or deleted probes to the interview
between subsequent subjects. According to Berg (2007), the interviewer is free to digress
from the question order, and it was expected that the subjects were probed far beyond the
answers to the prepared standardized questions.
According to Berg (2007), essential questions directly reference the research
questions. Example essential questions included: What characterizes or defines this store
as being independent? Is this store in any way a form of community? Does this store
have a social value beyond the buying and selling of music? Why shop at this store as
opposed to buying music or downloading it for free through the Internet? What is your
relationship with independent record labels? Is the mainstream music industry in any
way controlling in terms of their business practices regarding your store? What happens
to a community or culture when independent record stores close or disappear?
The generally phrased interview questions were open ended and intended to
evoke the significance of independent record store culture, alternative media, the
fostering of community, the aesthetic of the store, the future of such stores, and the social
forces that either threaten or sustain the stores. The questions were designed to be open-
ended and broad, as I didn't want to lead my subjects towards specific answers. At times,
the interviewing process evoked an oral history style of interview, where my guiding of
the interview was minimal.
Interview questions were followed by probing questions. According to Berg
(2007), probing questions are intended to obtain further information regarding a topic
brought up by the interviewee. An example probe included: "Could you go into more
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detail about. ..." I asked follow-up questions when necessary, or if a talking point or
concept needed further elaboration or clarification. I often created probes on the spot,
based on the interviewee's comments, especially when some concept or observation was
overly generalized and needed more context or elaboration.
Throwaway questions were essentially used to gain rapport between the
interviewee, and myself and to "warm up" the participant for more complex questions.
For example, I asked my subjects where they are from, which isn't part of the final
analysis, but merely gets the subject talking, and builds a comfortable and trusting mood.
Thus, question sequencing was important, as I began with easy throwaway questions, and
gradually built up to more complex questions. According to Rubin and Rubin (2005),
double-barreled questions should be avoided. Such questions can be loaded, and in fact
have multiple questions within the same question, which can be confusing to the
interview participant.
Certain questions were repeated later in the interview, although with a slight
variation in terms of phrasing to obtain validity and reliability. Thus, by asking a similar
question twice, I was able to gauge the reliability of the subject by observing if a
particular response matched the earlier response within the interview.
According to Weiss (1994), interviewing should entail full channel
communication. When interviewing, there is a tendency to only focus on the verbal
language being spoken, whereas when utilizing full channel communication, the
researcher should also be attuned to body language, and the nuances of, for example,
"ummm" and "ahhh." There may be more subtle meanings within subtle mannerisms.
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When this is taken into account with what is verbally spoken, the researcher will have a
more complete understanding of the various meanings being conveyed. Silence in
interviews can also be useful. Within a western context, silence during a conversation
can be considered awkward; thus subjects may feel inclined to fill these silences. Berg
(2007) recommends that the researcher leave a pause after the interviewee has finished
talking, as they may fill that silence with more information.
Before entering the field, I conducted a pretest with my interview instrument.
Other doctoral students and my academic advisors examined the questions for clarity and
sequencing. I also conducted some practice interviews at the House of Records in
Eugene to gauge the effectiveness of the questions and how well they worked as a
sequence. Revisions were then made to the research instrument.
In terms of interview length, I spent approximately 45 minutes to an hour with
storeowners, managers, and employees (although multiple interviews were necessary
with some of the more knowledgeable employees/store owners), and between 15 and 30
minutes with the store customers. Since the questions were open ended, and depending
on the participant, there was no time limit, and interviews took as long as necessary.
Ethnographic interviewing has its limitations. Economists and others committed
to the development of quantitative statistical models sometimes reject the reports
provided by qualitative interview studies. According to Weiss (1994), they may
characterize these results as anecdotal, because they rely on accounts provided by a
relatively small sample of respondents, or as impressionistic, implying not only that they
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are imprecise but also that they are more a product of art than of objective scientific
method (pp. 560-69). Weiss (1994) counters this by claiming:
While it may be valuable for the results of qualitative interview studies to be
verified by other methods, it can also be valuable for the results of studies done by
other methods to be illuminated by qualitative interview studies (p. 12).
Lastly, I'd like to briefly discuss my interviewing approach in terms of critical
theory and postmodernism. According to Gubrium and Holstein (2003), a postmodern
approach towards interviewing does not seek one uniform or totalizing truth, but rather
seeks nuance and polysemy. It assumes data may not be replicated by another researcher.
Hence, it is a representation, or a version of truth. The postmodern mode of interviewing
also considers how meaning is constructed through the interviewing process between the
interviewer and interviewee, and that such interactions are negotiated and developed
together. According to Gubrium and Holstein (2003), postmodernism questions
traditional assumptions and deconstructs them - that is it shows the ambiguity and
contextuality of meaning. It proposes that, in the name of grand theorizing, we have
suppressed this ambiguity in favor of a single interpretation.
Adding to notions of power differences within the interviewing context, Briggs
(2001) claims that the interviewer is in a power position, that he or she ultimately
controls how information is constructed (through the types of questions asked) and has
the ability to guide the interviewee - thus such power dynamics need to be taken into
account. For example, if the interviewee is from a "subaltern class," he or she may
deliberately be a "reluctant respondent" as a kind of resistance to the sociology of
knowledge, or they may feel that such research does not or will not accurately represent
165
subaltern views, versus those privileged by the researcher and his or her institutional
relationship. DeVault (1999) considers feminist approaches towards interviewing,
especially in terms of how female respondents have to speak through a male system of
language. Thus, they may not have the proper vocabulary to express certain situations,
and they must "translate," where there is no cultural equivalent. These moments of
"stumbling" or searching for meaning should be considered as yielding important
information about language, gender and power.
Field Ethnography
Ethnography is the practice that places researchers in the midst of whatever it is
they study (Berg, 2007). It involves the study of groups and people as they go about
their daily lives (Emerson, Fretz and Shaw, 1995). This entails evaluating and
experiencing the ordinary routines and conditions under which people conduct their lives.
While I previously discussed ethnographic interviewing, it is important to note that field
ethnography is not a separate method. The ethnographic interviewing that took place was
within a fonnal interview context (inside the stores, usually within a store office). In
contrast, with field ethnography, I observed daily activities inside the stores but at times
also engaged in causal dialog (as opposed to formal interviews) with the participants.
Other studies that utilize field ethnography include Whyte (1993), Thornton
(1995), Evans (2007), Morris (2007), Johnson (2005), Khayatt (1994), Williams (2006),
Condry (2004), Cunningham, Britland and Reeves (2003), Cunningham, Jones and Jones
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(2004), O'Conner (2002), Yoo, Park and MacInnis (1998), Vaher (2008), and Yochim
and Biddinger (2008).
Within the independent record store, field ethnography meant observing the daily
activities and variety of interactions that took place within the store, and documenting the
activities with field notes. "The ethnographer writes down in regular, systematic ways
what he or she observes and learns while participating in the daily rounds of the life of
others" (Emerson, Fretz and Shaw, 1995, p. 1). The goal was to accumulate a written
_. record of observations and experiences that provided data for the final written analysis.
My goal as an ethnographer was to obtain a deeper immersion into independent
_... .... -
record store culture to grasp what others experience as meaningful and important. This
entailed evaluating and.e~periencing the ordinary routines under which people conduct
their lives. Immersion in ethnographic research, then, involves both being with other
people to see how they respond to events as they happen and experiencing for oneself
these events and the circumstances that give rise to them (Emerson, Fretz and Shaw,
1995). First-hand relations with the subjects who are being studied provide clues to
understanding the more subtle, implicit underlying assumptions that are often not readily
accessible through observation or interview methods alone (Emerson, Fretz and Shaw,
1995). This meant observing the conversations and behaviors between customers and
employees of the store and how people used and behaved within the space. It meant
examining the appearance and body language of the subjects. While interviews evoked
direct information to clearly devised questions, the practice of ethnography captured daily
activities that either reinforce or possibly contradict what has been stated in interviews.
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In the end, my goal as an ethnographer was to not determine "the truth," or act as a "fly
on the wall," but to reveal the multiple layers of truth apparent in the lives of others.
The reflexive aspect of fieldwork was appealing as interactions with employees
and customers placed me within the project, as far as my role as a researcher was
considered. Any verbal interactions that occurred under this approach were simply "off
the cuff," and non-scripted, as I wanted to capture "natural" interactions. My goal was
not to be an "objective" observer in a positivist sense, as this as an impossibility. My
approach towards ethnography can be summed up by the following passage:
Many contemporary ethnographers advocate highly participatory roles (Adler,
Adler, and Rochfield 1986) in which the researcher actually performs the
activities that are central to the lives of those studied. In this view, assuming real
responsibility for actually carrying out core functions and tasks provides special
opportunities to get close to, participate in, and experience life in previously
unknown settings (Emerson, Fretz and Shaw, 1995, p. 4).
The various stores were analyzed as a text, and they were observed in terms of the
aesthetic and unique design, various decorations, the types of merchandise for sale
(records, CDs, tapes, magazines, DVDs), and the flyers posted outside the store - and
how the general ambiance from the music played, the natural lighting, the musty smell of
vinyl records, and the way a bunch of punk stickers were plastered haphazardly on the
cash register all conveyed meaning (one sticker read "Save the LP").
A weakness of field ethnography is that observation alone lacks a fundamental
understanding of the more complex thought patterns or inner orientation of the
participants. One's perceptions as a researcher might be radically different than how
participants are truly thinking and feeling about particular issues. This is why
triangulation with interviewing contributes to a more complete picture of the research
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setting. Also, it can be assumed that research participants alter their behavior in the
presence of a field researcher, and act differently or more self consciously - although it is
suggested that with more time spent in the field, and by building rapport, the researcher's
presence in the field eventually becomes more normalized.
This methodology adheres to the principles of critical ethnography. According to
Thomas (2003), critical ethnography is a methodology through which a qualitative
researcher can frame questions and promote some fonn of social action (pp. 45-54).
Culture in this context is treated as heterogeneous, conflictual, negotiated, and evolving,
as distinct from unified, cohesive, fixed and static. In contrast with a relativistic view of
cultures as different-but-equal, critical ethnography explicitly assumes that cultures are
positioned unequally in power relations ("Qualitative Research," n.d.). Because critical
ethnography is born out of the theoretical underpinnings of critical theory, it is premised
upon the assumption that cultural institutions can produce a false consciousness in which
power and oppression become taken-for-granted "realities," ideology, or hegemony
(Thomas, 2003).
In this way, critical ethnography goes beyond a description of the culture to action
for change, by challenging the false consciousness and ideologies exposed through the
research. If the independent record store is a space where counter hegemonic praxis and
cultural resistance occurred, this ethnographic research highlighted why such alternative
social spaces are culturally significant by outlining specific field evidence of resistance.
It also revealed how such stores reinforce certain power dynamics. For example, the
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masculine culture associated with record collecting raises a discussion in terms of gender
Issues.
If the dominant music industry can be characterized as "oppressive" in tenns of
the homogenization of culture, then perhaps such specialty stores and their related culture
offer an alternative to these dominant ideologies. If independent stores are disappearing,
such a critical approach can help to outline the social nature and significance of such
stores and their related culture, and can help to preserve it.
Visual Ethnography
This project entailed a third qualitative component in tenns of ethnography. Berg
(2007) claims that video technology might have us looking toward the moving pictorial
representation of life, and that still photography also possesses considerable research
value. He writes, "The use of photographs as data requires a theory of how pictures
should be used by both picture makers and viewers" (p. 250). Photos can be used as data
themselves or to assist in the conduct of interviews as illustrative devices. "Photos
provide a sense of what existed, perhaps years in the past, as well as a viewpoint-
namely, that ofthe photographer" (Berg, 2007, pp. 250-251). Some related studies and
documentary films that utilize visual ethnography include: Penaloza (1998), Balikci
(1988), Toller (2008), Cohen (1999), and Rochman (2006).
Still photography was utilized at all my field locations for data analysis, and also
provided visual photographic evidence. Within our current digital world, it is vital to
take advantage of the possibilities of visual and new media. The digital photographs were
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then later analyzed as ethnographic field data, and select images were included in the
appendix (Appendix A) of this project, and provide further visual evidence of the cultural
and economic aspects of the independent record store. These images captured
interactions between workers and customers, interview participants, exteriors of the
stores, store layout, and design and decoration.
A weakness of visual ethnography is that the presence of a camera can alter the
social reality of the research site. For example, while sitting at the counter at the House
of Records, one wonders if the same observations could have been achieved if a camera
were present, as the camera alters the reality of the situation. When people know they are
being photographed, they tend to act differently. The camera can be invasive, as some
people don't like being photographed, or they may get embarrassed on camera. Thus, for
such intimate interactions at the counter, the camera was put away. I also felt the camera
was distracting as to how I observe the store, as I have to pay attention to the technical
aspects of the shooting process such as lighting conditions. Sometimes the frame of the
camera was limiting, and I needed to have both eyes open to truly experience the
atmosphere of the store.
Research Sample
According to Weiss (1994), a research sample should include a wide variety of
perspectives and voices to obtain a more complete and sophisticated view of social
situation. The overall aim was to develop a wide range of knowledgeable infonnants,
where each person would significantly instruct me. This large sample allowed me to
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gather much data regarding independent record store culture from a variety of cultural
and institutional vantage points.
For this dissertation, I recruited a total of 130 interview participants. I chose this
number of research participants because I wanted to explore independent record stores
from multiple cultural and economic perspectives. While the storeowners, workers and
customers were the main focal point of the project, I also recruited other participants
affiliated with record labels, distribution, artists, employees at chain stores and various
stakeholders affiliated with the music industry. I obtained a more complex portrait of
how the music industry is run - and how these "independent" circuits function within the
larger music industry. By only focusing on the stores themselves, a large gap would have
presented itself in terms of the data, especially as I'm exploring the political economy of
the music industry.
I conducted primary field interviews at the House of Records in Eugene, Oregon,
Millennium Music in Portland, Oregon, and Amoeba Music in San Francisco, California.
These three markets were chosen because they represent three different demographic
locations: a major metropolitan city, mid-sized city and a small city. The purpose was to
obtain a more representative picture of independent record store culture beyond the
Eugene community. I will address the motivation behind each field location in more
detail.
Eugene, Oregon is a small city with a population of 150,000. It is a college town
and home of the University of Oregon; thus the youthful population of the city shifts
according to the ebb and flow of the academic school year. Eugene is known for its
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natural beauty, farmer's market, green and left leaning politics, activist political leanings,
anarchists of the late 1990s to early 2000s, alternative lifestyles, miles of bike paths, and
an aged hippie population. It is also known for its stilted economy due to the loss ofjobs
associated with the timber industry. Due to the downturn in the economy (as well as
development that favors mall culture), there are many boarded up and closed businesses
in the downtown area. In Eugene, I focused on House of Records, a small record store
located in an old house that has been in business since 1971. This store was chosen
because I wanted to capture the environment of a small generalist store with a small staff.
Portland, Oregon, was selected because it is a growing mid-sized city with a
population of 580,000. Portland's metro area population growth has outpaced the
national average during the last decade, with current estimates showing an 80 percent
chance of population growth in excess of 60 percent over the next 50 years (Law, 2008).
Thus, Portland is a developing and growing city. Portland is similar to Eugene in terms
of its left leaning politics, close proximity to outdoor activities, and alternative lifestyles.
But Portland is a much more of a youth oriented city, and many young "hipsters" 15 flock
to the city, many of whom were born elsewhere in the country. "Keep Portland Weird"
bumper stickers can be spotted around the city, a nod to the small businesses who want to
keep corporate chain culture from affecting the unique culture evoked by independent
businesses. It is a town that has much emphasis on locality. The city is known for its
vibrant indie music scene (bands such as the Shins, the Decemberists and the Thermals
call Portland home), DIY culture (the city hosts the annual Portland Zine Symposium,
15 The word hipster usually has a negative connotation, and implies a person who is overly trendy in terms
of indie culture and fashion. They are typically described as being elitist in nature.
173
and several events associated with crafting), and many independent record stores for a
city of its size (over 20). Portland was of particular interest to this project because of its
rigid urban planning and land use policies, mainly the urban growth boundary that curbs
urban sprawl. In Portland, I focused on the indie store Music Millennium. Music
Millennium is a medium-sized independent store and is the longest continuing record
store in the Pacific Northwest. The store opened in 1969, and is considered to be a local
institution. Terry Currier, the storeowner, is a key figure in the Portland music
community, and extremely knowledgeable in terms ofthe music industry. He is also one
of the founders of the Coalition ofIndependent Record Stores (CIMS), a collective of
independent storeowners fighting to keep indie stores economically viable.
Lastly, San Francisco was chosen because it is a major metropolitan city known
for its progressive politics, and diverse multi-cultural makeup, and has long been known
as center of liberal activism. The current population is 809,000. San Francisco has a
long history with the counter-cultural movements ofthe 1960s, and the hippie culture of
Haight-Ashbury - a folklore that keeps tourists visiting the city to this day (tourism is the
backbone of the San Francisco economy). It is home of the critical mass bicycle rides, a
gay enclave in the Castro, and the vibrant ethic neighborhoods of Chinatown, Japantown
and the Mission. This city also has a vibrant music culture, and many international and
national bands tour through the city. In San Francisco, I focused on Amoeba Music, a
massive warehouse sized operation that opened in 1997. Amoeba is known as the largest
independent record store in the world, and is located in a former bowling alley. Unlike
the other two stores in Oregon, Amoeba Music is a multimillion-dollar business.
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Amoeba is a small chain, as there are two other massive locations in Berkeley, and Los
Angeles, California. I wanted to explore the nature of a store with such economic
magnitude in the context of a larger metropolitan city, as it provides a strong
juxtaposition against the other two stores based in Oregon, which are smaller in scale.
Here is a breakdown of the research sample for each field location. A total of 34
interviews occurred in Eugene, Oregon. In Eugene, House of Records was my main
research site, and in this location, I interviewed the storeowner, six employees, and 20
store customers. The owners or managers of three additional niche/specialty stores were
also interviewed. These stores included CD and Game Exchange, The Museum of
Unfine Art, and CD World. I also interviewed two local bands, Yeltsin and Fancy
Bandits, two representatives (the general manager and a DJ) from KWVA (the student-
run radio station at the University of Oregon), and a representative from WOW Hall, a
music venue in town. These additional participants were chosen because I was interested
in how the House of Records connects to other media outlets in town.
A total of 52 interviews occurred in Portland, Oregon. I interviewed the owner,
16 store employees, and 20 customers at Music Millennium, which was the main field
site. I conducted 12 interviews with other niche/specialty store owners/managers in the
area. These stores included: Mississippi Records (they are also an independent record
label), Green Noise Records (also an independent record label), Exiled Records, Platinum
Records, Crossroads, 2IJd Avenue Records, 360 Vinyl, Anthem Records, Discourage
Records, Everyday Music, and Timbucktunes. I also interviewed the owner of Marriage
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Records and a representative with Kill Rock Stars - two independent record labels based
in Portland. I also interviewed two Portland bands: Explode into Colors and Portugal the
Man. Lastly, I interviewed a Portland-based filmmaker who made a film about the House
of Sound, a record store that was associated with the African American community of
North East Portland.
In San Francisco, a total of 31 interviews occurred. The main field location was
Amoeba Music, where I interviewed the store manager, five employees, and five
customers. I interviewed a total of 14 other owners/workers/customers of niche/specialty
stores in the area. This included: Jacks Record Cellar, Groove, Recycled Records (plus
one customer), Rooky Ricardo's Records, Force of Habit (plus two customers), Aquarius
Records (owner and one worker), Shaxul Records, as well as workers from B-Sides, The
Musical Offering and Skills located in the neighboring Berkeley, California. I
. .r;~~.
interviewed three bands associated with the Bay Area: Deerhoof, Pansy Division, and
Negativland. Representatives of Alternative Tentacles, an indie record label, Revolver
Distribution (two employees), and an employee of Record Pressing (they design and
manufacture vinyl records and CDs) were interviewed.
Other miscellaneous interviews included three stores located in Buffalo, NY:
Horne of the Hits (a store that closed), New World Records (also closed), and Record
Theatre. These stores were chosen as Buffalo has very dilapidated economy, which is in
stark contrast to these west coast cities. I also wanted to get a sense of some stores that
have closed. I also interviewed participants located in Salem, Oregon, at Ranch Records,
as well as two employees from Target, and a Best Buy employee, all based on the west
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coast. I interviewed Calvin Johnson, owner ofK Records and member of various bands
which included Beat Happening; a member ofthe band Trans Am; and an instructor of
the music industry at the University of Oregon. Lastly, I interviewed an employee at
Super D, a one-stop distributor, as well as an employee from Universal Music Group who
deals with indie record stores.
Overall this sample provided a broad perspective in terms of how the music
industry operates, as well as how people make sense of the independent record store on a
cu1tura11evel. According to Weiss (1994), the sample size should be diverse and
consider many possible perspectives and vantage points. It was decided that enough
people have been interviewed and when the information obtained started to become
redundant and peripheral. After obtaining 130 interviews, a saturation point had been
reached. I had concluded I wasn't obtaining new information, and it became clear that no
further data needed to be collected on the topic. According to Weiss (1994), when the
interviewee begins to yield data that repeatedly overlaps or reaches a point of
"saturation," one can cease to be in the field.
Procedures and Selecting Sources
I will provide a detailed description of the exact steps taken to contact and access
the research participants, obtain their cooperation, and the steps taken to administer my
research instruments. After reading this section, the reader should know when, where and
how the data was collected. The procedures used for getting informed consent is
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described in detail, and copies of the research instruments and related consent forms have
been included in the appendix.
I will first discuss "getting in" and how I was able to "access" my research
subjects. According to Berg (2007), getting in is typically defined as the various
techniques and procedures intended to secure access to a research setting in order to
obtain knowledge about the phenomena and activities being observed. For a majority of
my field sites, I simply entered the stores "cold" and would ask to speak with a manager
or owner. I would briefly introduce the research topic and explain why I became
interested in the topic. I often shared the story about my favorite store closing in Buffalo,
and how that inspired the project. I would then anange to have a more formal meeting
to discuss the project and the nature of conducting fieldwork in a particular store. Almost
all of these encounters were "cold," meaning I had no prior connections leading up to the
interactions. I literally walked in from the street and asked the owners or managers if
they wanted to pmticipate in the study. In most cases, a manager or storeowner granted
access on the spot. I also utilized snowball sampling, where one participant connected
me to other research participants.
I explained that all participation in the project was voluntary, and the participants
were informed of the voluntary nature of this project both verbally and on the consent
fonn.
Access was surprisingly easy to accomplish. A main reason for this was that I
associate strongly with independent music culture. Perhaps my look and attitude about
music and liking particular kinds of music also helped to gain access, along with sharing
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my story about the closure of Home of the Hits in Buffalo. Many gatekeepers were
intrigued by the research topic and were eager to participate. Many thought it was an
interesting project and wanted to contribute their thoughts. Only a few storeowners
declined to participate in the project.
According to Cresswell (2007), access to a community often begins with a
gatekeeper who has insider status with a cultural group. Finding a gatekeeper is crucial
because he or she is the initial contact for the researcher and leads the researcher to other
participants. This was accomplished by developing rapport with my subjects, which I
achieved by alluding to my own relationship to indie stores. For example, I discussed
how Home of the Hits back in Buffalo had closed, and how this had negatively affected
me. This straightforward sincerity to learn more about independent record stores and its
related culture helped to build rapport, and marked me as an "insider" of the culture.
The gatekeeper, usually a storeowner or manager, would grant me access to the
entire store and later introduce me to the other store employees. This was the case at
House of Records and Music Millennium. The gatekeeper would introduce me and
discuss my project to other store workers. I would then ask the employees if they were
interested in being interviewed for the project and many agreed. I would also address any
questions the participants had. Formal interviews took place in a store office during
working hours, during a break and sometimes after they had finished working. On
occasion, if store traffic was slow, I would interview employees as they worked the
counter, but this often interfered with the customer interactions. Thus, we conducted the
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interview in an office or break room. To build rapport with the employees, I'd share
stories from my own personal experience and history to indie stores.
Store customers were recruited in the stores near the checkout area, and outside
the store entrance. At House of Records in Eugene, I sat next to the checkout counter,
and asked every customer (over the age of 18) within a three-hour period if they wanted
to participate within the study. At both Amoeba Music and Music Millennium, I was
situated outside the store entrance, and would ask every customer if they wanted to
participate in the study while leaving the store. When an interview was taking place, I
wasn't able to interview other possible participants leaving the store. Thus, I was only
able to ask new participants when I wasn't already interviewing other customers. This
selection process was non-random and unscientific. No participants were refused, except
for those under the age of 18.
To recruit store customers, I read my verbal script (see appendix) and if a
customer gave me permission to partake in the study, I would present them with a
consent form. After the participant read the form, I asked if they had any further
questions, or if they wanted more detail regarding the project. I would again share
personal insights and experiences with indie stores to build rapport with the customers.
If not, the interview took place, and was recorded (either by video, which only took place
at House of Records, or audio, which was used elsewhere). For most of the non-video
participants (those not affiliated with House of Records in Eugene), I would end the
interview by taking a digital photograph of the subject (for future visual analysis), to
which they also consented. All participants were offered copies of the consent fonn.
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In terms of getting access to certain subjects, I contacted them via email
(sometimes a "cold" email, and others through a snowball sample approach), and then
arranged to have a phone interview that was to be recorded (for those who agreed to
participate in the project). For the phone interviews, consent was given verbally before
the interview began, and was documented on the recording (participants were also sent
consent forms via email for reference). Lastly, a small number of interviews were
conducted via email, and consent was granted at the beginning of the interview response,
in the text. These subjects also received physical copies of the consent forms for
reference.
Within each of the three primary stores, I conducted an ethnography of the space,
and spent up to two weeks observing the behaviors and social patterns in the stores. At
House of Records in Eugene, I conducted ethnographic fieldwork from March 14 to
March 28, 2007. At Music Millennium in Portland, I conducted ethnographic fieldwork
from September 7 to September 21,2009. At Amoeba Music in San Francisco, I
conducted fieldwork from March 20 to March 24, 2008 (this was the access granted by
the manager). Within the two Oregon field locations, I spent a total of two hours per day,
for two weeks, for a total of 28 hours of observation in each of the stores. At Amoeba, I
was only able to obtain 10 hours of field ethnography.
Field ethnography involved sitting in a small chair at various points of the store,
and simply observing the daily activities. Sometimes I sat next to the register, a location
with a high volume of customer traffic. At other times I sat in alternating comers to see
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the store from alternate vantage points - sometimes near customer and employee traffic,
and others away from it. I watched as the customers picked through obscure records,
asked questions about the latest releases, and discussed their favorite bands. I observed
how the customers looked and behaved, and the ways they interacted and navigated the
space. I also analyzed the stores as a text, and explored the layout of the space, the
sounds and smells, and how the stores were uniquely decorated, and I noted the general
atmosphere of the store.
After spending time in the field, I would quickly take notes while on a break, or
directly after leaving the field location in a coffee shop or restaurant. All store workers
within the field had granted consent and filled out a fonn before the ethnography took
place. While shoppers shopped, I did not get infonned consent from all the customers
when recording observational field notes (without a camera), and none of these
participants have been identified by name.
In tenns of visually documenting the stores via video and/or photography, an
additional "observational" consent fonn was utilized to document shoppers and workers,
who were not included in the ethnographic interviewing portion of the project. At times,
getting subjects to sign a fonn, when the store was crowded with people, was difficult to
accomplish, so I would make a general announcement that I was filming/shooting photos,
and if anyone objected to this, I would exclude them from the camera frame. For those
included in the footage or still images, additional consent was agreed upon with the
observational consent fonn (see appendix). Most interview subjects (those not
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videotaped) had a still image taken of them after the audio interview, which was covered
within the observational consent form.
I encouraged all participants to write their email address on the consent form.
When the dissertation was to be completed, I could send them a PDP of the project. I
believe it is important for the research participants to see how their interviews helped to
shape and contribute to the overall research project. I am also interested in their
perception of the project.
Lastly, I would like to discuss transcription. The idea was to get down exactly
what was said, including grammatical errors, digressions, laughter and tears. Rubin and
Rubin (2005) suggest including stalling words, such as "um and ah," and silent pauses
and hesitation should be noted. According to Poland (1995), many qualitative
researchers do not recognize the inherent problems in the process of translation to
audiotape and then to text, and this is often overlooked within the literature. A
transcriber's misinterpretations have occasionally reversed the meaning of what had been
said; thus, it should be noted that transcription error could lead to misinformation.
Through the process of transcription, I transcribed every word as it was spoken, and I
paid meticulous attention to detail in order to avoid transcription error.
Data Analysis
According to Berg (2007), good qualitative research is based on calculated
strategies and methodological rigor. This qualitative information cannot only add texture
to an analysis but also can demonstrate meanings and understandings about problems and
phenomena that would otherwise be unidentified. After the interviews were transcribed,
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the transcripts, field-notes, digital images (both still and video), and political economic
methods provided the data for this project.
According to Berg (2007), the coding process entails the systematic organization
and coding of interview data. This was accomplished by conducting a content analysis of
the data within an extremely ordered fashion. A content analysis is a careful, detailed,
systematic examination and interpretation of a particular body of material in an effort to
identify patterns, themes, biases and meanings (Berg, 2007). Transcripts, especially in
the beginning, were coded in minute detail, and eventually the document was saturated
with repetitious and overlapping codes. Once the codes had been established, the process
of open coding began, where notes were taken on each line of transcription text, which
lead to a process of memo writing (or theoretical notes), and the creation of short
summaries regarding sections of text. A theme was articulated by a sentence of text, and
in certain situations, whole paragraphs were used to categorize data, although paragraphs
sometimes contained several different themes at one time, which was problematic.
Photographic images were coded in a similar manner. For each image, I utilized
an open-coding approach, where a series of notes were taken to identify themes and
patterns. An example theme consisted of anti-corporate sentiments. For example, a
parody Best Buy sticker read "Must Die." The key themes and patterns that emerged
from the images later became memos.
Each of these themes was coded in tenns of the subject, question number, and
page number. Categories were grounded in the data from which they emerged (Berg
2007). Analytic categories arose from reading the literature and directly from interview
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questions (Berg, 2007). Each category has some explicit definition or coding rules, such
as a specific statement or word, and it might have included several inferential levels
(Berg, 2007).
Once categories were created, I coded the data, and cut-and-pasted information
into a category/document. A large number of data in each section suggested a place to
look for specific patterns. A minimum of three occurrences of something was needed to
be considered a pattern (Berg, 2007).
A tree of themes eventually emerged, and was categorized into specific word
documents. Through this process, specific categories and themes of various actions were
developed, and from there, sub-themes were developed. For example, "critical thinking"
was a main theme, while "anti-corporate sentiments" was a sub-theme of this topic. I
looked for and identified patterns through the process of open coding. This is where each
line of text was analyzed, and notes were taken regarding social processes. These notes
became memos, where I organized thoughts and themes into categories. When these
categories were constructed, I organized them as a separate word file. For example, all
"anti-corporate" sentiments were placed within this document, along with a specific
coding system that noted the name and location of the data within the larger master file. I
began to see how certain narratives or "stories" emerged. As numerous stories emerged, I
began to draft a version of the overall final analysis. From here, coherence and meaning
was brought about as each category and sub-category began to form a single story (Berg,
2007). These stories thus became the material in which the final report was constructed
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(Weiss, 1994). Exceptions to the codes were written into the report to avoid having one
overarching truth or conclusion.
Limitations of the Study
This project has a number of limitations. The most ostensible limitation was the
three primary field locations were located on the west coast of the United States, whereas
fieldwork conducted in a more diverse range of field locations would capture a more
complex socio-economic portrait of music retail in a variety of geographic regions.
While I interviewed some representatives of independent record stores based in Buffalo,
NY, a city known for its economic disrepair and dwindling population, it would have
been ideal to include wide variety of cities and small towns throughout the country. This
issue was largely due to financial resources and time constraints. The chosen locations
were close to my place of study in Eugene, Oregon, and the expenses associated with
travel and lodging to other geographic locations were not economically feasible. Nor did
I have adequate time to spend in other geographic regions, being a full time student.
In tenns of my fieldwork at Amoeba Music in San Francisco, I was only able to
conduct fieldwork for a total of five days, and couldn't become more fully immersed in
the culture of this particular store. Nor was I granted access to all areas of the store such
as the back offices, store buyers, upper management and owners. As a result, my data in
tenns of this particular research location was limited, mainly because of access issues.
Access was an issue in tenns of contacting stakeholders in regards to the
dominant music industry. Representatives of major record labels and chains of music
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distribution were not easily accessible, despite my attempts, and several didn't want to
participate in a "student" project. Likewise, I wanted to obtain more data from the
corporate side of music retail, but interviewing upper management and stakeholders
affiliated with retailers such as Apple, Wal-Mart, Target, FYE and Best Buy were
difficult to access. Also, fieldwork regarding Internet based music retail would help to
paint a more nuanced portrait of how the industry works in both a virtual and physical
retail environment, but this project focuses on "brick and mortar" stores. Also, access to
well known musicians and artists was difficult to attain, as such artists either lacked an
interest in participating in a student project, or their publicists blocked my access to them.
In terms of ethnographic fieldwork, spending two weeks at both Music
Millennium in Portland, and House of Records in Eugene (as well as five days at Amoeba
Music in San Francisco) was limited. This was largely due to lodging expenses and
limited time as I am a doctoral student. The ideal situation would have been to spend a
full month within each field location, thus becoming more fully immersed in the
environments. An ideal situation would have been to work at an independent record
store, but time restraints constrained this endeavor.
Another limitation was my lack of access to the bookkeeping of the three primary
field locations. Access to the economic records would have created a richer
understanding of the economic standing of the stores. These records are private, and thus
the storeowners didn't want this information to be publicized. Without specific numbers
to analyze, it was difficult to gauge the true economic realities of these primary stores.
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Lastly, because this project incorporated four methodological approaches, more
emphasis was placed on the qualitative aspects of ethnographic interviewing, field
ethnography, and visual ethnography. As a result, the political economy methods, while
receiving attention in terms ofthe creation of the context and analysis of the overall
music industry, perhaps had the least attention. Some might claim that political economy
could be its own project. While this variety of methods allowed for the triangulation of
data, some might argue that such a diversity of methods could spread the data too thin.
Despite the limitations described above, and others the reader may find, this
research provides a great deal of information about the nature of independent record store
and their relationship to the dominant music industry. My hope is that other researchers
will be excited about this research topic, and conduct further research on the topic.
Human Subjects
This research project strictly adhered to the rules, regulations and ethical
considerations set forth by the IRB and the Office of Human Subjects at the University of
Oregon. This project received approval from the IRB during my initial proposal issued in
February 2007. Over the years, this proposal went through numerous revisions in terms
of sample size and methods utilized in terms of recording (both video and audio)
interviews. The project was reviewed and approved by the IRB on an annual basis. I
have research clearance through February 2011. With the approval of my research
proposal, all the related consent forms and verbal scripts were approved by the IRE. I
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have received my testing certification with the IRB - an informative process that
considers various ethical concerns and politics in terms of researching human subjects.
Overall, the process with the IRE has made me acutely aware of the sensitive
nature of obtaining information from my research participants, and it forced me to obtain
field data in a manner that is both ethical and consensual. This institutional backing
protects the research subjects, as they are able to contact the Office of Human Subjects at
the university should they feel they are being used unfairly or in an unethical manner.
Overall, this process benefited both the researcher and research subjects.
Summary
In sum, this chapter provided insight as to how my research methodologies
functioned as a data-gathering device. It included a breakdown of my theoretical
approach and methodologies, including political economy methods, ethnographic
interviewing, ethnographic fieldwork, and visual ethnography. This chapter examined
my research sample, procedures and nature of selecting sources, data analysis,
limitations, and human subjects. These methodological approaches were utilized to
emphasize the triangulation of intersecting and complex layers of data, and how they
provided insight into independent record store culture and its relationship to the dominant
music industry.
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CHAPTER V
POLITICAL ECONOMY, PART 1: CORPORATE PROFILES OF THE MAJOR
RECORD LABELS, CORPORATE RETAILERS, AND ANALYSIS OF KEY
THEMES AND PATTERNS
"It's a very different type of logic, and this is the way these music companies
work. They're not interested in the ideas behind the music, they're not
interested in the spirit that moves the music, the passion. They're just
interested in making money and they have no regard for the music otherwise.
And with that, it mocks the music, it demeans it, and it demeans the culture."
- Robert McChesney in Money for Nothing: Behind the Business ofPopular
Music (McLeod, 2001).
Whether music is purchased at a multinational corporate big-box chain such as
Wal-Mart, downloaded digitally through Apple's iTunes Store, or purchased at a local
independent record store, music is a commodity that is bought and sold within a capitalist
system.
This chapter entails a political economic analysis of the corporate structuring of
the "big four" major record labels and their economic intersection with "big box" stores,
as well as with the major on-line music retailers. The primary goal ofthis analysis is to
reveal the economic and structural mechanisms which bring musical objects into being -
a situation predicated on the corporatization of culture. Mapping this political economic
foundation will enable a more sophisticated analytical reading of the independent record
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store under the auspices of the dominant music industry and a social epoch indelibly
marked by neo-liberalism.
This chapter provides a structural overview of the corporate ownership of the "big
four" record labels, which includes Universal Music Group, Warner Music Group, Sony
Music Entertainment, and EM!. These concise corporate profiles examine market share
and concentration, both vertical and horizontal integration, diversification and synergistic
practices. This will be followed with a breakdown of "indie" labels within this economic
framework.
Following the discussion of the major record labels, the major music retailers will
be profiled. They include Apple's iTunes Store, Wal-Mart, Target, Amazon, Best Buy,
FYE, Borders, Barnes and Noble and Rhapsody. Each of these retailers will be examined
in terms of their market share, number of locations (if it has a physical location), vertical
and horizontal integration, and diversification and synergistic practices. Independent
stores will also be addressed, as well as how independent stores are categorized by type.
After a brief definition of the political economy of communication has been
reintroduced (see Chapter IV for a full theoretical foundation in terms of the political
economy of communication), and the political economic analysis of major record labels
and music retail has been presented, the following research question is addressed:
What is the political economic makeup of the major record labels and dominant
retail outlets, and what are the implications of these structural arrangements?
The chapter concludes with a summary of key findings derived fi'om the corporate
profiles. These findings will act as the foundation for a more sophisticated analysis of
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specific corporate retail practices and the location of the independent record store within
this larger economic and cultural context (Political Economy Analysis Pt. 2, Chapter VI).
Brief Review: The Political Economy of Communication
The political economy of communication is a structural approach that investigates
media ownership. It is concerned with how media ownership is interconnected with
political institutions, and through a variety of practices and policies can result in anti-
democratic ideals and the homogenization of information and culture (Mosco, 1996).
Mosco (1996) claims, "One can think about political economy as the study of social
relations, particularly the power relations, that mutually constitute the production,
distribution, and consumption of resources" (p. 25). By examining imbalances in media
flows, we can begin to conceptualize how not only how the capitalistic system functions
to reproduce itself, but to conceive strategies for overcoming it.
Corporate Profiles of the "Big Four" Record Labels
The four major record labels known as the "big four" are: Universal Music Group,
Warner Music Group, Sony Music Entertainment and EM!. The "big four" are part of
multinational conglomerates (with the exception of Warner Music Group). They receive
most of their revenues from big-name American performers. According to SoundScan (a
point of sale scanning system that tracks for the Billboard charts) statistics from 2009,
almost 89 percent of all music sold in the United States was through one of the "big four"
record labels ("Nielson Company," 2010).
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What follows is a brief corporate breakdown of each of the "big four" record
labels and their parent companies. These corporate profiles examine market share and
concentration, vertical and horizontal integration, diversification and some examples of
synergistic practices. It should be noted that these profiles contain key economic data
and information about all of the four corporations, whereas each of these operations could
lend itself to an extensive research project. The data from these profiles are examined in
the analysis portion at the end of the chapter. Most of this data was compiled from
documents such as annual reports, company web sites, and trade publications (Variety
and Billboard). In terms of interviews, representatives from the major labels and retailers
are difficult to access, and often declined an interview. However, I did interview
representatives from Universal Music Group, Target and Best Buy.
Universal Music Group (UMG)
Parent Company: Vivendi (France)
US Retail Market Share 2009 (SoundScan): 30.20%
Total Revenues Vivendi 2009: €27,132 million (Euros)
Tot~l.Revenues UMG 2009: €4,363 million (Euros)
Universal Music Group (UMG) is a wholly owned subsidiary of French media
conglomerate Vivendi. It is the largest of the "big four" major labels, and is the largest
business group and family of record labels in the recording industry and in the world.
One in every four records sold around the world is under the umbrella of the Universal
Music Group (Vivendi S.A., 2010). UMG is composed of three business segments
including recorded music, music publishing, and artist services and merchandising. In
tenns of recorded music, UMG has particularly strong positions in the North American
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and European markets, which together account for 70 percent of global sales (Vivendi
S.A.,2010). In terms of music publishing, UMG has a combined publishing catalog of
two million owned and administered titles.
The label owns a vast number of record labels and music groups, and is thus
heavily horizontally integrated. Labels under the UMG umbrella include Island Def Jam
Music Group, Interscope, Geffen A&M Records, MCA Nashville, Mercury Records,
Polydor, Universal Motown Republic Group, Decca and Verve. Artists under this
umbrella include Lady Gaga, U2, Eminem, Bon Jovi, Nirvana, the Who, James Brown,
Bob Marley, and John Coltrane. UMG is not dependent on any particular artist or music
trend due to its diverse array of labels.
UMG has outsourced the bulk of its manufacturing and management of
distribution activities to third parties. However, UMG is the world's largest distributor of
music with Universal Music Distribution, and is thus vertically integrated. UMG also
sells and distributes music and film DVDs and licenses music for use in sound
recordings, films, videos, commercials and for live perfonnances. UMG's merchandising
division trades as Bravado and is responsible for live music merchandising, as well as
retail partnerships with Old Navy and Wal-Mart. In 2009, UMG and Kyte (an on-line
and mobile digital media platform) created a global partnership to distribute UMG
content ("Universal Music Group (UMG) and Kyte Announce," 2009).
According to the Vivendi 2009 Annual Report, some of the company's assets
include: Activision Blizzard, the world's leading independent online and console video
game publishing; SFR, France's second largest telecommunications operator; Maroc
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Telecom Groups, Morocco's largest fixed, mobile, and Internet operator; GVT, the
largest telecommunications operator in Brazil; and Canal+Group, France's number one
distributor of pay TV offerings and a major player in film production and distribution.
The music portion of Vivendi's overall revenues from 2009 amounts to 16.1 percent of
the conglomerate's overall total revenues for the year (Vivendi S.A., 2010).
Sony Music Entertainment (SME)
Parent Company: Sony Corporation (Japan)
US Retail Market Share 2009 (SoundScan): 28.58%
Total Revenues Sony Corporation 2009: ¥7,730.0 billion (Yen)
Total Revenues Sony Music Entertainment 2009: ¥539.6 billion (Yen) (figures include
Sony Music Entertainment Japan)
Sony Music Entertainment is under the umbrella of the Sony Corporation of
America, a subsidiary of the Sony Corporation, based in Japan. SME is the second-
largest company of the "big four" major labels, with a total of28 percent of the U.S.
music market in 2009 ("Nielson Company," 20 I0). In 2008, Sony acquired Bertelsmann
AG's 50 percent stake in the company, and SONY BMG became a wholly owned
subsidiary, changing its name to Sony Music Entertainment in 2009 (Thiel, 2008). In
addition to being able to further lower its cost base through increased efficiencies, having
SME within the Sony Group allows the company to work more efficiently with its
electronics, game and pictures businesses. According to the Sony Corporation 2009
Annual Report, Japan represented 24 percent of their overall sales, followed by 24
percent in the United States, and 27 percent in Europe.
The label also has a vast number ofholdings in tenns of record labels and music
groups, and is thus heavily horizontally integrated. An abridged list of record labels
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under the Sony Music Entertainment umbrella include Columbia Records, Arista
Records, Epic Records, Jive Records, RCA Records, Bluebird Jazz, and Legacy
Recordings. Artists under this umbrella include AC/DC, Beyonce, Britney Spears, Bob
Dylan, Willie Nelson and Joni Mitchell. SONY/ATV Music Publishing owns or
administers more than 750,000 music copyrights (Sony Corporation, 2009). SME
distributes its own musical product, which is an example of vertical integration. SME
owns RED, a distributor of approximately fifty independent music labels, an example of
vertical integration.
On the digital front, SME has recently signed important licensing deals with Sony
Ericsson, Apple, Nokia, Vodafone, MySpace, and Amazon, and the company is also
developing revenue streams through live concerts, artist management, and sponsorships
(Sony Corporation, 2009). SME also works to integrate its music holdings with a wide
range of Sony products and hardware, including Sony Ericsson's PlayNow (mobile
phones and media download services), X Series and digital Walkman (portable MP3
player), preloaded with a variety songs and videos from the label's repertoire; this is an
example of product synergy. Historically, Sony has co-developed the CD, DVD, Super
Audio CD, and Blu-Ray Disc (Sony Corporation, 2009). As an example of product
synergy, SME released over a dozen new titles in the Blu-ray Disc format, and
collaborated with Sony Pictures Entertainment on music components for the latest James
Bond movie, Quantum ofSolace.
Sony is a leading manufacturer of audio, video, communications, and infonnation
technology products for the consumer and professional markets (Sony Corporation,
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2009). Its key holdings include Sony Pictures Entertainment (film), Sony Pictures
Television, Sony Computer Entertainment (video games/PlayStation),
electronics/hardware (audio, video, televisions, stereo equipment, CD players), Financial
Services (Sony Life Insurance, and Sony Bank Inc.). Its motion picture, television,
computer entertainment, music and online businesses make Sony one of the most
comprehensive entertainment companies in the world. The music portion of Sony's
overall revenues from 2009 amounted to 6.1 percent of the conglomerate's overall total
revenues for the year (Sony Corporation, 2009).
Warner Music Group (WMG)
Parent Company: Warner Music Group (United States)
US Retail Market Share 2009 (SoundScan): 20.55%
Total Revenues 2009: $3.2 billion
Warner Music Group is the third largest of the "big four" major record labels with
20 percent of the market share in 2009 ("Nielson Company," 2010). Unlike the other
major labels, WMG is a stand-alone music company, and is not part of a major
conglomerate. The current incarnation of the company was formed in 2004 when it was
spun off from Time Warner, and as a result, Time Warner no longer retains any
ownership. Warner Music Group is essentially two businesses: recorded music and
music publishing. The recorded music business produces revenue primarily through the
marketing, sale and licensing of recorded music in various physical formats (such as
CDs, LPs and DVDs) and digital fonnats (such as downloads and ringtones). The
recorded music business has also expanded its participation in image and brand rights
associated with artists, including merchandising, sponsorships, touring and artist
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management (Warner Music Group Corp., 2010). The music publishing business owns
and acquires rights to musical compositions, exploits and markets these compositions,
and receives royalties or fees for their use. According to the 2009 Annual Report, the
label holds rights to over one million copyrights from over 65,000 songwriters and
composers. Prior to corporate expenses and eliminations, the music publishing business
generated revenues of $578 million during the fiscal year ended September 30, 2009
(Warner Music Group Corp., 2010).
Like all of the "big four" major labels, Warner Music Group has a vast number of
holdings in terms of record labels and music groups, and is heavily horizontally
integrated. Labels under the Warner Music Group umbrella include Asylum, Atlantic,
Cordless, East West, Elektra, Nonesuch, Reprise, Rhino, Roadrunner, Rykodisc, Sire,
Warner Bros. and Word. WMG artists include Madonna, Led Zeppelin, The Doors,
REM, The Ramones, The Smiths, Notorious BIG, Paul Simon and the Red Hot Chili
Peppers.
In tenns of vertical integration, WMG's recorded music distribution operations
include WEA Corp., which markets and sells music and DVD products to retailers and
wholesale distributors in the U.S.; and Alternative Distribution Alliance (ADA), which
distributes for the independent labels Matador, Sub Pop (Sub Pop owns 5 percent of
ADA), Domino Records, Merge Records, amongst many others (Warner Music Group
Corp., 2010). ADA distributes the products of independent labels to retail and wholesale
distributors in the U.S.; various distribution centers and ventures operate internationally.
WMG maintains an 80 percent interest in Word Entertainment, which specializes in the
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distribution of music products in the Christian retail marketplace; and ADA Global,
which provides distribution services outside of the U.S. In 2006, WMG acquired Ryko
distribution, which, combined with ADA, is the largest distributor of "independent"
music in the United States.
As a stand-alone corporation, Warner Music Group has no other diversified
interests or holdings.
EMI
Parent Company: Terra Firma Capital Partners (England)
US Retail Market Share 2009 (SoundScan): 9.20%
Total Revenues 2009 Terra Firma Capital Partners: £4.7 billion (Pounds)
Total Revenues 2008, EMI: £1,072 million (Pounds)
EMI is a subsidiary of Terra Firma Capital Partners based in England, and is the
smallest of the "big four" record labels, with 9 percent of the U.S. market share in 2009
("Nielson Company," 2010). The business is made up of two divisions, EMI Music and
EMI Music Publishing. EMI Music represents recording artists, markets and promotes
them, and distributes their music to retailers and licensed users. EMI Recorded Music
owns a catalog of over three million tracks (Terra Firma Capital Partners LTD., 2010).
EMI Music Publishing is focused on acquiring, protecting, administering and exploiting
rights in musical compositions, with revenue coming from licensing the right to use the
music. In the financial year of 2006/2007, the company reported a loss of around US$400
million, and a revenue drop of 16 percent globally and 13 percent in the U.S. (IBISWorld
Industry Report, 2009, p. 35).
Like the other big four labels, EMI has much depth in terms of horizontal
integration, and the labels under this umbrella include: Angel, Astralwerks, Blue Note,
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Capitol, Capitol Latin, Capitol Nashville, EMI Classics, EMI CMG, EMI Records, EMI
Records Nashville, Manhattan, Mute, Parlophone and Virgin. Artists under this umbrella
include: The Beatles, Pink Floyd, Beastie Boys, Queen, Coldplay, Depeche Mode, Keith
Urban, Snoop Dog and Massive Attack.
In terms of vertical integration, manufacturing was fully outsourced by the end of
2005 and distribution is increasingly being can-ied out by third parties (Ten-a Firma
Capital Partners LTD., 2010). EMI CMG Distribution was founded in 1994 to serve as
the main sales and distribution outlet for EMI CMG's owned and distributed labels to the
US and international Christian and general retail marketplace. EMI Label Services and
Caroline Distribution distribute numerous "independent" labels, and have been
responsible for breaking many acts and nurturing many labels over the years.
Ten-a Firma Capital Partners is a highly diversified conglomerate. In addition to
handling EMI Music and EMI Music publishing, the corporation has the following assets:
Everpower (US wind power), Infinis (UK renewable energy), Annington/Deutsche
Annington (UK/German residential housing sales and rental), AWAS (worldwide aircraft
leasing), Odeon (Pan-European Cinema Operator), and Phoenix Natural Gas (Northern
Ireland natural gas distribution and supply), (Terra Firma Capital Partners LTD., 2010).
Terra Firma has been reported to be exploring a merger of EMI with Warner
Music Group (and vice versa), but no major transactions have occurred as of this writing.
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Independent Labels
Hundreds of "true" independents exist without corporate ownership. Together,
independent labels collect the 11 percent of the market share left over from the big four
labels (,'Nielson Company," 2010). Indie labels are defined as being free from corporate
sponsorship and also have independent distribution, which results in the status of "true
independent." In this case, indie labels such as Kill Rock Stars, Dischord, Alternative
Tentacles, K Records, and Anticon are "true" independents under this definition.
However, this definition of independence doesn't take into account digital MP3
distribution (such as iTunes) and the implications this has on an independent label's
ability to exist free of corporate interests. This will be addressed in further detail in the
analysis portion of this chapter.
Corporate Profiles: Music Retail Outlets
What follows is a brief corporate breakdown of the primary outlets where music
is sold in the American marketplace, both physically and on-line. These brief corporate
profiles examine market share and concentration, notions of integration, diversification
and synergistic practices. This includes Apple's iTunes, Wal-Mart, Target, Best Buy,
Barnes and Noble, Amazon, and FYE. Independent stores as a general category will also
be addressed, as well as how independent stores are categorized by type.
As discussed previously, this extremely concentrated retail market consists of big
box corporate chains in combination with Apple's iTunes Store and constitutes 71
percent of the music buying market, as opposed to 29 percent of "other" and independent
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record stores. On-line digital downloading stores have been thriving in recent years, as
the CD has been declining in sales; however, record stores and general "big box" retail
stores still account for the majority of music sales in the United States. More recent 2009
data from the NDP (a leading North American market research company) claims that
CDs now only comprise 65 percent of all music sold in the first half of 2009, compared to
paid digital downloads, which comprised 35 percent ofthe market (Graham, 2010).
What follows is a brief corporate profile by outlet. It should be noted that these
profiles contain key economic data and information about these corporations, whereas
each of these operations could lend itself to an extensive research project. The data from
these profiles are examined in the analysis portion at the end of the chapter.
iTunes
Parent Company: Apple Inc. (USA)
U.S. Music Retail Market Share 2009: 25% (19% in 2008)
Total Company Revenue 2009: $42.91 billion
Total Music Related Products/Revenues 2009: $696 million
Music Formats Stocked: Digital Download (MP3)
Apple Inc. is an American multinational corporation that designs and manufactures
consumer electronics, computer software, and personal computers. According to Apple's
Annual Report 2009, iTunes is an application for playing, downloading, and organizing
digital audio and video files and is available for both Mac and Windows-based
computers. iTunes is integrated with the iTunes Store, a service that allows customers to
find, purchase, rent, and download third-party digital music, audio books, music videos,
short films, television shows, movies, games, and other applications. According to the
2009 Annual Report, the iTunes Store was originally introduced in the U.S. in April
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2003, and now serves customers in 23 countries (p. 7). Currently, legal paid-for MP3s
are primarily sold through Apple's iTunes online store, where they are responsible for 70
percent of all paid-for MP3 music downloads ("Nielson Company," 2010).
According to the NDP research group, as of August 2009, Apple's iTunes store
comprised 25 percent of all music units sold in the United States. Alternative figures
from the 2008 IFPI Digital Music Report claimed that iTunes' digital sales, which
include mobile telephone downloads for songs and ringtones, accounted for 30 percent of
the market in the United States (IFPI, 2010). On January 6, 2009, Phil Schiller (Senior
Vice President of Apple Inc.) announced in his Macworld 2009 keynote speech that over
6 billion songs had been downloaded since the service first launched on April 28, 2003,
making it the largest online music store in the world ("Macworld Expo," 2010). iTunes
comprised 69 percent of the digital music market in the first half of2009, followed by
AmazonMP3 at 8 percent (Graham, 2009).
The music sold via iTunes ranges from $0.99 to $1.29 cents per track. A single
$0.99 download generates about $0.33 for iTunes (and $0.57 goes to the record label)
(Campbell, Martin and Fabos, 2010). Some record companies retain this entire amount
for recordings in which artists have no provisions for digital download royalties in their
contract. According to Campbell, Martin and Fabos (2010), "With no CD printing and
packaging costs, record companies can retain more of the revenue on download sales" (p.
99). Despite the popularity of the online store, many music executives criticize iTunes as
it promotes the selling of single tracks as opposed to purchasing entire albums - and
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artists such as AC/DC, Kid Rock and the Beatles catalog are not available via the iTunes
store, since the major labels seek higher profits generated from full album sales.
Placement and visibility within the iTunes Store are often determined by staffers'
tastes, and promos are also granted to those who cut prices or provide exclusive "iTunes
only" tracks. Apple typically avoids paid placement in an attempt to provide unbiased
recommendations. In theory, this stymies major labels and others that would hope to buy
their way to the top of the sales charts (Mally, 2007).
In terms of vertical integration, Apple plays an extremely powerful role in terms
of the manufacture of hardware, most notably the iPod, the ubiquitous MP3 music player
that has radically altered how recorded music is bought and sold. Since October 2004,
the iPod line has dominated digital music player sales in the United States, with over 90
percent of the market for hard drive-based players and over 70 percent of the market for
all types of players (Marsal, 2007). At the September 9,2009, keynote presentation at an
Apple event, Phil Schiller announced total cumulative sales of iPods exceeded 220
million ("Macworld Expo," 2010). Net sales for the iPod in 2009 were $8,091 million,
according to Apple's 2009 Annual Report. However, in 2006, the Mail on Sunday
alleged that sweatshop conditions existed in factories in China, where contract
manufacturers, Foxconn and Inventec, operate factories that manufacture iPods ("The
Stark Reality," 2006).
Other significant Apple hardware includes the smartphone known as the iPhone,
which acts as a MP3 player, for which digital music can be purchased directly from the
iTunes Store to the wireless device. Apple sold 6,754 million iPhones, according to the
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company's 2009 annual report (Apple Inc., 2010, p. 42). The iTouch and iPad also
allow customers to access the iTunes store and utilize iTunes software. Apple-based
computer products such as the MacBook Pro allow customers to access the on-line
iTunes Store, which acts as a database and computer based listening station, as well as a
converter of the digital files directly to one's iPod or iPhone.
According to the 2009 Annual Report, net sales of other music-related products and
services increased $696 million or 21 percent during 2009 compared to 2008. The
increase was due predominantly to increased net sales of third-party digital content and
applications from the iTunes Store, which experienced double-digit growth in each of the
company's geographic segments during 2009, compared to the same period in 2008
(Apple Inc., 2010). In terms of physical retail outlets, the company opened 26 new retail
stores during 2009, including a total of 14 international stores, ending the year with 273
physical stores (Apple Inc., 2010).
Wal-Mart
Parent Company: Wal-Mart Inc. (USA)
U.S. Music Retail Market Share 2008: 15%
Total Company Revenue 2009: $401.2 (billions)
Number ofDiscount Stores in the USA: 891, Supercenters (2,612), Neighborhood
Markets (153), International Market, stores outside the US (3,615), Sam's Club (153),
also walmart.com.
Music Formats Stocked: Digital download (MP3), CD.
Wal-Mart Stores Inc. is an American corporation that owns a chain of large
department stores. According to Fortune's Global 500 listing, Wal-Mart was the world's
largest corporation in 2009 (Tseng, 2010). Wal-Mart is the largest private employer and
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the largest grocery retailer in the United States (UFCW, 2010). The company sells a
wide range of consumer products, ranging from dog food, clothing, bicycles, diamonds,
groceries, appliances and electronics.
Behind Apple's iTunes Store, Wal-Mart is the second largest retailer of music in
the U.S., with 15 percent of the overall market (Graham, 2009). According to Kusek
(2005), Wal-Mart alone accounts for approximately 20 percent of all physical music sold
in the U.S. (the largest physical retailer of music in the country), which is an astonishing
figure considering the store's music catalog is usually less than 750 titles deep (p. 87).
According to Knopper (2009), in 2000, the Federal Trade Commission accused the labels
of price fixing, and the FTC declared they were penalizing some stores like Best Buy and
Wal-Mart for selling CDs too cheaply, or as "loss leaders." Wal-Mart has had a number
of exclusive only releases, where CDs are only available at the retail store from the likes
of ACIDC, The Eagles, Journey, and Garth Brooks.
Despite this powerful position in the music market, the amount of store and shelf
space at Wal-Mart that is dedicated to physical music has been shrinking in recent years,
due to the decrease of sales of physical product, or CDs. According to Business Insider,
in July 2007, estimated that Wal-Mart had cut between 5 percent and 23 percent of their
CD inventory in the previous two years. Business Insider also reported predictions of
cuts that would range from 20 percent to 40 percent (Kafka, 2007).
Wal-Mart MP3 Downloads mimics the iTunes store, where consumers can
purchase individual tracks for $0.94 (thus undercutting iTunes' price of $0.99 per track).
While the physical Wal-Mart Store usually caters to popular music and mainstream
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Billboard hits, the on-line store sells a broad range of "underground" or "independent"
music, as well as music with political and explicit content not available in the physical
stores, such as the Dead Kennedy's Bedtimefor Democracy and NWA's Straight Out Of
Compton (edited version), records that would never be stocked in the physical stores.
Wal-Mart's role as a censor of music has been highly publicized over the years.
The chain has a long-standing policy of not stocking any CD with a parental advisory
sticker. In fact, Wal-Mart doesn't outright censor musical content, but in order for the
music to be stocked in their physical stores (note: this isn't the case with Wal-Mart's
digital download store), it must meet certain requirements, or the label must provide
edited versions and/or modify album artwork. As a result, artists and labels must agree to
self-censorship in order to obtain shelf placement in the physical retail stores. Because
Wal-Mart is the largest market in terms of physical CDs in the country, many artists bend
to these requirements, or face significant reductions in their overall album sales.
However, in 2009, the popular punk band Green Day refused to make an edited version
of its album 2Ft Century Breakdown, and as a result, Wal-Mart refused to stock the
album (however, numerous other Green Day albums are available at Wal-Mart MP3 on-
line store, and in select physical retail stores). The issue of censorship will be addressed
in more detail in Chapter VI.
In terms of horizontal integration, Wal-Mart is a ubiquitous brand in the United
States and in certain countries around the world. Its strong holdings in terms of retail
outlets make the corporation an economic powerhouse. According to the Wal-Mart 2009
Annual Report, in the United States, there are 891 discount stores, 2,612 supercenters,
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and 153 neighborhood markets. Wal-Mart also has an on-line presence at walmart.com.
In tenns of the global market, there are 3,615 stores outside the US, and a total of 153
Sam's Club outlets. There are 318 Wal-Mart Stores in Canada, as well as a variety of
Wal-Mart Stores that operate under other names, such as the Seiyu brand in Japan (371
units), the Bodega Aurrera brand in Mexico (1,197), and the Hiper Brand in Brazil (345
units), as well as locations in India, China, and numerous locations in central America
(Wal-Mart Stores Inc., 2010).
Even though Wal-Mart is the largest seller of physical music in the country, the
2009 Annual Report doesn't mention music sales, suggesting that musical product plays a
minuscU'le role in their overall business operation.
Best Buy
Parent Company: Best Buy Co., Inc.
U.S. Music Retail Market Share 2008: 13%
Total Company Revenue 2009: $45,015 (millions)
Best Buy Stores in the United States in 2010: 1,069
Number of "continuing operations" in 2010: 4,027
Music Fonnats Stocked: Digital downloads (MP3), CDs; vinyl LP records.
Best Buy Co. Inc. sells consumer electronics, as well as a broad range of related
merchandise such as computers, computer software, video games, DVDs, Blu-Ray discs,
CDs, mobile phones, digital cameras, and car stereos. They also sell home appliances
such as washing machines, dryers and refrigerators. Best Buy is the largest specialty
retailer of consumer electronics in the U.S. and Canada.
Best Buy is the third (behind iTunes and Wal-Mart) largest retailer of music in the
United States, with a 13 percent share of the market (Graham, 2009). Best Buy also sells
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CDs and vinyl LP records at Bestbuy.com, which has a deeper catalog than the physical
stores. Digital MP3s can be purchased through Napster, another Best Buy asset. Select
Best Buy outlets also sell LP vinyl records at prices ranging from $6.99 to over $50 for
re-issued records. Best Buy has had a number of exclusive only releases over the years,
which have included Guns and Roses' Chinese Democracy, as well as a live release by
The Police.
According to the 2008 Annual Report, the store's "Entertainment Software"
category, which includes CDs, DVDs, and video games (hardware and software), and
computer software, combined for 20 percent of all domestic sales and 13 percent of its
international sales (p. 7). However, it is unclear what specific percentage music sales
represented in these "entertainment" figures. However, the report notes that CD and
DVD sales have been declining (Best Buy Co., Inc., 2008).
Best Buy has been accused of selling their CDs as "loss leaders," meaning they
sell these products for less than they pay for them, because the losses can be made up
with the sale of computers, televisions and a variety of other electronics. The topic of
"loss leaders" and pricing will be explored in the next chapter.
Best Buy is vertically integrated due to its ownership ofRedline Entertainment, a
record label and video distributor. Redline is a company that works with artists in
multiple areas of the entertainment industry, including management, publishing,
production, and merchandising. In 2009, Redline Entertainment released an album by the
band Chickenfoot SIT (featuring fonner members of Van Halen and the Red Hot Chili
Peppers), which was a Best Buy exclusive for a brief time and later sold at other retail
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outlets. The album peaked at #4 on the Billboard charts in 2009. Redline's catalog also
includes releases by Pete Townshend and Prince.
Best Buy Co. Inc. is heavily horizontally integrated in the retail sector. In
September 2008, Best Buy acquired Napster, a digital download store where music can
be streamed and individual MP3 tracks or albums can be purchased. Napster also offers
music subscriptions and various mobile offers. As of2008, Napster had over 700,000
music subscribers ("Best Buy to Acquire Napster," 2008). At Bestbuy.com, physical
CDs can be purchased or consumers can directly download albums or tracks through
links with Napster.
According to BestBuy.com (2010), in addition to 1,069 retail stores in the U.S.,
Best Buy owns Magnolia Audio Video Stores (8 units), Geek Squad stand-alone stores (6
units) and Best Buy Mobile stand-alone stores (74 units). Global operations include
Canada Best Buy (64 units), Best Buy Europe (2,453 units), Five Star Stores (158 units),
as well as stores in Mexico and Turkey. Best Buy is also diversified in terms of other
fonns of retail, including Pacific Sales Kitchen and Bath Centers (35 units). In total, Best
Buy Co. Inc. reported a total of 4,027 total "continuing operations" (Best Buy Co., Inc.,
2008).
Amazon
Parent Company: Amazon.com Inc. (USA)
U.S. Music Retail Market Share 2008: 6%
Total Company Revenue 2009: $24,509 (billion)
Amazon Stores in the United States in 2010: E-CommercelNo Physical Stores
Music Formats Stocked: MP3, CD, vinyl records
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Amazon is an American-based multinational electronic commerce company. As
of January 2010, Amazon is the largest online retailer in the U.S., with nearly three times
the Internet sales revenue as the second largest retailer, Staples, Inc. (Amazon.com,
2010). Amazon started as an online bookstore, but soon diversified to product lines such
as VHS, DVD, music CDs and MP3s, computer software, video games, electronics,
apparel, furniture, food, and toys. The Amazon Kindle, a hardware and software
platform, is used for the rendering and displaying of e-books and other digital media.
According to 2008 NPD statistics, Amazon is the fourth-largest seller of music in the
U.S. with 6 percent of the overall market (Graham, 2009). The company has a total of8
percent of the digital download market, behind the iTunes store with 70 percent of the
market (Graham, 2009).
In 2007, Amazon launched Amazon MP3, its own online music store, where
individual tracks can be downloaded for 0.99 cents each. Thus, Amazon stocks a wide
va;riety of mainstream and independent music titles in both physical and digital fonn, and
has a deep catalog in terms of established and, at times, obscure artists. In most cases,
Amazon.com has more musical diversity than Wal-Mart.com, Target.com and Best
Buy.com.
Amazon laid the groundwork for the hugely successful Amazon Marketplace
service launched in 2001, which allows customers to sell used books, CDs, DVDs, and
other products alongside new items. Amazon reported that over 1.3 million sellers offered
products through Amazon's web sites in 2007 (Amazon.com Inc., 2009). Users can also
create reviews of music that are posted under the item listing. None of the other top
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major retailers sells used musical goods, which means that Amazon represents more
diversity than other chains in terms of musical selection. Many independent record stores
sell new and used CDs via Amazon.com, where the company takes a small portion for
every sale. As a result, indie stores are connected to a larger corporate entity.
Amazon also offers warehousing and order-fulfillment for third-party sellers,
including large companies such as Target Corporation (and fonnerly Borders), and thus
maintains strategic alliances with other companies (Amazon.com Inc., 2009).
According to the 2008 Annual Report, the company has developed software for
national versions of Amazon in the United Kingdom, Ireland, India, Japan, China, and
South Africa. Amazon has order fulfilling operations and warehouses around the U.S., as
well as in Germany, Japan, China, England, Scotland, and Wales.
Target
Parent Company: Target Corporation
U.S. Music Retail Market Share 2008: 5%
Total Company Revenue 2009: $65,357 (millions)
Target Stores in the United States in 2010: 1,740 (USA)
Music Formats Stocked: CDs, vinyl LP records (very limited availability)
The Target Corporation is a discount retailer based in the United States that sells
home furnishings and decor, food and pet supplies, household essentials, and clothing
apparel and accessories. Target is the second largest discount retailer behind Wal-Mart,
and is the fifth largest seller of music in the U.S. with 5 percent of the overall market
(Graham, 2009).
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According to the 2009 Annual Report, music product falls under the store category
of "Hardlines," which also includes electronics (including video game hardware and
software), movies, books, computer software, sporting goods and toys, which constituted
22 percent of the overall store revenues in 2009 (p. 2). Specific statistics for music sales
are not included in the company's annual reports. Over the years, Target has had a
number of exclusive only releases by artists including Pearl Jam, Prince, and Mariah,
Kings of Leon, Bon Jovi and John Legend. Like Wal-Mart and Best Buy, the music
sections at Target stores have been shrinking over the last couple of years due to
decreasing CD sales.
Music can be purchased in the physical store or at Target.com, where physical CDs
can be purchased from a much more diverse catalog of both mainstream and "indie"
artists. Unlike Wal-Mart and Best Buy, Target doesn't sell digital MP3 downloads of
individual tracks or albums through their on-line store. However, in 2002, Target.direct
and Amazon.com's subsidiary, Amazon Enterprise Solutions, created a partnership in
which Amazon.com would provide order fulfillment and guest services for Target.com in
exchange for fixed and variable fees. This electronic commerce relationship between
Target.direct and Amazon Enterprise Solutions will last until August 2010 ("Target
Corporation and Amazon Enterprise Solutions," 2006). This is an example of horizontal
integration.
According to the 2009 Annual Report, there were 1,740 Target stores in the U.S. in
2007. The company also licenses its bull's-eye trademark to Wesfanners, owners of the
separate Target Australia chain, which includes 283 stores (167 Target Stores, 116 Target
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Country Stores) (Coles Group Ltd., 2007). Target is also a highly diversified company
with the following subsidiaries: Target Financial Services includes the Target REDcard
issued through the Target National Bank. Target Sourcing Services/The Associated
Merchandising Corporation is a global sourcing organization that locates merchandise
from around the world and helps import merchandise such as garments, furniture,
bedding and towels to the u.S. Target Commercial Interiors provides design services and
furniture for office space. Target Brands owns and oversees the company's private label
products, including the grocery brands and the electronics brand Trutech. The company
also operates Target.com.
F.Y.E.
Parent Company: Transworld Entertainment Corporation
Music Retail Market Share 2008: 4%
Total Company Assets 2007: $687.6 (millions)
Transworld Stores in the United States in 2010: 557
Music Formats Stocked: CD, vinyl LP records, MP3 downloads
FYE (For Your Entertainment) is a mall-based electronics store selling primarily
CDs, Blu-ray discs, DVDs, video garnes, books, and other entertainment products. They
also buy, sell, and trade used CDs, BIu-ray discs, DVDs, and video games. FYE falls
under the corporate umbrella of Trans World Entertainment Corporation. As of January
30,2010, the company operated 557 freestanding and mall-based stores under several
brand names ("Trans World Entertainment Company Information," 2010). In late 1998,
Camelot, a separate mall-based chain, was acquired by Trans World Entertainment.
Trans World later consolidated its mall-based music stores under the brand name FYE,
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including the remaining Camelot and The Wall (another mall-based chain) locations.
According to the 2007 Annual Report, the total number of stores in 2006 was 992 which
then dropped to 813 in 2007 (Trans World Entertainment, 2008, p. 3). The chain's
reduction to 557 stores is evidence of the company's continued financial difficulties.
FYE sells both new and used CDs; it is also possible to purchase vinyl records at
FYE.com. FYE sells MP3s with its FYE Downloads Unlimited on-line service.
According to the 2007 Annual Report, Trans World Entertainment is heavily
horizontally integrated in terms of media, and owns the national chain FYE, along with
local chains including Planet Music, Saturday Matinee, Wherehouse Music, Coconuts,
and SecondSpin.com. Trans World is diversified with the ownership of Suncoast Motion
Picture Company, a mall-based operation that focuses on film and video. Numerous
defunct music chains under the Trans World umbrella included: Camelot Music, Media
Play; Sam Goody, Tape World, Record Land, Record Town, and On Cue.
Borders
Parent Company: Borders Group (USA)
U.S. Music Retail Market Share 2008: 3%
Total Company Revenues 2009: $3.82 (billion)
Borders (and related) Stores in the United States in 2010: 511
Music Formats Stocked: CDs
Borders Group is an international bookseller and is the second-largest bookstore
chain in the United States (after Barnes & Noble), selling a wide variety of books, CDs,
DVDs, and periodicals, as well as gifts and stationery. Borders maintains 3 percent of the
music market in 2008, according to NPD statistics.
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As of January 2010, Borders operated 511 superstores under the Borders name,
including 508 in the United States and three in Puerto Rico (Borders Group Inc., 2009).
According to the 2009 Annual Report, Borders operates 175 mall-based and other small
format bookstores, including stores operated under the Waldenbooks, Borders Express
and Borders Outlet names, as well as 29 Borders-branded airport stores. In terms of
product synergy, in 2004, Borders reached an agreement with Starbucks subsidiary
Seattle's Best Coffee to operate the cafes in its domestic superstores under the Seattle's
Best brand name.
In 2008, the company announced that its marketing alliance with Amazon.com
would cease, as Amazon had been acting as Borders' online component, a similar
arrangement that Target maintains. As a result, Borders launched its own web sales site.
Borders.com sells new and used (much like the Amazon user-generated merchants and
sales) tangible CDs, but not vinyl records. Digital MP3s downloads are available for
$1.29 per track, and albums sell for $9.99.
According to the 2009 Annual Report, in terms of global operations and
diversification, Paperchase is a stationery retailer based in the United Kingdom. As of
January 2010, the company operated 85 Paperchase locations. The Annual Report states
that Borders previously had 45 stores in the UK, but they closed in 2009, after declaring
bankruptcy.
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Barnes and Noble
Parent Company: Barnes and Noble Inc.
U.S. Music Retail Market Share 2008: 2%
Total Company assets 2009: $1,723,304 (thousands)
Borders (and related) Stores in the United States in 2009: 775
Music Formats Stocked: CDs, vinyl records
Barnes & Noble, Inc. is the largest book retailer in the United States. Most stores
also sell magazines, newspapers, DVDs, graphic novels, gifts, games, and music. As of
October 2009, the company operated 775 stores in all 50 U.S. states. In addition, the
company owns 636 college bookstores, which serves nearly 4 million students and
250,000 faculty members across the country (Barnes and Noble Inc., 2009). Barnes and
Noble held 2 percent of the overall retail music market in 2008, according to the NPD
group.
According to the 2009 Annual Report, the company's subsidiary Sterling
Publishing is one ofthe leading publishers of non-fiction trade titles, with more than
5,000 books in print, an example ofveliical integration. The repOli also noted that
BarnesandNoble.com receives over 365 million visits annually, ranking it among the top
15 multi-channel retailers. BarnesandNoble.com sells a wide variety of CDs and vinyl
records from user generated stores and sellers (much like Amazon.com and
Borders.com). The on-line store doesn't contain MP3 digital downloads.
The physical stores have cafes that sell Starbucks coffee, an example of product
synergy.
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Rhapsody
Parent Company: RhapsodylRealNetworks (former owner)
U.S. Music Retail Market Share 2008: 1%
Total Company assets 2009: Unknown
Music Formats Stocked: MP3, WMA
Rhapsody is an on-line music service only available in the U.S., and is a
competitor of Apple's iTunes Store. Launched in December 2001, Rhapsody was the
first music service to offer streaming on-demand access to a large library of digital music,
where users paid $9.99 per month to access and stream music. Rhapsody gives
consumers unlimited on-demand access to more than nine million songs, which can be
accessed from a laptop, mobile phone, television or home stereo system. Rhapsody
allows consumers to access music through Verizon Wireless and through Rhapsody
applications on the Apple iPhone, iPod Touch, as well as other mobile devices. In
addition to its subscription service, Rhapsody sells MP3s individually via the "Rhapsody
MP3" service. Rhapsody was previously owned by RealNetworks, Inc. (creator of Real
Player, which owns RealArcade) along with Viacom's MTV J~etwork. Rhapsody was
spun into an independent company in February 2009.
"Other" Stores
According to the 2008 NPD retail sales figures, "other" stores constituted 29
percent ofthe American music market. However, these figures are problematic, as
"other" stores can have multiple meanings. The "other" category included music sold at
live concerts as well as through record clubs, along with music directly sold through
independent record labels. It also includes a wide range of online indie stores such as CD
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Baby and Thinkindie.com, as well as traditional "brick and mortar" independent record
stores. As a result, it is unclear what percentage "brick and mortar" stores actually
constitute in the market.
There is another problem with the NPD statistics. It is not clear if independent
record stores are counted, as this data only included stores that utilize the SoundScan
(which compiles the figures for the Billboard charts) point-of-sale barcode scanning
technology. Several indie stores in my research sample don't utilize SoundScan, such as
used only stores and niche specialty stores. As a result, independent record stores would
have a slightly higher market share (for those that sell new music) than represented in the
NPD statistics. Taking all these factors into consideration, I estimate that approximately
20 percent of all music sold in 2008 occurred in "brick and mortar" indie record stores.
Since late 2003, about 900 independent record stores have closed nationwide,
leaving about 2,700, according to the Almighty Institute ofMusic Retail, a marketing
research company (Williams, 2006).
Independent Record Stores
In terms of ownership, indie record stores are privately owned, and they are not
publicly traded or publicly incorporated businesses. As a result, they have no financial
responsibility to shareholders or the demands of constant economic expansion and
growth like their corporate counterparts. Indie stores are usually locally owned and
operated operations. They are often modest economic holdings that are passionate about
music and their desire to share it with customers, as opposed to only being driven by
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constant economic growth and profits. Of course, the storeowners recognize that they are
a business and need to make money to survive. They are part of a larger capitalist
economic system, and are susceptible to the ebb and flow of the market. However, many
storeowners seem content in simply paying their rent and employees on a monthly basis,
as opposed to expanding to multiple locations and developing new markets in the local,
national, or global context. In most cases, many indie storeowners are deliberately
small-scale, and want to keep their business a manageable size (this will be discussed in
more detail in the next chapter).
In tenns of independent record stores, there are several types. The largest is the
Indie Superstore, which includes Amoeba Music with three sprawling locations in San
Francisco, Berkeley, and Los Angeles - as well as the now-defunct Tower Records.
Then there are indie chains, such as Newbury Comics located in the Northeast, with a
total of 27 stores. Generalist stores carry a broad range of titles or catalog. This includes
Music Millennium in Portland, and the House of Records in Eugene, Oregon.
Niche/specialty stores specialize in a particular genre such as punk, hip-hop, indie,
electronica, classical, or world music. Lastly, there are used only stores, which are
largely free of the confines of the dominant music industry, as the musical product is
secondhand. Most indie stores sell new and used product, and a majority of "brick and
mortar" stores also have an online or e-commerce presence. These are referred to as
"hybrid" stores.
Several independent record stores are also an independent record label and
distributor of music. Thus, some indie stores are vertically integrated on a micro scale.
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For example, Music Millennium in Portland also owns Burnside Distribution, and
Mississippi located in Portland also runs the very popular (on a small-scale) re-issue
label, Mississippi Records. Green Noise in Portland also releases punk records under the
Dirtnap label. Unlike their corporate counterparts, these are modest operations working
with small pressing sizes, and who often cater to a very small subcultural community.
Most indie record stores buy musical product through alternative distributors such
as Revolver, Carrot Top, Forced Exposure, and Redeye. If the indie store wants major
label product, they must go through a one-stop distributor such as Super D. Unless it's a
larger indie superstore such as Amoeba Music, or a large-scale generalist store such as
Music Millennium, independent record stores can't buy musical product directly from the
major "big four" labels (due to their small economic scale and small buying power).
Indie record stores can buy directly from independent record labels. Indie record stores
sell both major label and independent musical releases - although there tends to be more
emphasis on independent labels. However, the meaning of "independence" is
ambiguous, and no shared definition of independence exists. Many "indie" acts are
distributed through one of the "big four" labels, and the indie label itself can be a
subsidiary of a corporate record label.
Local bands and artists sell their CDs and albums directly to indie stores on
consignment. Many independent record stores buy used product directly from customers,
or whole collections from estate sales; thus, the music selection is constantly shifting.
The larger the independent record store (for example, superstores), the more
likely there is a corporate style of operation in terms of buying practices and use of co-op
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advertising. However, generalist stores, niche/specialty and used-only stores are often
modest operations in terms of staff size, and economic presence, and often don't embrace
a corporate style of operation.
Since independent record stores are not publicly traded entities, it is rather
difficult to find concrete financial data as financial reports are not widely available (or are
non-existent); nor was I able to obtain this financial data through my fieldwork.
Brief Analysis of Key Themes Regarding the Corporate Profiles
Music as a commodity is characterized by extreme market concentration and
corporate oligopoly, and is impacted by the primacy of constant economic expansion and
growth amongst the world's largest media conglomerates. Under the auspices of late
capitalism, the commodification of music is a global narrative in frame and scope. It is
characterized by the perpetual commodification and standardization of musical forms,
where marketing formulas work to construct and manufacture popular musical acts.
The corporate music industry frames music in terms of its exchange value and its
ability to generate capital - whether or not the music has any other social or use value
beyond commodity consumption. Music is simply another commodity to be bought and
sold within a marketplace. As long as the commodity generates revenue, it will continue
to be commodified. However, because music is a form of media, it has socio-cultural
values and ideology embedded within it, which distinguishes it from a typical non-media
commodity.
The roads in which music commodities reach retail markets is by no means a
neutral act. The process is motivated by a complex web of large-scale multi-national
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conglomerates, vertical and horizontal integration, diversification and intersecting
corporate synergies. The commercial success of an artist is largely dependent on the
economic power oflabel representation (usually major label), physical and/or digital
modes of distribution. A host of other economic factors including labor contracts and
agreements, music production, licensing arrangements and intellectual property rights
associated with the labels greatly affect the economic success of an artist. The economic
weight of the "big four" record labels plays a pivotal role in terms of manufacturing the
popularity of a musical artist. How is this manufacturing of popularity put into practice?
Music and Corporate Concentration
The music industry is an intensely concentrated market where four major players
control an inordinate amount of musical product. With their sheer economic power and
scope, the "big four" have an inordinate amount of influence and control over the kind of
music that is available within a given culture. The music promoted by the majors
amounts to a very narrow slice of popular Billboard titles, as opposed to the vastness of
musical diversity available on a broader spectrum of styles, genres, and global musical
forms.
Overall figures from 2009 compiled by Soundscan suggest a very highly
concentrated music market. Within the United States, almost 89 percent of all music sold
was through one ofthe "big four" record labels. In terms of digital albums in 2009, 84
percent of the albums sold were through the "big four." Almost 87 percent of all paid-for
individual digital tracks in 2009 were connected to one ofthe "big four" record labels
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("Nielson Company," 2010). According to Shuker (2008), the market share exercised by
the majors varies from country to country, but in some cases is over 90 percent.
Because the major labels maintain such market dominance, it is difficult for
independent artists to be heard on a larger scale; independents don't have the same
financial backing and marketing budgets. Without such promotional and financial
backing, independent artists don't have the same access to larger retail chains, MTV
rotation, or airtime on Clear Channel radio stations. As a result, the major labels have
the economic power to reproduce the musical status quo by manufacturing popular
artists. The "big four" have the economic power to make their artists culturally visible on
a mass scale, through a variety of integrated media outlets. As a result, the dominant
-music industry reinforces a very narrow perspective of the overall musical spectrum.
Major label titles get the most exposure through advertising and radio play. They
have a major influence over the control of what tastes will be popular, and the
manufacture of musical trends. Labels tend to sign bands with a popular and marketable
aesthetic, providing customers with few alternatives. Major labels rehash predictable
and polished musical formulas designed to create mega-stars. In a market where power is
concentrated in the hands of a few, competition and the diversity of output suffer.
Manufactured stars, boy-bands, and pop icons represent a relatively narrow scope of the
musical landscape.
Likewise, a similar economic pattern of economic consolidation is apparent with
corporate retail outlets, where 71 percent of all music is sold within the United States
(Graham,2009). This includes iTunes, Wal-Mart, Target, Best Buy, Barnes and Noble,
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Borders, FYE, and Amazon - all of which reinforce (to varying degrees) the mainstream
musical acts (those geared towards Billboard chart success) manufactured by the "big
four" record labels.
Large merchandising chains like Wal-Mart, Target and Best Buy are changing the
kind of music available to consumers. Unlike a specialty store that seeks to provide a
wide variety of choices to music buyers, big box stores offer customers only the most
popular albums. According to Smith (2009), it's not just classical, jazz, hip-hop and
indie rock that have trouble making it into the big boxes. Up-and-coming pop, rock or
hip-hop acts are unlikely to be welcome until they are proven sellers. Back catalog titles
also feel the squeeze, and even the Beatles are frequently represented in big chains with
only one or two albums. That means there are fewer places than ever to buy any CDs but
the newest, most heavily promoted titles.
Unless an independent store is in a unique location or designed to derive revenue
from a wide variety of products, it is increasingly difficult for the stores to stay in
business. According to Kusek (2005), as more physical stores close, product selection
narrows, with only the hits and bestsellers making it to the shelves, in terms of corporate
retail. The general retailers frequently use music as a loss leader, reducing their music
CD and DVD prices to attract shoppers whom they hope will also purchase other store
products with higher profit margins. This situates music as only one component of the
general selling of lifestyle consumer goods. However, this often works hand and hand
with a iabei's radio and promotIOn strategies: focus the efforts on the "sure thing" and
take fewer chances. Kusek (2005) states that promoting a very narrow range of "proven"
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artists is more lucrative for the label in short run, but this activity leads to the
homogeneity of the market (p. 87).
Music and Corporate Conglomerates
The increased concentration of the culture industries is a feature of late
capitalism, and the music industry is part of this process of consolidation. The largest
companies no longer specialize in a particular cultural industry such as music, film or
publishing; they now operate across a number of different cultural industries. These
conglomerates compete with each other, but, more than ever before, they are connected
with each other and with other companies. As Hesmondhalgh claims (2007), these
companies are immersed in a complex web of alliance, partnership and joint venture (p.
2).
The "big four" record labels (with the exception of Warner Music Group, a stand-
alone music company) are part of massive multi-media (along with other non-media
based commodities) conglomerates. Within their respective parent company and
corporate umbrella, the music labels represent an insignificant economic portion of the
overall revenues.
For example, Universal Music Group is the largest and most powerful record
label in the world. Yet only 16.1 percent of Vivendi's overall revenues in 2009 were
derived from its music holdings (Vivendi S.A., 2010). The music portion of Sony
Corporation's overall revenues from 2009 amounted to 6.1 percent of the company's
overall total revenues (Sony Corporation, 2009).
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Music holdings represent economic "peanuts" to the overall economic structuring
of these conglomerates. As the major record labels continue to lose revenue on an annual
basis, these losses are offset and "cushioned" by the extremely diversified nature of the
parent conglomerate. These conglomerates continue to retain their overall market
dominance through an impressive array of holdings in other industries ranging from
film/motion pictures, video games, various telecommunications operations, Internet
operations, green energies, housing sales and rentals, natural gas distribution, banking
and the manufacture of media-related hardware devices. As a result, the major "big four"
labels can retain their economic dominance in a manner that is not economically possible
for small-scale independent record labels. The corporate structuring of the dominant
music industry has the economic power to perpetuate and manufacture popular musical
artists, despite declining album sales.
A similar economic pattern and structuring is apparent with corporate retail
outlets, where 71 percent of all music is sold in the U.S., according to 2008 NPD
statistics. Apple's iTunes, Wal-Mart, Target, Best Buy, Borders, Barnes and Nobel and
Amazon are all highly diversified retail outlets. Revenues from recorded music are
mmor.
For example, Apple generates most of their profits by selling hardware such
iPods, iPhone, iPad, and computer products - all of which reinforce a symbiotic
relationship with the iTunes Store. In Wal-Mart, Target, and Best Buy, music sales don't
even constitute their own economic category, but are lumped together with other
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"entertainment" commodities such as DVDs, books, and video games. In this context,
profits are generated by high-end purchases such as flat screen televisions, computers,
electronics, and appliances. On top of this, these big-boxes are powerful global
operations with interests in a variety of foreign markets. As a result, these corporations
have greater economic leverage in terms of the retail market.
According to Best Buy's 2008 Annual Report, the revenues generated from the
"Entertainment Software" category, which included CDs, bVDs, and video games (both
hardware and software), and computer software, combined for 20 percent of all domestic
sales and 13 percent of its international sales (p. 7). Target's 2009 Annual Report noted
that music product falls under the store category of "Hardlines," which included
electronics (including video game hardware and software), movies, books, computer
software, sporting goods and toys; "hardlines" constituted 22 percent of the overall store
revenues for 2009 (p. 2).
Neither Best Buy nor Target offered specific statistics about recorded music sales.
As a result, it can be assumed these revenues are small in terms of the generic
"Hardlines" and "Entertainment Software" categories (video games and consoles tended
to be the best sellers in this category), and certainly within the company's overall
revenues. This is further reinforced by the continued shrinking of shelf space devoted to
musical product in the big-box chains; this is yet another indicator that music sales are
not only shrinking, but sales of physical music is becoming less significant as well.
As physical recorded music becomes less significant at the big-boxes (and iTunes
has become the largest retailer of music in the U.S.), this pattern reinforces the decline of
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the physical CD, instead encouraging the growth of MP3s and downloaded music culture.
As MP3 and download culture grows, it becomes normative, and fewer consumers
purchase physical music in general. As the big-box stores are highly diversified, losses in
music are offset by other commodities and interests. If physical music sales were to
cease completely, the big-box chains would still survive as the economic impact would
be minor. However, indie record stores are not diversified corporations and they do not
have the same economic cushion. As a result, indie stores are more susceptible to closure
(as most indie stores focus on music sales) as the culture shifts towards the digital world
and away from physical CDs.
There is another reaction to this economic pattern. As the physical musical object
declines (brought about by the corporate structuring of culture, and the practice of illegal
downloading), many indie stores are forced to diversify their product. Instead of
focusing only on recorded music, many indie stores must sell other objects such as
DVDs, toys, candy and t-shirts to stay competitive. As opposed to having stores that
focus solely on the depths of music culture, some indie stores have been economically
"coerced" into becoming entertainment generalist stores. As a result, some indie stores
have less shelf space devoted to recorded music as a cultural object, having become more
oriented towards a more general fonn of consumption.
Vertical Integration
In terms of vertical mtegration, each of the "big four" labels are responsible tor
the distribution of their own physical product. Not only do they produce the music and
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own intellectual property rights to that music, but they also control the distribution of
product from the warehouse to various retail outlets, usually catering to large accounts
and big-box retail stores. Universal Music Group Distribution is the largest distributor of
music in the world, and also the world's largest record label. Warner Music Group's
distribution holdings - Altemative Distribution Alliance (ADA) and Ryko - distribute a
wide variety of "independent" record labels, which in a sense act as a musical "minor
leagues." Bands develop and grow in terms of popularity, and then are bought out by the
major label.
In terms of corporate retail, there are several instances of vertical integration.
The most significant example ofvertical integration is Apple Inc. Apple is an extremely
vertically integrated corporation, and the synergistic connection between the on-line
iTunes store, the largest music retailer in the country, in conjunction with hardware such
as the iPod MP3 player (along with the iPhone and iPad), by far the most popular digital
music player, has radically altered the economic structuring of the music industry. Apple
simultaneously manufactures and sells the iPod, the dominant MP3 music player, which
in tandem with iTunes reinforces extreme market power and integration within the Apple
Corporation. The popularity of the iPod also reinforces the move away from tangible
musical objects (such as CDs and vinyl records), where the MP3 (in both paid-for and
illegally downloaded fonn) is quickly becoming the dominant musical format - which
adds to the popularity and economic success of the iTunes Store.
Best Buy illustrates another example of vertical integration and control within the
music industry. Best Buy owns Redline Entertainment, a record label and video
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distributor, and the company works with artists in multiple areas of the entertainment
industry, including management, publishing, production, and merchandising. Its release
of a Best Buy only album by Chickenfoot SIT in 2009 is an example of vertical
integration; this illustrates the relationship between record label ownership and
distribution, as well as the ownership of the retail outlet. The control over the sale of the
album, a Best Buy exclusive, is an example of a fully integrated economic system.
Besides this Best Buy example, there are no other instances where a major record
label owns corporate retail outlets. However, in Europe, there are the HMV chain and
Virgin Megastores, both of which are also record labels. However, it should be assumed
that deals and strategic alliances exist between the "big four" record labels and retail
outlets. For example, it was noted that there is an alliance between Universal Music
Group and Wal-Mart; however, the details surrounding this partnerships were not
discussed in the companies' annual reports. The practice of co-op advertising and retail
"payola" are strategic alliances to be discussed in Chapter VI.
Horizontal Integration
The "big four" major record labels are extremely horizontally integrated in terms
of the ownership of numerous record labels and music groups. This diversity in musical
product helps to offset losses in any particular genre or musical style in terms of the
parent company. If one particular album or artist is not selling, these losses are offset by
the other stronger selling artists on the label, along with other affiliated labels within the
corporate umbrella. Indie labels are usually individual entities and are not part of a music
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group. Independent record labels are at a disadvantage, as they do not have the leverage
to offset losses in an economic downturn, as they are not structured in the same manner.
Within horizontal integration, it is vital to note that the major record labels
generate much of their revenues though licensing agreements and the exploitation of
intellectual property of back catalog, where music is used in film soundtracks, television
commercials, video games, and at public events. Thus, labels don't only create
commodities for retail sale; they also retain copyright privileges long after an album has
been released. Thus, maintaining a massive catalog of artists under a variety of music
groups allows for greater exploitation of copyright across a variety of media platforms
and branding strategies endlessly into the future. This is another example of how the
major labels are cushioned through a variety of holdings. Even as revenues from
traditional music sales decline, copyright and intellectual property will never become
obsolete, like the CD will in the near future.
Synergy and Cross Marketing
To reach a mass audience, which is often global in scope, the audience must be
constructed. The audience must be aware of the artist in order to purchase (or illegally
download) the musical product. The music itself is dependent on a cultural visibility via
mass and micro-marketing and promotional techniques. This entails the exploitation of
various multi-media platfonlls including: exposure on MTV; radio play on Clear Channel
radio stations; and tours conducted by Live Nation. It entails placement and product tie-
ins with television commercials, movie soundtracks and video games. It means having
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ads and album reviews in Rolling Stone, Spin, and Pitchfork.com. It means having a viral
Internet presence in terms of social media outlets such as MySpace, Facebook, YouTube,
and user generated blogs. Musical commodities are dependent on access to big-box
stores and prime product placement within retail stores, which also coincides with the
circulars and advertisements for the stores.
Synergy and cross marketing occurs in retail outlets, where music sales are
capable of affecting sales of other commodities related to an artist. For example, a Lady
Gaga CD is strategically placed on a giant cardboard sales display in the entertainment
section of a big-box store. Copies of the CD are available next to the candy in the
checkout lane. CD sales can be reinforced through the sale of other Lady Gaga products,
such as music videos that advertise her latest DVD in the entertainment section. This
product synergy is also reinforced through the sale of t-shirts, posters, books, and popular
magazines. Thus, the marketing of an artist entails much more than just selling of music,
but a whole array of products associated with the artist, thus perpetuating processes of
commodification through synergistic practices.
The selling of technological hardware in various retail outlets also reinforces
synergy. Wal-Mart, Target and Best Buy also sell Apple's iPod and iPhone, as well as
digital download cards for the iTunes on-line store. Sony Music Entertainment also has
worked to integrate its music holdings with a wide range of Sony products and hardware
including Sony Ericsson's PlayNow (mobile phones and media download services), X
Series and digital Walkman (portable MP3 player), preloaded with a variety songs and
videos from the label's repertoire. It should also be reinforced that Best Buy also owns
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Napster.com, where Best Buy's exclusive only releases can be sold through the
ownership of its own digital download site. Lastly, these intersecting and synergistic
economic and structural forces, and the overall capitalist structuring of economics and
culture, largely determine the cultural variety and kinds of music available for consumers
in retail outlets.
Conclusion
Music sales within corporate retail outlets strongly reflect the economic
structuring and influence of the "big four" major record labels and their ability through
vertical and horizontal integration, diversification and synergistic practices to contribute
to the manufacture of a variety of popular musical acts. As a result of this global
economic structuring, there is a strong economic correlation between music sales with the
"big four" record labels, and the type of music sold at the major corporate retailers, which
largely determines the kinds of music, or musical status quo suitable for mass
consumption.
This chapter discussed the extremely concentrated nature of the "big four" major
record labels and corporate retailers. The labels and retailers were placed within the
context of their parent company, and it was discovered recorded music plays a minor role
in terms of the overall revenues of these conglomerates. The "big four" record labels are
extremely horizontally integrated, which allows them to perpetually capitalize on a
massive music catalog via the ownership of copyright. Also, the fledgling sales of one
particular artist can be offset by stronger selling artists on the roster; thus, record labels
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don't have to depend on the success of one particular artist or musical genre. In terms of
vertical integration, the "big four" labels own and control their own physical and digital
distribution, and they also distribute for a number of "independent" labels.
Apple's ownership of hardware such as the iPod (as well as iPhone and iPad) is
vertically integrated with the iTunes retail store, the largest retailer of recorded music in
the U.S. This integration is radically altering how the music industry is structured, and is
extremely significant in terms of the future sustainability of the independent record store,
as well as the CD format. We have seen an example of full vertical integration. Best
Buy's ownership of the Redline Entertainment record label, who released the
Chickenfoot CD that was exclusively distributed and sold within Best Buy outlets.
Because of this integration (and related synergy), the album peaked at #4 on the 2009
Billboard charts. Lastly, the practice of synergy allows music products to be marketed
across a variety of platforms. For example, recorded music from Sony Music
Entertainment is featured in Sony Films (such as the James Bond film Quantum of
Solace), and included in various Sony hardware such Sony Ericsson's PlayNow, X Series
and digital Walkman.
This economic structuring is guided by particular practices and policies of the
dominant music industry (both major labels and retailers), yet the independent record
store maintains to varying degrees a sense of autonomy, and offers a different range of
cultural variety and musical product as opposed to their corporate counterparts.
However, as we will see, the independent record store is still impacted by the structuring
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and practices of the dominant music industry. This is the focal point for the upcoming
chapter.
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CHAPTER VI
POLITICAL ECONOMY, PART 2: AN ANALYSIS OF CORPORATE RETAIL
POLICIES AND PRACTICES AND THE LOCATION OF THE INDEPENDENT
RECORD STORE WITHIN THE DOMINANT MUSIC INDUSTRY
"Retail chains could affect what we see and we don't see because a lot of them
are major corporations and they like to do business with major corporations.
But retail is pretty much a final frontier for the delivery of art to people."
- Chuck D of Public Enemy in Money for Nothing: Behind the Business of
Popular Music (McLeod, 2001)
Building upon a political economic foundation, this chapter explores the specific
practices and policies utilized by the dominant music industry and corporate music
retailers. These corporate policies and practices have positive and negative consequences
for the independent record store and their ability to find a niche within the capitalist
structuring of music culture. Independent record stores are not outside the umbrella of
the dominant music industry, yet they embody several characteristics and practices that
allow for greater cultural variety and alternative media.
Under the umbrella of the corporate control of music, the analysis section briefly
explores the differences and similarities in tenns of economic scale and orientation
towards musical variety, as independent record stores are juxtaposed against their
corporate counterparts. This is followed by a systematic analysis of corporate policies
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and practices in tenns of major labels and corporate retail. This includes pricing
practices and loss leaders, centralized versus individualized buying practices, exclusive
only releases, co-op advertising, retail "payola," barriers to "digital" entry, tactics of
forced obsolescence, and issues related to retail censorship.
Lastly, I address the murky tenn of "independence" and explore how the policies
and practices of indie retail actually mimic their corporate counterparts (and vice versa
with indie stores). While indie stores can be autonomous (to varying degrees) from the
dominant music industry, they are still impacted by its policies and practices. The
analysis of cultural diversity, as well as the corporate "homogenization" of music,
necessitates an analysis of the intersection between the corporate structuring of the music
industry and "independence."
These points of analysis and critique address the following research question:
From a political economic framework, what are the practices and policies of the
dominant music industry and corporate music retail - and how is the independent
record store affected by such practices? As a result, how is the "independent"
nature of the store affected by such structuring?
Key Differences in Scale and Approach
It is important to reiterate the key differences in tenns of scale and economic
approach between the big box retailers and independent record stores. In tenns of scale,
the big box retailers such as Wal-Mart, Target, Best Buy, and F.Y.E are large-scale
operations. Because these large retailers are incorporated, they must continue to grow
and seek out new and diverse markets in order to sustain increased profits. These
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conglomerates are characterized by a large number of retail locations, both nationwide
and globally, and exist in a highly concentrated retail market.
The fundamental drive of these corporations is profit. There is more emphasis on
large-scale marketing campaigns, in-store promotions, and co-op advertising that
intersects with other corporate synergies, such as MTV rotation and radio play on Clear
Channel stations. Profl.ts benefit the corporation, not the local community.
Independent retailers, on the other hand, vary in terms of economic scale. Most
independent stores, especially used-only stores and specialty/niche stores, usually only
have one physical brick and mortar location, and often are modest operations with a
handful of employees. Earning a profit is also an underlying motivation for these
businesses; it is often not the sole motivation for existence, as the independent
storeowners are overwhelmingly adamant about being "passionate" about the music they
sell. Gary, the owner of House of Records, an independent store in Eugene, Oregon,
explains: "Other stores are definitely directed more towards retail. It's a numbers game.
We're certainly not a number game - ifit were a number game, we wouldn't be open."
Indie stores are not incorporated, 16 nor are they concerned with constant
expansion and growth. They are not responsible for satisfying shareholders. b1die stores
16 In an incorporated business context, one of those most important legal benefits is the safeguarding of
personal assets against the claims of creditors and lawsuits. Sole proprietors and general partners in a
partnership are personally and jointly responsible for all the liabilities of a business such as loans, accounts
payable, and legal judgments. In a corporation, however, stockholders, directors and officers typically are
not liable for their company's debts and obligations. They are limited in liability to the amount they have
invested in the corporation. Corporations and Limited Liability Companies may hold personal assets like
real estate, cars or boats. If one is personally involved in a lawsuit or bankruptcy, these assets may be
protected. A sole proprietorship is a type of business entity which is owned and run by one individual and
where there is no legal distinction between the owner and the business. All profits and all losses accrue to
the owner (subject to taxation specific to the business). All assets of the business are owned by the
proprietor and all debts of the business belong to the proprietors.
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are often content simply being able to pay the bills and to subsist in a small-scale way.
The stores tend to be deliberately small-scale with a few exceptions, such as indie chains
such as Newbury Comics, and superstores like Amoeba Music, which are larger
economic operations. Indie stores are not part of a concentrated market, and the type of
musical product varies depending on the store. With the exception of some indie chains,
each independent store is unique in terms of space and design, and there can be less
emphasis on advertising and in-store displays. However, some of the larger indie stores
embody characteristics associated with a corporate model (Amoeba Music, Tower,
Newbury Comics. etc.), yet they still tend to be vastly different from their corporate
counterparts in terms of musical selection.
Orientations Toward Musical Product
The cultural variety and kind of music available at a big box store and
independent stores can be vastly different, especially when considering physical in-store
shopping.
At the big box chain stores, music product is not the main focus of sales. The
big boxes focus more on household items and electronics. Music is another product
amongst a sea of commodities. The focus is on a narrow range of major label (the
"big four") product and Billboard hits, as well as new releases and established
popular artists. However, on-line stores such as Amazon and iTunes feature local
artists without major label backing. But in the big boxes, there is little emphasis on
deep catalog, or older albums from particular artists. Marcus Hernandez, a Target
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Entertainment Specialist in Springfield, Oregon, discusses the musical product
available within his store, claiming:
Right now we carry anything that's top 20s, Billboard stuff. That's kind of what
we focus on ... If you're going to Target, you're going for something that you
heard on the radio. Going to CD World (independent store in Eugene, Oregon) is
an experience, and you just comb through stuff and find a lot of local stuff. And
you really get a good variety of music. If you go to a Target or a Wal-Mart, or
anything like that, you're really not going to hit any surprises.
This lack of "surprises" is evidence of musical predictability and standardization
associated with a typical chain store. Customers generally know what to expect and the
music is widely promoted on the radio. Music played on the radio (a very consolidated
market) correlates with the music on the Billboard charts. This same music is heavily
promoted and sold by corporate retailers. The intersecting synergies between radio play,
music charts are retail are interconnected. Indie stores (as noted with Eugene's CD
World) are demarcated by their "experience," where a broad range of "variety" and
"local" musical product is available. This variety and locality suggests less predictability
and standardization. At the big-box stores, the commodification and exchange value of
music is the bottom line, regardless of the quality or variety of music for sale. A Target
store manager on the west coast reiterates this point:
They (Target) care about who is going to sell and what can meet demands. They
don't want to build a relationship with a label that can't meet demand. Ifwe need
X number of CDs, can you do that? I think the company could care less about
who produces the music. It's just, are you going to sell? That's all they really
care about.
Unlike a specialty store that seeks to provide a wide variety of choices to
music buyers, big box stores offer customers only the most popular albums.
According to Smith (2009), it's not just classical, jazz, hip-hop and indie rock that
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have trouble making it into the big boxes. Up-and-coming pop, rock or hip-hop acts
are unlikely to be welcome until they are proven sellers. Back catalog titles also feel
the squeeze, and even the Beatles are frequently represented in big chains with only
one or two albums. Fox's (2005) work on Wal-Mart examines the effects that mega
stores have had on music retail, claiming, "The typical Wal-Mart store stocks around
5,000 titles, whereas the average Tower Records store stocks around 60,000 records"
(p.513).
However, big box stores tend to offer more musical variety on their on-line
stores, and usually offer items not sold or available in the physical stores, especially
in terms of music that is perceived to be "independent." Thus, for corporate retail, the
cultural diversity of music is much greater on-line than for physical in-store selection.
Independent record stores are generally not oriented towards the Billboard chart
system or what is necessarily currently popular on a massive scale. According to Fred
Murschell, an employee at House of Records in Eugene, Oregon:
The House of Records is a place that focuses on everything outside of the
mainstream. If you can see it on TV, we probably don't have it. If you hear
about it on NPR, we probably do. We try to cover all the bases that are on the
fringes of society.
Indie stores focus on independent distribution and indie record labels, especially
the specialty/niche stores. Indie stores have much broader depth and variation of musical
product, and they usually cater to local music scenes. The stores focus on fringe genres
and music specialization such as techno, punk, indie, experimental, hip-hop, world, and
classical, as well as a plethora of sub-genres in these categories. Andrew Hosch, the
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owner of Timbucktunes, a world music store based in Portland, Oregon, describes the
variety ofmusic available in his store. He claims:
Well, it's a small store whose primary focus is on world music ... But along with
music from all over the world, I also feature different American root genres, some
old blues, bluegrass, gospel, New Orleans music, Native American and creative,
or modem jazz and classical as well. Experimental classical, and new music,
basically. I sort of focused on all these different areas A, because they're music I
really love, but B, because they're areas that other stores don't necessarily cover
as well. I've left off all of the obvious genres of mainstream music. I don't carry
any rock, pop, R&B, hip-hop, country, none of the mainstream genres. Kind ofa
little oddball store. Eclectic music from off the beaten path is one of our slogans.
Indie stores focus on deep catalog, meaning that they carryall (or most) of the
releases of a particular artist and not just the most popular sellers. Used product is
commonly sold at the stores, which adds to an un-rationalized and unpredictable mixture
of product. Thus, the type of music within a store can vary depending the day you enter
the store. Stores are sometimes viewed as archives or libraries, as opposed to merely
shopping destinations. Music buying is often done locally in-store. The type of music in
the stores is seen as a fonn of "curation." They sell music they are passionate about, not
only what is currently popular on a mass scale. According to Eric Isaacson ofMillennium
Music,
We change pretty frequently, depending on what kind of used collections we get.
So sometimes we're more a punk store, then a jazz store, then a blues store.
We're pretty flexible, so. Yeah, it changes, but our focus, we're a pretty curated
store ... We're really careful about each section representing the genre in a way
we want it to represent it, like our aesthetic is applied to each section. It's not
like, ah, whatever, jazz records are jazz records. It's like, no, we like this specific
type of jazz, and you know, try to get to the core of the matter historically, and
also taste-wise.
Used-only record stores are the furthest outside of the dominant music system, as
they don't rely on any fonn of distribution at all and obtain their entire product from
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customers, not major corporations. The music variety can range from the obscure to the
out of print. In terms of formats, indie stores sell various musical formats including
vinyl, 78s, 7" records, and cassettes, along with CDs. Stores usually stock both new and
used music. Indie stores share a similar sensibility with the free-form musical variety
associated with community or college radio, as opposed to corporate radio.
Policies and Practices of the Dominant Music Industry
I will now explore the corporate policies and practices for major labels and
corporate retail. This includes an analysis of pricing practices and loss leaders,
centralized versus individualized buying, exclusive only releases, co-op advertising,
modem day forms of payola, barriers to "digital" entry, digital placement, policies
against used music and vinyl, and issues related to retail censorship.
Pricing and "Loss Leaders"
Shopping at an independent record store or a corporate chain store are both forms
of consumerism. However, it is important to consider how independent record stores are
pitted against the economic advantages ofWal-Mart, Target and Best Buy, and how this
affects the sustainability of the independent store. Pricing, or "price wars," is an
important issue. Many customers will shop wherever the prices are the lowest and thus,
the big boxes almost always win. How can the big boxes sell music for such low prices?
First, we need to consider the music buying process. The big box chains, as well
as independent superstores (such as Amoeba Music) and large indie retailers (such as
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Music Millennium), are able to buy directly from the major "big four" record labels, and
thus exclude middlemen. The smaller independent record stores' accounts are much
smaller in size and scope. They can't purchase music directly from the major labels (in
most cases) and must use one-stop distributors (such as Super D) that stock music from
the "big four." In the process, the distributors take a cut, and the indie stores end up
paying more for the products, which must be sold at higher prices in order to tum a profit.
When a major label purchases a smaller independent distributor known for being
popular with indie stores, this becomes more problematic. When such buyouts occur,
suddenly the music on the indie distributor is no longer available to the indie stores, due
to the label's policy of not selling to small accounts. This was the case when EMI bought
the indie distributor Caroline. Now indie stores cannot obtain Caroline product. Allen
Horrocks, one of the owners of Aquarius Records in San Francisco, describes this
situation:
EMI bought Caroline recently and completely ruined it. .. As soon as EMI took
them over, it became impossible to order from them. Not sure what their thoughts
were, but they essentially made it so independent stores can't order from them...
And you'd think they'd be trying to sell to whomever is getting their stuff, but
instead they bought this distributor [Caroline], and were just like, we can't sell to
indie stores anymore, or made it virtually impossible to do so.
Deals between the major labels and big boxes often include bonus materials, extra
tracks, or perhaps bonus discs exclusive to particular retail chains. So, not only are the
prices lower at the big boxes, but they also provide extras to which the independent stores
have no access. Terry Currier, the owner of Music Millennium in Portland, describes this
situation:
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I was screaming loudly about a U2 situatiQn with Best Buy, where they were
going to give a U2 DVD to Best Buy for the Black Friday Thanksgiving weekend,
and two weeks before anybody else in the industry. And I said, bullshit! And so
did a lot of other independent stores ... U2 fans weren't going to wait, they're
going over to Best Buy and get their CD and on top of that, you had a special
value added CD thing to the first 500 customers that came through the store that
day.
Knopper (2009) notes an example where a small indie chain in Indiana closed
three stores, citing unfair price competition with Best Buy. For example, Best Buy sold
The Beatles' Anthology 2 for $22.99 (along with a Best Buy only, free limited edition
interview disc) and the indie store sold it for $27.99 (minus the extra disc). Because the
indie couldn't compete with such pricing, or the exclusive extras associated with Best
Buy, the chain closed in 2003.
It seems obvious that corporate pricing practices affect independent and corporate
chain stores differently. Research at House of Records provided evidence of this
practice. A rapidly selling CD (for example, AC/DC's Back in Black) may start selling
for $11, and the product sells very rapidly at indie stores at this price. The major label
recognizes this and suddenly raises the price to $17. Sales come to an immediate halt, as
the CD is overly expensive. When the labels raise the price in this manner, independent
record stores suffer. This is particularly hannful as musical products are the main items
sold at indie record stores. When this same pricing situation occurs at a big box store, the
difference is made up through other diversified products such a flat-screen televisions,
computers or appliances. They are able sell the CD for a much lower price, as music
sales are a minimal source of their overall profits.
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Many indie storeowners assail the "big four" record labels for the high prices of
CDs. In fact, they often associate the rise of illegal music downloading with the high
prices of CDs and consider this practice a form of protest against the "greedy" record
labels. Greg Sutherland, the buyer at House of Records, claims:
People are reacting to something, and what they're reacting to is these dinosaurs
in the record industry don't understand that their prices are too high. The
Darkness CD was $12.95 for eight or nine months, and the price rose to $16.95,
and it killed it. Just stopped selling it. And so, that's the mindset of the record
industry. If they're selling something, they just want to make more. Why does it
cost nearly $20 to buy Sgt. Peppers (by the Beatles)? If it was $10, people would
buy it. I guarantee it. But it's not, and I can't change the record industry. So I
don't know what to do about that. .. The record industry's inability or lack of
desire to change their pricing scheme is hurting record stores.
Lastly, there is the issue of "loss leaders," when the big box retailers sell products
for less than what they pay for them, making up the loss with the sale of computers,
televisions and other diversified products. Chris Lewis of Universal Music Distribution
explains:
It was a way to get customers into the stores, obviously, for them to buy their
higher margin products. And I think they still use music for that, but, I don't
think they are willing to take a loss quite as often as they used to ... I think
because of the big boxes' ability to sell more units and to sell other higher margin
products. They are not as dependent on the margin they get per piece than the
independent record store would be.
Greg Sutherland at House of Records explains how the pricing tactics at the big boxes
affect sales in his store:
Best Buy and Circuit City and places like that sell CDs for less money than they
pay. They buy a CD for nine bucks to get it in their store, and sell it for $6.99.
And that's cutthroat competition, and they're going to make their money off of
stereo equipment. They put out CDs as loss leaders, and they're using them to
lure people into the store, and I can't tell you how many people have come in here
and bragged how they just bought Miles Davis at Circuit City for $7.99, and I'm
selling it for $11.95.
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As there are many big box outlets nationwide, losses at one store can be countered
by profits at other stores. Independent record stores focus on small-scale niche markets
(for the most part), and they do not have the luxury of selling other high end products,
and thus are more susceptible to downturns in the market. They are more financially
unstable.
Knopper (2009) also discusses the policy of "Minimum Advertised Price" or
MAP. Stores selling CDs above a certain price receive a financial boost from the record
labels in the form of newspaper or television advertising money. So a CD would start
selling for $11.88, and after a week, the store would get the free ad money, and then raise
the price to $14.99. The practice actually gave leverage to the small indies, as they could
compete with the low prices of the big box stores. In 2000, after MAP had been in place
for almost eight years, the Federal Trade Commission accused the labels of price fixing
and declared that they would penalize stores like Best Buy and Wal-Mart for selling CDs
too cheaply. According to Knopper (2009), the FTC had found that, from 1996 to 1999,
CD purchasers had paid a collective $480 million more than they should have because of
MAP policies. The FTC's findings confinned long-held consumer suspicions regarding
CD prices: record industry conglomerates price-gouge music consumers to pad corporate
profits. As a result, "Forty-one states filed suits, alleging price fixing and collusion, and
the labels agreed to pay $20 to anybody who bought one of the 4.1 billion CDs sold
between 1995-2000" (Knopper, 2009, p. 112).
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Pricing strategies provide the big box chains with a clear economic advantage
over the independent record store. This is a situation implicated by power relationships,
and affects how what kinds of music is bought and sold in the marketplace.
Buying Practices: Centralized Versus Localized
The buyer at a record store is responsible for ordering music, and this individual
greatly influences the musical variety at a given store. The buyer is a gatekeeper, as they
ultimately control what music will make it onto the store shelves and what music will be
excluded. At an independent record store, the buyer typically orders music through
independent distributors (usually Revolver, Redeye, Forced Exposure or Carrot Top),
one-stops (for major label product), and/or directly from independent record labels. Indie
buyers also purchase used music directly from the customers, as well as music from local
musicians. As previously noted, indie stores are unable to buy directly from the "big
four" record labels, and thus must pay a more expensive price by going through a
middleman, or one-stop distributor.
There is a considerable difference between the music buyers at independent
record stores and their corporate counterparts. At an indie store, the buyer works at the
physical store, interacts with other workers and customers, and has a clear sense of what
music is popular, new, or cutting edge, and what is being demanded from the customers.
The indie buyer is close to the local music currents in a given community. Eric Isaacson,
a co-owner ofMississippi Records, a mostly used vinyl store based in Portland, Oregon,
claims, "We actually pay attention to what individuals are looking for and want, and give
it to them, you know. Rather than try to shove stuff down their throat, like a chain store."
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The buyer can sell music from local bands on consignment, thus contributing to
the local musical scene. If a customer within the physical store can't find a particular
album, the buyer can accommodate a special order of the album, and it usually arrives in
a few days from a distributor.
Music buying at a chain store is centralized and the company can maintain
uniform product in its various outlets. The buyer orders music for a particular geographic
region, but may live in another part of the country. Products almost always consist of
major label "big four" material, Billboard hits, and established artists designed to sell
massive quantities of recordings (however, on-line outlets such as Amazon and iTunes
are fairly accessible to bands with no major label backing). However, even within this
narrow range of music, there are regional differences between the big box stores. For
example, a store in the south would likely have more country music, whereas a store in an
urban center carries more hip-hop. Music comes to these retail stores as a one-way flow
and the employees have no agency in tenns of influencing the kind of music sold in the
store. Special orders are not possible at big box stores, and any artists outside of the
rather limited musical database can't be purchased or accessed. Corporate chains
typically exclude local musicians, even if there is popular demand for a particular artist.
Target employee Marcus Hernandez from Springfield, Oregon, describes the buying
process in his store:
Unfortunately, it's all done corporately. We don't have any kind ofsay to what
gets brought in, and what gets taken out of our browser. .. For the most part they
want each Target to be pretty much exactly the same as far as the product that is
carried.
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A Target store manager on the west coast reinforced the practice of centralized
buying at the store: "I know it's done at the company level, and we do have buyers. It's
definitely centralized. We don't make decisions on that. And we have no input into it,
and we get what we get."
Hernandez describes the bureaucratic difficulties of ordering musical product
outside of the Target system:
The process would be very lengthy for me. Very lengthy for me to call somebody
at corporate, put the idea in somebody's head, and get it approved, and then bring
it back. It would just be ridiculous.
Some customers at chain stores request music by local artists. Because the music
is not distributed by a major distributor or marketed by a major record label, musical
locality is systematically excluded from the big box retailers, despite the local popularity
of certain groups. Hernandez explains:
Eugene is really big on Floater. And I have people coming in all the time looking
for Floater. Do you guys have Floater here? And because it's not something
that's mainstream or a national phenomenon, unfortunately, we miss out on a lot
of sales because of something like that.
Ryan Polischeck, a Media Associate at the Best Buy located in Springfield,
Oregon, discusses the nature of locality in terms of the specific requirements needed to be
stocked in the store:
I doubt they would buy from people who play little shows locally, and they sell
their CD, which is basically a burnt copy, from their home computer. .. I don't
think Best Buy would tum around and sell that. You have to have professional
cover art, and it has to be an actual CD, produced by an actual label and
everything.
The packaging standards described here exclude locality. Some bands are not
able to (or in some cases don't want to) adhere to corporate packaging policies (such
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as barcodes). Some artists embrace the do-it-yourself aesthetic that relies on cheaply
produced media artifacts on unconventional formats such as CDRs and cassette tapes
(refer to Appendix A., figure 9). Sometimes these releases are characterized by
handmade cover art and packaging, a vernacular aesthetic not sanctioned by the
corporate model. On the other hand, indie stores often encourage the sale of
unconventional musical artifacts, despite their unorthodox packaging and use of
format.
In sum, the buyer plays an important gatekeeping role. As we have seen,
independent record stores are more flexible and provide more cultural variety, plus
work to accommodate local musical scenes by selling musical product from local
musicians. Indie stores are capable of making special orders of music that is not so
readily available or is completely outside of the ordering system oflarger chain
stores. Because they are not dependent on Top 40 Billboard sales, they tend to be
focused more on music from independent record labels and from smaller distributors,
and thus, a much broader range of music.
Buying for big box stores is a centrally organized system with no interaction
between corporate buyers, store employees, and customer preferences. It is not possible
for customers to obtain musical releases outside of the corporate ordering system. In this
sense, the corporate music buyers at the big boxes are responsible for manufacturing a
particular range of popular music (top 40, Billboard hits), which excludes all other
musical forms and possibilities. Since the buyer is located in a central corporate location,
local music scenes have no access to the larger chains. The big box stores are only
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concerned with popular music can sell mass quantities on a national (and often
international) scope, as opposed to the idiosyncratic nature oflocal and small-scale
musical scenes. Because of this, the centralized buying system at big-box chain stores
leads to the standardization of music culture.
Exclusive Only Offers
Big box chains and the on-line retailers such as iTunes utilize the exclusive only
release offer. This practice essentially creates a monopoly over the sale of a particular
musical release, while simultaneously branding the store with a particular artist. If you
want Pearl Jam, you have to buy it at Target. If you want AC/DC, you have to go to
Wal-Mart. If you want the Police, you have to go to Best Buy. Exclusive only releases
can come with additional tracks, bonus CDs, or other promotional add-ons not available
at other stores. If an artist wants visible placement in the iTunes Store, they need to
provide extra material in order to create an iTunes exclusive.
This practice poses two problems for the independent record store. First, they
can't purchase or access the album through the typical distribution system. If they want
to stock the exclusive item, they must physically go to the big box store, buy the actual
CDs from the shelf, and then sell them in their own store. If they wish to make any
profit, they have to raise the price, and it will be more expensive than at the big box
retailer.
The exclusive selling approach is problematic for both indie and big box stores, as
the practice controls media flows and limits cultural diversity. If indie stores are
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exclusively selling certain music, those consumers living in locations where there are no
independent record stores don't have access to the music. Likewise, when the big boxes
exclusively carry certain titles, it is an attempt to control media flows and to brand artists
with corporate retail outlets. While exclusive releases are typical of the big boxes, and
major on-line retailers, indie stores have embraced the practice on the annual Record
Store Day. Record Store Day is an annual "holiday" that occurs the third Saturday of
every April. Record Store Day celebrates and promotes the "brick and mortar" record
store, and participating record labels (both major and indie) exclusively release vinyl
records, CDs and various promotional products on this particular day. Approximately 700
independent record stores participate in the event in the U.S., and festivities include live
-~ - :;.-.
in-store performances, meet and greets with artists, and DJs spinning records (Record
Store Day, 2010).
Co-Op Advertising
Outside the world of music retail, little is known about the practice of co-op
advertising, a practice that occurs at big box stores, as well as at larger indie stores.
Co-op advertising involves a record label (usually a major label, although it
occurs with larger independent labels) that provides advertising money for certain titles to
be featured prominently in retail stores. This usually includes an end-cap display, which
is a highly visible display at the end of a retail aisle. The space is essentially paid for by
the record label, in conjunction with the paid-for advertisements placed in local weekly
newspapers. As a result, the retail stores get free advertising and additional money for
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providing space in their store. Gayland Morris, the Sales Manager of Independent
Retail/Special Markets at Super D, a one-stop distributor, and formerly the Northwest
Marketing Manager for Sony Music, explains the process of co-op advertising:
It's basically them putting in pricing and positioning, meaning they are going to
take the record, and we're going to put it on an end rack, right there in the main
aisles, so everybody sees it. And they (the retailer) are going to bring in 100,000
units. But in order for them to bring in 100,000 units, the label that's selling it to
them direct has to jump in on co-op advertising, which can cost $150,000 a week.
For that $150,000 a week, you get your price, meaning you can get it on sale (the
retail outlet), you get it positioned on that rack, and you get the mini - it's the
record cover in their little circular that you get in the mail every week, that goes
out everywhere. Well, all those guys have their own circulars, and they print their
own circulars, so it's not like they are going to an outside firm. It doesn't cost
that much to print that many circulars. So you bring in a 100,000 units, okay, you
sell it for $9.99, and you bought it for $10.99, but you're still making an
additional, you know, $2. You might lose a dollar on the.initial sell, but you are
still making $2 on the back end of that advertising (money).
Knopper (2009) notes this practice occurred at Best Buy, where the retailer
demanded $40,000 to $50,000 from labels to push CDs via in-house ads and on the
displays and racks. This practice eventually became the status quo, and it changed record
stores forever. Co-op advertising affected larger independent chains such as Tower, as
their policy had been to not accept money to display CDs prominently on store shelves.
Previously, Tower employees decided from the ground level which CDs were selling, and
wanted to promote those ones. Tower later adopted this policy of taking money, but then
was forced to display certain CDs on the end-caps in the stores in order to compete with
Best Buy. As a result, the labels paid for the music promoted on end-caps, and not
necessarily what store employees were passionate about and wanted to promote.
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Chris Lewis of Universal Music Distribution deals exclusively with independent
record stores and claims his branch of the label no longer engages in co-op advertising.
He claims:
What we found after many years of doing it was, we weren't actually paying to
market the product. We were paying for space from the stores. We were paying
for the real estate, basically... And by the way, co-op is not usually ever co-op
(laughs). It's usually the labels that are paying for it all. I know, at one point it
was called co-op, and we still call it that. It's just not really that way.
Maggie Vail at the independent record label Kill Rock Stars reinforces this
practice:
They (the bands on the record label) are not going to let us sell their records at a
loss, so Best Buy can have the cheapest price on the block. And that's the thing,
sometimes you have to give people a lot of money in order to get into their stores,
like those larger chains.
Greg Saunier of the band Deerhoof, who is on the Kill Rock Stars label notes that
Best Buy is where the band sells most of their albums. Saunier claims:
We sell more at Best Buy than anywhere else, according to the statements I get. It
confuses me, since we could hardly be considered a mainstream act. But there are
just so many Best Buys, maybe it just adds up.
But such sales are due to the label's pat1icipation in co-op advertising, and even
as an "independent" band closely associated with the margins of music culture, they
nonetheless are part of the corporate or dominant system of retail sales. As Saunier
notes, the sales are akin to a "mathematical formula," which entails a more corporate or
McDonaldized approach towards the sale ofmusic. Saunier notes:
Since Best Buy doesn't care about musical style or taste, and there is no music
expert or music fan being employed as such at a Best Buy store (and in fact the
CD area usually has no one working there), success in a chain like that comes as
close as it ever comes to a pure mathematical formula - the more money you pay
Best Buy, the more they will sell. You can choose various options - have one of
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your songs in a rotation that is played through tiny speakers attached to the CD
stacks, or have your CD placed in the end cap displays. Then you can choose the
length of your campaign, such as one month or two months ... For all I know, Best
Buy doesn't even make money selling music, maybe they just use it as loss leader,
something to bring people to the store and buy TVs.
The practice of co-op advertising is problematic on a number of levels. First,
the "big four" are part of integrated multinational conglomerates that have the
marketing power to buy their way into large-scale retail stores. They can secure
prime store placement, and advertise with the big box stores. This process assures
that popular music from the major labels retains a hegemonic positioning in the
stores, which is reinforced by other promotional techniques such as MTV rotation,
and radio play - all of which contributes to the manufacture of musical popularity.
Secondly, the economic intersection between the major labels and corporate big
box retailers perpetuates a system where the dominant retailers themselves profit by
simply providing shelf space for major label product. This guarantees the positioning and
placement of a very narrow and standardized range of corporate musical acts. In a sense,
the major "big four" labels have a monopoly over the kind of music sold at big box
retailers because of their ability to pay for the retail space and placement.
Third, small-scale independent record labels don't have the capital to "buy" their
way into larger retail chain stores. Even if they did, they often lack the same dominant
market exposure through MTV or corporate radio channels. There is no guarantee that
albums will sell, even with in-store positioning and advertisements. Because independent
labels can't buy their way into the corporate retail system, the overwhelming majority of
product available in a big box store is likely from one of the "big four" record labels.
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Fourth, with the exception of some large-scale independent stores, most
independent record stores don't participate in co-op advertising, mainly due to their small
scale and size, as well as their different orientation towards non-mainstream product.
Thus, major labels are not paying for retail space in independent stores, and, as a result,
indie stores don't have the same economic cushion.
"Payola" and Buy-Ins
Payola in the American music industry is the illegal practice of payment or other
inducement by the record labels (promoters and representatives) for the broadcast of
recordings on radio. Some radio stations report the plays of the newest and most popular
songs to industry publications. The number of times a song is played affects chart ratings
and the perceived popularity of a song. Payola is a method that influences the popularity
of an artist. Similar practices have been historically utilized in music retail; however,
they have never been found to be illegal.
In the 1970s, the Billboard charts were calculated by the number of albums
shipped by a record label, not actual albums sold. So labels would ship product to
random warehouses, and the product could just sit there. In other words, the albums were
shipped but never actually sold, thus resulting in the perception of a popular album.
Labels would also encourage stores to order more products than they actually needed.
The stores would then return the products after 30 days (since products can be returned to
the label for credit, if they don't sell). Since the records were initially shipped, the
practice affected chart rankings, even though the records were never actually sold in a
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retail store. The practice became a common adage in the industry: "Ships Gold
(rewarded after a half a million "sales," or shipments), and returns Platinum (a million
records)." Eventually Billboard made chart listings dependent on actual sales, instead of
the number of albums shipped.
Other "payola" tactics have been utilized over the years in music retail.
According to Jones (2009), label representatives sometimes would "borrow" the record
books of retail stores in exchange for free copies of music, concert tickets, and/or
vacations for store-owners. While the books were being "borrowed" by label
representatives, the sales figures were manipulated. These false sales records influenced
the album charts and created the perception of a popular album. Jones (2009) provides an
example of this practice:
This was during the days when chart manipulation was rife, and the record charts
were compiled by writing sales of catalog numbers down in a white book in a
selection of record retailers. Adrian (owner of an indie store in London) would leave
his book on the counter whilst he made coffee for the sales reps, and on his return the
book would suddenly be full of numbers. For being so hospitably careless he was
often rewarded with boxes of free stock (p. 127).
Terry Currier, the owner ofMusic Millennium, confinns that this practice was
ubiquitous:
I never accepted any of the stuff, I always reported (to Billboard) things straight.
But, I know people out there that said they were able to pay their down payment
on a house, buy cars - and do all kind of things from free goods that were sent to
them. I was in a situation one time where somebody was going to offer me a
television set. And I never took any of that. But, it was widely done within the
industry.
Currier goes on to note how these practices became institutionalized:
But you know, a lot of people (storeowners) probably played that game that
wouldn't have played that game, but that's what the game board looked like. If
you don't play by the rules of the game, even though they were not legitimate
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rules, you have a hard time getting in there and having any kind of success. So, a
lot of people were almost forced into those things in order to compete.
Currier cites yet another method involving free musical product given to retail
stores:
Another common practice which was a little more legit, was that many of the labels
would send like cassette singles or CD singles for free to you, and ask you to give it
special pricing in the store, which in many cases changed the chart position
because, you know, you were able to get a three dollar single for $0.99.
These examples preclude the use of scanning teclmology, or what is referred
to as SoundScan, where each album sold is scanned (using a point of sale scanning
system), as opposed to the previous method where stores would call in or fax their
sales rankings to Billboard. The SoundScan system was introduced in 1991.
Calamar and Gallo (2009) claim that the older techniques of giving clerks concert
tickets and other gifts in exchange for chart manipulation is a thing of the past;
however, the authors give the following example in the SoundScan era: "A
storekeeper put a bar code for a record on a candy bar so that every time he scanned
the candy, it registered as an album sale" (p. 144).
Calamar and Gallo (2010) provide another example:
Getting a spike for an unsigned band. Here's how that would work. A box of 25
CDs for Band X would be sent to a store. The clerk who unpacked the discs
didn't notice that the box was never ordered. A "customer" comes into the store
within 24 hours ofthe arrival of the box and asks for any and all copies of the new
album by Band X. Now SoundScan reports that sale of25 copies of Band X's
album. The "customer" takes this box home and repeats this with another store.
The sales, if undetected, create a regional blip in SoundScan, and the A&R
executive suddenly thinks he has come across an unsigned act that has a healthy
following. Alas, they do not (p. 144).
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Calamar and Gallo (2010) confirm that the SoundScan era still has its problems,
but it is far more accurate than the previous system. Overall, these "payola" practices
reinforce the political economic notion that the major corporate players manufacture
popular artists, which ultimately can boost overall album sales. Currier at Music
Millennium reinforces this notion:
Because it was a lot more like PT Barnum, and there was a lot of smoke and
mirrors and you could make something happen, you could create a buzz on
something - you had the ability to do that, I mean, with falsification and that kind
of stuff. Many of those records never would have happened without that, and many
of those records were great records. Today, it really gets down a lot to the sale, you
know, in modem times is who has the most money to get their records on the
charts.
The "buy in" is another practice where labels pay for music to be included in
listening stations and prime in-store placement in retail stores. A listening station is a
device that displays a small number of CDs, and the customer can sample tracks with a
pair of headphones. Because the listening station is located in a prime position in a store,
it acts as a promotional device for bands and labels. However, not everyone has found
success with the buy-in practice. Curtis Knapp of Marriage Records, based in Portland,
critiques his use of the practice to promote his label's product:
They're all independent [stores], but then the way it ends up reading is, it reads like
a major. Because you buy into their listening booths. You buy spots. It's like a
weird business scam. Even collectives that end up having those pyramids, which
are fishy ... Each of the stores in your collective guarantees to buy three copies. If
I guarantee to provide that, and I pay for this slice of the listening station that you
are leasing from this company. You know what I mean? It gets to be a weird
scam. It's like, let's take a risk and spend $3,000 on these listening stations, that
these independent stores are telling us, they'll buy three records each, if we do that.
It's almost like a payola scheme. You're paying for them to buy your records.
You're paying for a commercial for them, so then they're paying to buy your
records. It's weird to me. They are promotional devices, you know. But from a
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consumer point of view, it makes it seem like those things have a special value,
when really it's just an advertisement.
The logic of the stations is that you can build an audience through the initial
release via the listening stations. The next release, in theory, will have a large following
established, and the store will sell more records. Knapp at Marriage Records noted that
he "broke even" by utilizing the listening stations, but was surprised at the number of
records sold through the process. Calvin Johnson ofK Records notes a hypothetical
situation where an indie label is trying to establish an audience through the buy-in
process. Johnson claims:
They [a hypothetical1abel] sold 40,000 records, but all they did was establish that
artist so the next record comes out, they hopefully, there is going to be orders for
50,000 records. That's the process, that's what they're hoping is going to happen.
It doesn't always happen that way. A second record might come out, and nobody
cares. People already forgot about that band.
However, this building up of an artist through promotional devices is costly. The
major label acts have stronger financial backing, as the sales from the first buy-in are
expected to increase with each successive album. Small-scale indie labels can't take the
same risks with buy-ins. Thus, most music promoted in listening stations is major label,
or affiliated with a major label (or possibly has major label distribution). If an album
flops, the economic loss from a buy-in hurts the indie label more, as they are less
financially stable compared to the majors.
In sum, this section highlighted the nature of retail "payola" and buy-ins. Retail
"payola" practices have historically reinforced a distorted perception of the music charts;
however, the SoundScan system brought about in 1991 has brought about more accuracy
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(with a few exceptions). As a result of "payola" practices, many popular music acts have
been manufactured by the major label system, and their ability to purchase popularity and
fame. The major labels have more capital and leverage to purchase buy-ins, which
means a greater likelihood of major label product in listening stations and prime
placement in retail stores.
Barriers to Entry: Digital Download Stores
Another issue in the digital era is the barriers to entry for independent stores
interested in creating a MP3 download store to compete with iTunes,
AmazonMP3.com and WalmartMP3.com. In order to have an on-line digital
download store, the storeowner needs to acquire licensing rights from the record
label. The economic barrier in this situation involves having the capital to cover the
licensing fees associated with intellectual property and copyright. These expensive
fees effectively prevent independent record stores from obtaining a digital download
store. Because Apple, Amazon, Napster (owned by Best Buy) and Wal-Mart are
massive multinational corporations, they have the ability to cover these licensing fees
and can essentially dominate the digital download market. The only indie stores able
to attempt the digital download market are larger superstores like Amoeba Music and
the large-scale generalist store, Music Millennium in Portland, Oregon. Terry
Currier, the owner of Music Millennium, comments on the difficulties of creating a
digital download store:
You can't just do digital delivery. Working with lawyers from the digital side of
all these different record labels and record distribution companies trying to work
out deals to be able to do so. There is cost involved, there are legal things
involved, and not anybody off the street can go make this happen... The cost is so
high, I don't venture to see us making any money off of this for years to come.
iTunes Placement
Another problem for indie stores is album placement and visibility on the
iTunes Store. As noted in the last chapter, iTunes doesn't allow labels to pay for
placement on the site; however, bands can obtain better placement if they provide
additional exclusive material, or in the case of the indie label Kill Rock Stars, release
material early to iTunes. Maggie Vail, vice president of A & R, director of west coast
operations, and head of marketing for the Kill Rock Stars record label, explains this
situation:
Because it's so hard to get placement on iTunes, and often times you give them
the record two weeks before stores get it, and the mom and pops get real upset at
that, if you continuously do that. Because it's undercutting their sales. For some
records, iTunes is 70 percent of their sales. Certain bands sell so much that you
have to give them the best placement. So you might end up giving it to them a
week early. We did this for two Deerhoofrecords in a row, I think, with iTunes.
And the second time, Lesley, who used to run the retail stuff at Touch and Go
(fonnerly an independent distributor) called and said, 'The stores are so upset.
You can't do this again.' I hadn't even thought of it. I didn't think of them as
necessarily competing, but they are.
As iTunes has become the largest retailer of music in the country, it is vital to
have strong and visible placement within the on-line store. However, when
independent labels agree to sell an album early (in this case, up to two weeks) to
obtain better placement, this practice undercuts a large portion of sales from
independent record stores. It also reinforces the primacy of the digital download
model of consumption, versus the act of buying physical product in brick and mortar
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stores. Because of Apple's market dominance, the company has the ability to obtain
music before other retailers, a practice that ultimately undercuts sales at other
independent stores.
Controlling Used Music
In 1992, the distributors of the major record labels decided to cease giving co-
op advertising money to record stores who sold used music, a commonplace practice
in indie stores. The majors claimed the stores were profiting from the major labels
and the artists were not getting additional royalties when a CD is sold secondhand.
Most independent record stores depend on the sale of used goods, as the markup on
selling used CDs or vinyl records is much higher than the low margins associated
with new music product. The inability of independent record stores to sell used
music would seriously affect their overall economic sustainability.
Country artist Garth Brooks was the first artist to speak out against the sale of
used goods. As a result, Terry Currier, the owner ofMusic Millennium, decided to
take action:
The principle of the whole thing, I felt, was very bogus. These are peoples'
livelihoods, these are their stores and they should be able to do whatever they
want with their store... Within 10 minutes of that announcement, we had pulled
all the Garth Brooks product off the floor - VHS, LPs and CDs at the time. And
we wrote them up for return to send them back to the supplier.
As an act of protest, Currier initiated a media event titled "BBQ for Retail
Freedom" in the parking lot of the store, where community members could barbeque
various Garth Brooks products (CDs, posters, T-shirts), and learn about the proposed
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major label practice (refer to Appendix A., Figure 20). The event was such a success
that Currier took the act on the road, and visited numerous record stores on the west
coast. The BBQ gathered the attention of local and national media outlets such as
CNN, MTV, People and Forbes magazine. Currier's activism prompted the major
distributors to change their mind about the used music policy. As a result, Currier
discovered there was a sense of solidarity with other independent record stores who
shared common problems, and this initial action became the foundation for the
Coalition of Independent Music Stores (or CIMS). The coalition brings stores
together and acts as a catalyst for breaking new records, and as a support group. As a
side note, Music Millennium still doesn't stock any products by Garth Brooks.
Constructing the CD Market
Another major label policy illustrates technological control and forced
obsolescence. In 1989, the major labels decided upon a policy to essentially
guarantee the success of the newly emerging CD and, as a result, eliminate the vinyl
record. To accomplish this, the labels enacted a policy (that continues to this day)
whereby vinyl records are no longer retumable to the distributors or labels, whereas
CDs are returnable. In music retail, music can be retumed for a credit after a 90-day
period. So, when vinyl ceased to be retumable, there was less financial incentive to
stock the fonnat. If the vinyl records don't sell, then the stores are stuck with them -
a policy that essentially forced stores to stock CDs. Marc Hossler from the band/art
collective Negativland claims:
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CDs did not become popular because it's what the American public wanted. It's
because all the major labels all made a backdoor, behind the scenes agreement
that they would no longer allow mom and pop record stores to do returns on vinyl.
So one day, sort of ifby magic, we have this new thing called the CD, and you
can buy those and return them. And overnight, they forced all the mom and pops
to purchase a CD, to start carrying CDs, all at once.
Consumers no longer had any choice and were forced to buy music on the
expensive CD fonnat, as well as necessitating the need for a CD player to play the
new fonnat. Another side effect was that vinyl versions of the back catalog were no
longer produced.
The list price ofa new CD was $17.98 versus $9.98 for a new vinyl record.
Consumers would buy albums they already owned on vinyl to replace their collection
on the new fonnat. However, today there is much hype about the "resurgence" of
vinyl records, but a majority of the labels that press and continue to sell vinyl are the
independent record labels, not the major labels. As well, these records continue to be
non-returnable.
In sum, this is an example of the music industry dictating a particular musical
fonnat through the enactment of a policy to deliberately force CDs onto the market
and to make it less financially advantageous for stores to continue to stock vinyl
records by rendering them non-returnable.
Music Retail and Censorship
Lastly, music retailers act as gatekeepers, and the music purchased by an indie
music store and/or corporate chain reflects the ideology of the storeowner or corporation.
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While any retail outlet is capable of censoring musical product, Wal-Mart has a lengthy
history of censorship issues.
Wal-Mart's role as censor of music has been highly publicized over the years.
The issue of retail censorship primarily pertains to the Wal-Mart retail chain, which has a
long-standing policy of not stocking any CD with a parental advisory sticker. Because of
this policy, Wal-Mart acts as a media filter and gatekeeper of musical content, thus
pitting corporate interests against democratic ideals of freedom and creative expression.
This practice is particularly problematic as Wal-Mart is the second largest music retailer
in the country (behind iTunes), and the retail chain continues to be the national leader of
physical CD sales (Wal-Mart maintains 20 percent of the physical CD market).
However, the issue of censorship at Wal-Mart is a tricky one. In fact, Wal-Mart
doesn't actually censor musical content. In order for the music to be stocked in their
physical stores, the label must provide edited or "sanitized" versions and/or modify
album artwork. As a result of this policy, it is the artists and record labels who must
agree to self-censorship in order to obtain shelf placement in the physical retail stores.
Because Wal-Mart is the largest market in terms of physical CDs in the country, many
artists bend to these requirements or face significant reductions of their overall album
sales.
In 2009, the popular pop-punk band Green Day refused to make an edited version
of its album 2Ft Century Breakdown, and as a result, Wal-Mart refused to carry the
album. Other albums, such as the indie-rock band the Strokes' First Impressions ofEarth
and Mos Defs Black on Both Sides are not carried in Wal-Mart because edited versions
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are not available. Despite this strict in-store policy, censorship doesn't seem to be as
strictly applied to Wal-Mart's digital download store, where many "obscene" or
politically challenging albums can be instantly downloaded.
A quick search of the site yielded the unexpected. For example, an unedited
version of the Dead Kennedy's Bedtimefor Democracy, a punk band known for its
scathing critiques of government and capitalism can be purchased on-line. The
"obscene" NWA album Straight Gutta Compton is available as an edited version.
However, numerous non-2Ft Century Breakdown Green Day albums are available at
WalmartMP3.com, and in select Wal-Mart stores, despite the band's expressed anger
against the company for not stocking their latest album. Ironically, Green Day tracks
from the Dookie album, including "Basket Case," which explores a male seeking out a
male prostitute, and "Longview," a track that mentions the word "shit," can be sampled
and downloaded on the Wal-Mart webpage.
According to Klein (2000), the punk band Nirvana had difficulties selling their In
Utero CDs at Wal-Mart due to these censorship practices. Wal-Mart refused to carry
their album (even through their previous album went quadruple platinum) because the
back cover art featured artwork with a fetus. Facing a loss of 10 percent (as Wal-Mart
was at the time the largest and most influential music retailer in the country), Nirvana and
their label Warner backed down and changed the artwork, as well as changing the title of
the controversial song "Rape Me" to "Waif Me" (p. 167).
Thus, Wal-Mart serves as a media filter, a concept described in Herman and
Chomsky's (2002) Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy ofthe Mass Media.
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While this version of censorship isn't related to the news industry, it suggests how
corporate media industries are firmly embedded in the market system where the
commodification of media products must appear in a supportive selling environment that
supports the political economic status quo. As a result, powerful corporations have the
power to exert their authority over the flow of information available within society.
Censorship typically doesn't occur at independent record stores. These outlets
usually don't conform to a homogenizing "family atmosphere," nor do they force artists
to produce sanitized versions of albums. Independent record stores generally have no
explicit censorship policies, although they may prefer a different type of product. In
other words, one can find extremely political and stylistically challenging music that is
far outside the constructed and formulaic channels of the mainstream music market.
Indie record stores are typically open to stocking music with challenging political, sexual,
and/or controversial themes. Every indie storeowner interviewed for this study strongly
rejected censorship practices for their store and were (or claimed to be) ardent supporters
of free speech and musical diversity. As Chris Lewis, Account Manager for Universal
Distribution, who deals extensively with independent record stores on a regular basis,
claims, "I don't believe I have any independent accounts that even buy the edited
versions."
In sum, corporate censorship practices, especially by Wal-Mart, are a form of
social control and act as a media filter for what constitutes morally acceptable music.
Their ability to force artists to create "sanitized" edited albums or change cover art is a
fonn of control over creative expression in a democratic society. Independent record
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stores usually don't adhere to such censorship policies, instead offering the consumers
the opportunity to purchase a broader variety of music, regardless of political or artistic
content.
Ambiguities of "Independence" and Indie Retail
"Independence" is difficult to define as it has numerous connotations among
indie storeowners, customer, artists and labels. However, when owning and operating an
independent record store, the issue of "control" is a central theme of defining
independence. In particular, storeowners noted the control over the kind of music for
sale (localized buying practices), buying from independent distributors, having control
over store design and atmosphere, and being non-corporate.
Nonetheless, independent record stores are businesses and are immersed in
processes of commodification. Indie stores are impacted by corporate policies and
practices that connect the stores to the larger economic system. The "true" independent
nature or degrees of autonomy vis-a-vis corporate culture becomes increasingly
ambiguous upon a closer analysis. Eric Isaacson at Mississippi Records in Portland,
Oregon, claims, "I mean, you have to be in bed somewhat with the mainstream music
industry, if you have a record store."
What follows are some key themes and analysis regarding the ambiguities of
"independence." Various indie storeowners describe the independent nature of their
stores.
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The definition of independence often incorporates a sense of difference from the
dominant corporate culture. Wade Wright, the owner of Jack's Record Cellar, a used-
only specialty store in San Francisco, claims:
We're not Barnes and Noble, and we're not, everybody picks Wal-Mart, but
they're not the only ones. We can do what we want. That's all. I'm here, and
Roy is here. And we can decide if we don't feel like opening the door. We don't
have to be here at 8:30 in the morning, and we're not going to stay open until 9
pm, because the rest of the mall has to stay open until 9 at night. And that's the
whole point. We wouldn't be here ifit had to be like that. We're too salty
(laughs).
Jack's Record Cellar opens when the owners decide to show up. The store is
open periodically, or by appointment, and doesn't follow standardized business hours. If
a customer is lucky, the store might be open by chance. This practice is symbolic of
having control over their business practices. Wright's definition of independence
includes corporate culture as a defining point, a marker as to what Jack's Record Cellar is
not. The store is not "Barnes and Noble" or "Wal-Mart," nor does it conform to the
structuring of "mall" based retail. The storeowners have the power to run the business as
they please; however, Wright's meaning of independence is dependent on the dominant
corporate culture. Corporate culture is what gives indie stores their independent brand.
Indie storeowners and others involved with the culture fail to recognize that
corporate and independent culture are not separate entities. To think of these entities in
binary tenns is to oversimplify their differences, whereas the two business models often
intersect. Both are driven by capital and exist to earn a profit. However, subtle
differences do exist.
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Scott Simmons of Exiled Records, a Portland indie store, links independence to
his use of independent music distribution, and by not partaking in corporate advertising
and listening stations. Simmons claims:
Most everything I do is through smaller distributors ... I'll use smaller distributors
like Forced Exposure, Revolver and stufflike that... I don't do any ofthe things
like some of these other stores in town like work deals and have listening stations
and free advertising. You know, we don't participate in any of those things. I
just basically carry what I like.
Paid-for in-store advertisements complicate the nature of independence. Exiled
Records deliberately doesn't utilize free (co-op) advertising or listening stations, as such
practices are corporately oriented. Thus, Exiled Records is another example of defining
independence through non-corporate practices. The store is further from the typical
corporate model, and is more autonomous from the dominant industry. Its reliance on
independent distributors further reinforces this.
Many indie stores hang promotional posters because they like the music, not
because it's a paid ad. However, I carne across a situation at Music Millennium in
Portland, Oregon, where in the storefront window, a large-scale hand-painted (DIY
aesthetic) drawing advertised the popular indie band Modest Mouse. A store employee
didn't create this drawing out of sheer appreciation for the band. It was a paid-for
advertisement, and the store had to photograph and send it to the label for documentation
(see Appendix A., Figure 21). Thus, upon a closer analysis, what appears to be
vernacular art is really a corporate promotion.
The music displayed in promotional listening stations, where shoppers can sample
music before buying, is another paid-for advertisement in the stores. This practice is
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utilized by larger indie chains and generalist stores. This arrangement tends to be skewed
towards the major label discourse of moving product, and product placement. The
practice is similar to the big box stores.
There can be considerable difference and variation in terms of "independence."
Numerous specialty/niche indie storeowners in the Portland area claimed that Music
Millennium was more corporately oriented because of their reliance on listening stations
and co-op advertising. As a result, the store lacks the subcultural capital and
"independent" feel of smaller niche stores such as Mississippi and Exiled Records. Both
of these stores refuse listening stations and co-op advertising. While the storeowners of
these three stores would all define themselves as being independent, there is much
variation in terms of how others perceive this independence. For example, Curtis Knapp
of the independent record label Marriage Records in Portland comments on his dealings
with Music Millennium:
...There is something about the management there. There is like this strong
socialist ethic, but honestly, my dealings with it has been a little bit hokey. And
they have like ten different listening stations there; it's like a fucking casino. So I
haven't really had that great of a relationship with them, as a local label in town ...
And just like the group ads, and stuff like that. They're all involved. They're just
a little bit more commercial minded and it ends up being a hokey aesthetic to me.
Jon Klots of Anthem Records, an indie store that focuses on avant-garde music in
Portland, echoes the importance of independent distribution, as well as carrying some
major label product. Klots claims:
I mean, it's fairly atypical for anything with any sort of major distribution ever
find its way in here. There are exceptions. Sonic Youth was on a big label for a
long time; obviously we have Sonic Youth. I have the last Eminem record in
here. There are the major indie bands, like there is a Spoon record right there.
Everybody had mixed tastes, you know. But, still, that's independent.
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Many indie stores stock music that is perceived to be "independent." Often, this
music is connected to larger corporate entities through distribution arrangements or
partnerships, and many indie storeowners lack an understanding of the structural
arrangement of the music industry. In this example, Klots notes the selling of corporate
products. The venerable Sonic Youth was formally on the DGC label, owned by
Universal Music Group. Eminem is on Interscope Records, which is also owned by
UMG. However, Spoon is an example ofperceived independence. While Spoon releases
albums on Matador Records, a respected "indie" label, the products are distributed by
Alternative Distribution Alliance (ADA), which is mostly owned by Warner Music
Group.
However, as music is increasingly distributed digitally via Apple's iTunes, the
definition of "true" independent is obsolete. As digital distribution via corporate
channels increases, the word "independent" increasingly will have less meaning.
In terms of product diversity, I have yet to come across an independent record
store that only exclusively sells "independent" music. To reiterate, a "true" independent
label is a record label free from corporate backing, and must have independent
distribution. Thus, there is a considerable difference between the perception of
independence and the economic realities of the music industry.
For Tony Green, a manager at Amoeba Music in San Francisco, independence is
an attitude, one that demarcates itself from typical capitalism. Green claims:
I guess it's kind of an attitude thing, but beyond that we just have the three stores,
which are privately owned, and I think anyone who walks into Amoeba would
think, yes, this is an independent record store. It doesn't reek of capitalism.
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This definition of independence is problematic as it suggests Amoeba Music is
somehow outside of capitalism. The comment reinforces the binary between indie and
corporate retailers, as if capitalism is an abstraction that only occurs somewhere else.
Amoeba is the largest independent record store in the country, a status achieved through
ardent commodification and the nature of capitalism.
Similarly, Andrew Hotch of Timbucktunes, a world music store in Portland,
contends his store is outside of capitalism. Hotch claims:
I don't believe in capitalism. I don't believe in profit motive. I think it corrupts
everything it touches ... I don't think there is any contradiction there. I don't
think that business means capitalism. People sell things all over the world;
obviously, people buy and trade things no matter what sort of economic system
their country has ... Businesses are generally around to make money (laughs). I
would like to see that too, but my focus is on music and what music means to me,
and the way I think it means to the world... I joke that it should be run as a not-
for-profit business, because it's not really churning one.
Again, this storeowner falsely suggests autonomy from the capitalist system. As a
theme, numerous indie storeowners had a difficult time reconciling their relationship to
this dominant economic system. This is likely due to the personal connection the
storeowners have to the product they sell. To place an indie store in the context of
capitalism contradicts the ideological or "pure" nature of "independence." Indie stores
are nonetheless constituted by the capitalistic system.
Stone Clement, the owner of Shaxul, a heavy-metal specialty store in San
Francisco, defines his store by his lack of financial means and by his economic struggle.
Clement claims:
I guess the fact that like, basically one guy is running it, and I'm always just
scrapping by financially. It doesn't really get any more independent than what
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I'm doing. So, what you see in this little store is and what sells is what is getting
us by each month. So, to me, that's the definition of being independent, if there
ever was one.
Greg Saunier of the indie band Deerhoof shares his insights from working at the
independent distributor Subterranean. He explains how there were similarities between
the two retailers, and that corporate and indie stores follow the logic of the market.
Despite the vast differences in musical product, both retailers bought albums based on
their ability to sell. Saunier explains:
For a time in the mid 90s I worked at a record distributor called Subterranean,
which sold almost exclusively to independent record stores. It always seemed like
the stores were on the verge of going out of business, and yet it was my task to
convince their buyers by phone to buy more of our obscurities, which would most
likely put them further in the hole. The temptation on their part to gamble less, and
go for the safer titles, was perfectly understandable, but also begged the question of
the philosophical or even commercial purpose of the store's existence, since in so
doing, they imitated the buying patterns of the major stores to a greater and greater
extent.
Indie and corporate retailers have much in common in tenns of the nature of
capital. Buying "safer titles" follows market logic, where the focus is on products that
will sell. Indie and corporate retailers should not be considered in binary terms. There is
a lot of grey between the two.
What follows is a listing of my observations that consider the nuances of
"independence" in indie record stores.
• The larger the indie store, the more likely the presence of an overt corporate
influence. Many larger indie stores such as Music Millennium and Amoeba
Music engage in co-op advertising practices, in-store displays and promotions,
and listening stations.
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• According to Chris Lewis at Universal Music Group, larger indie chains tend to
utilize centralized buying practices, although with better communication between
levels of management and floor workers.
• Many indie stores supplement their physical in-store sales with e-commerce.
Business is conducted with Amazon.com, one of the largest corporate music
retailers in the country. The House of Records in Eugene and Music Millennium
both utilize Amazon.
• Diversification of product mimics the dominant paradigm of corporate culture,
where many indie stores have become "lifestyle" stores selling DVDs, books,
board games and toys to off-set losses in music sales (Calamar and Gallo, 2010, p.
97). As a result, "music only" stores are becoming less common.
• The selling ofrare and collectable "punk" records is big business, as the record's
scarcity drives the demand, which results in expensive cultural commodities. For
example, a rare and independent punk album sells for $75.99 (refer to Appendix
A., Figure 23).
• Record Store Day mimics the exclusive only paradigm established by the big box
retailers. Much of the product on RSD come from the major record labels, and
this can be seen as co-opting indie culture. This is especially ironic considering
how some major label policies and practices have negatively affected independent
record stores over the years.
• There is a shared ideological connection of independence between indie labels,
distribution and record stores. However, the selling of music follows the logic of
capital. According to Dave Gulbif at Revolver Distribution, indie distributors will
sell music to anyone who is willing to buy, even the major big box stores. The
practices of the big boxes ultimately undennine the independent record store.
• Big box chain stores have co-opted "underground" music, and music from
"independent" labels. This music is available at Best Buy, Wal-MartMP3.com,
Amazon, Barnes and Nobel, and iTunes. No longer is "independent" music
exclusive to independent record stores.
• Some chain stores such as Best Buy and Fred Meyer have co-opted the vinyl trend
as a form of commodification.
: According to Hebdige (1976), expressions of rebellion can be commodified. The
commodification of punk (refer to Appendix A., Figure 24) was evident in the
now defunct Virgin Megastore. Large chains have commodified "alternative"
musical scenes.
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Upon closer examination, the very concept of "independence" becomes
increasingly murky. In fact, the very notion of "independence" is rendered problematic -
as its very definition depends on the existence of the dominant corporate system and the
nature of capitalism. This critique of "independence" is important as it suggests the
concept is essentially an imagined brand Even if indie stores utilize alternative
approaches towards music culture, they nonetheless harvest and commodify difference.
Both "indie" and corporate retail discourses are part of a system determined by late
capitalism.
Conclusions
This chapter analyzed a number of practices and polices related to the
dominant music industry and corporate music retail, as well as the political economic
location of "independence" in this industry.
The corporate policies and practices described in this chapter reinforce the
notion that the "big four" major labels manufacture popular musical artists. This
construction is essentially paid for with buy-ins, co-op advertising money, exclusive
only releases and centralized buying practices. Historically, major labels utilized
retail "payola" to buy their way into retail stores, and essentially rigged the Billboard
charts through a variety of methods. Even in the SoundScan era, there are a number
of examples of how the charts continue to be manipulated. Major labels are able to
buy and construct fame through their sheer market power and multinational
conglomerate backing. Therefore it should come as no surprise why particular artists
become popular. Simply check which major label is backing the artist. "True"
independent record labels don't have the same financial backing as the major labels,
and thus it comes as no surprise why indie artists rarely chart on the Billboard Top
40.
Pricing and the practice of selling music as a loss leader are systematic
practices that undermine the independent record store. When "independent" labels
sell their music to a chain like Best Buy, the logic of the market usurps the ideology
of locality and the support of small business, and corporate competitors undercut
indie stores. While this practice shouldn't come as a surprise, it exemplifies how
indie labels (along with their distributor) will sell to anyone willing to buy, regardless
of their shared ideology of "independence." In this example, the market trumps the
ideology of "independence." Independent labels and distributors will sell to anyone
willing to buy, even Wal-Mart, which is notorious for censoring music. The same is
true for indie labels that release material early to iTunes, so they can obtain prime
placement. In both of these situations, it is the indie stores who suffer, or worse, who
close down completely.
As noted, there is a tendency among indie storeowners and others related to
record store culture (customers, workers, and record labels) to reinforce the imagined
binary opposition separating independent and corporate culture. As I have outlined, it
doesn't make sense to demarcate these retailers in such terms, as they both utilize an
array of intersecting policies and practices. They are not exclusive spheres. In fact,
independent stores rely on corporate culture to define their own idiosyncratic
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difference, or brand. For example, some indie stores resist the use of listening
stations, co-op advertising, and label-based promotions. While such practices resist
the corporate paradigm, indie stores continue to define themselves vis-a-vis corporate
power. On the other hand, corporate retailers have continually co-opted subcultural
fashion and vinyl records, and currently sell an array of "independent" music, which
is mainly sold on their web sites (for example, Wal-MartMP3.com). While indie
stores still have more musical variety in terms of the obscure (and local music, out of
print material, etc.), the corporate retailers currently stock a wide array of
"independent" releases, at least on-line. However, the in-store selection at the major
big boxes continues to be limited.
When independent record stores embrace exclusive only releases on Record
Store Day, sell music on Amazon.com, diversifY product away from music, and
accept co-op advertising money, there is little distinction between independent and
corporate culture. In this context, the practices of the independent record store can
hardly be considered progressive.
However, some used-only stores exist outside of the traditional music
distribution system, and indie stores who only buy from indie distributors exhibit
more autonomy from the dominant music industry. The selling of local music
(sometimes with unconventional packaging and formats) fosters local scenes and
communities. These practices distance indie stores from the dominant music industry
and can be viewed as progressive, but they are nonetheless a business guided by
markets and nature of capitalism.
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As noted, independence begins to take on the realm of the imagined. Some
storeowners and workers have displayed a distorted perception of independence, and
imagine indie stores are somehow external to capitalism. The notion of independence
becomes folkloric in scope, an ideology based on perceptions of independence, not
economic reality.
The next chapter analyzes the key cultural characteristics, communities and
ideologies surrounding the independent record store under the auspices of
commodification.
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CHAPTER VII
CULTURAL ANALYSIS, PART 1: COMMUNITIES, SUBCULTURAL
CONNECTIONS, MUSICAL EDUCATION AND COMMODIFICATION IN THE
INDEPENDENT RECORD STORE
This research project thus far has articulated how the independent record store is
situated within the political economy of the dominant music industry and is influenced to
various degrees by the policies and practices of this industry.
Up to this point, political economy has described how the overall playing field is
structured and organized; however, critical cultural studies explores how the participants
play the overall game. This doesn't suggest that the cultural approach is outside of
commodification and late capitalism. It provides the tools necessary to analyze how the
agents associated with indie record store culture construct narratives, actively develop
rituals, and reinforce counter-hegemonic belief systems. At the core of this analysis is
the exploration of how these narratives and social practices intersect with
commodification, where the stores fonn their own independent brand. This necessitates
an exploration of how actors create and contest cultural meanings.
This chapter explores the nature of communities in the independent record store,
and how such spaces have a social function in tenns of socialization. These communities
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are comprised of a series of subcultures, and the indie record store connects individuals
and groups. This chapter addresses the following research question:
Under the auspices of commodification, what are the cultural meanings and
narratives within the independent record store, and what are its major defining
characteristics in terms of community, subcultures, and as an educational space?
Communities and Social Aspects of Independent Record Stores
It is abundantly clear that indie stores foster social interaction and are a form of
community. For some individuals, indie stores represent more of a social community
space than for others. I would argue that certain indie stores foster community better than
other stores, especially in terms of their corporate, big box counterparts.
This notion of community corresponds with Putnam (2000), who contends that
the activity of non-political groups such as those who play on a local sports team can be
considered a form of civic engagement. Such interactions build social capital and social
networks that are necessary for a healthy democracy.
Currently, consumers are increasingly purchasing music via the Internet as
opposed to shopping in a physical record store, thus altering the nature of civic
engagement and human interaction. In his later work, Putnam (2003) considers the
Internet in tenns of developing communities, but rather emphasizes the importance of
face-to-face interaction in terms of developing a real and concrete social foundation,
whereas the Internet works in terms of reinforcing the real and tangible networks already
in place. While on-line communities certain can and do form, physical record stores
emphasize face-to-face interaction.
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For some customers, going to an indie record store is a weekly ritual where they
dig through the latest used vinyl records that have been traded in - and spend much time
talking with the workers and other customers about music, concerts, and life in general.
Regulars and store employees address each other by name. The interactions that occur at
the cash register regularly tum into lengthy conversation. Groups ofteenage skate kids
come in together, skateboards in hand, as they look over the punk 7" vinyl section.
Others spend a quiet afternoon, meditatively sifting through records for hours on end,
without making a sound to anyone. Others sing enthusiastically to the music playing in
the store. Some "customers" visit indie stores and chat with the workers without buying
anything. Local musicians hang posters advertising a concert, thus reinforcing the larger
community outside the store. As Greg Sutherland at the House of Records in Eugene,
Oregon notes, indie record stores represent a "microcosm of bigger society," and that
"It's a little society in here."
For those willing to make the investment, indie stores are a place to talk and learn
about music, build friendships, and meet other people in the community. Tony Green, a
store manager at Amoeba Music, an indie superstore located in San Francisco, comments:
One of the things that's really big here is when people come up to the counter,
and they don't know the song, but they can sing a couple of bars, and we call it
'name that tune.' And everybody gathers around and they sing a few bars, and
it's like this big race to be the first person to get it, and you don't get that at
iTunes, or wherever. .. It's just a really great atmosphere here, and people having
fun, and I love working here, and I get a big kick out of being here. You don't get
that from staring at your computer screen. I think there is always going to be a
place for music fans to interact for social interaction... It still has an energy of its
own.
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Store interactions between customers and workers tend to be playful and relaxed,
as opposed to a rigid corporate system where such interactions are more institutionalized,
and the kind of talk is built into particular codes and policies of behavior. As Green
comments on the "atmosphere," the social interactions available "in-store" is something
that can't be replicated by a "computer screen." thus suggesting that mediated interaction
is not the same as human physical interaction. In person interaction and community has
primacy over mediated forms of community.
Scott Simmons at Exiled Records in Portland claims that shopping at an
independent record store transcends "typical" commodity consumption:
It's not somewhere where you're going to buy a record and take off. You can have
meaningful conversations and meet people and you can get a little bit more out of it
than just, you know, going to Fred Meyer to buy bread or a six pack of beer. I
think it works on a higher level than that.
Shopping at an indie record store has importance beyond the typical buying and
selling of goods. By comparing Exiled Records to Fred Meyer, a department chain,
shopping in a corporate context is an anonymous experience, where commodities are
purchased minus social interaction or community. In an indie store, music as a
commodity fonn has a different social value than "beer" and "bread," that the experience
is somehow beyond such mundane consumption and commodity exchange. To be
"working on a higher level" is to demarcate indie stores as having a different social
function than corporate stores.
Gracon (2009) conducted a case study of the House of Records, a generalist indie
store based in Eugene, Oregon; this study explores notions of community and social
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interaction. For many customers, shopping at House of Records is a weekly ritual. Many
browse through the used record bins looking for the latest trade-ins, which are constantly
circulating and changing. On one particular Sunday, several customers commented that
this is what they do every weekend and the space is valued in terms of identity and one's
relational community. Herman, a customer for several decades, comments:
If this were in other countries, this would be called a marketplace. I don't mean a
place of selling and buying, but a place of social activities, and people mixing and
meeting, and being friendly.
A long time customer named Chico discussed the store as a space beyond
commodity exchange and music consumption. This could be framed as the social
relevance of the space, or how the store acts as a subcultural marker of sorts, where
people congregate, and a sense of community pervades. For example, Chico claimed the
store is kind of "detox," or "like stopping in for a beer after work," as the environment is
relaxing and is a place to unwind from the stress of work and to happily disappear into
the shelves of old vinyl. This community feeling relates to his comments regarding
House of Records as a "family" and "home," citing an experience of the store in the early
1990s akin to "Thanksgiving," a kind of family atmosphere. He referred to the store as
"House ofRecs," as if talking to a close friend with a special nickname. He also
described a situation where at times he fields questions from other customers (as
recommended by the employees) while waiting in line, which implies a more active
participation in the space.
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Emily West Afanador, the drummer of the local Eugene band Telepathic
Dumpster, comments on how the atmosphere ofHouse of Records is more conducive to
social interaction:
I think the atmosphere is conducive to talking to people. You're not under
florescent lights at House of Records. It's a house, and it feels like you're
welcome to talk to people. And you look through the isles of the records and you
see someone looking back at you - and it just seems more natural place for
conversation to erupt. When you're at a department store, people aren't
encouraged to talk to you and it's more isolating and often times you don't want
the clerk to talk to you. You kind of want to just be left alone. Get in and get out.
Emily's observations regarding the atmosphere of the store suggest
conditioned behavior, where social interaction, or how conversation "erupts," is
largely dependent on the context. Being in a "house" as opposed to being under
"florescent lighting" is more "natural," and is conducive to conversation and
community. In a department store, it is assumed consumption is more anonymous,
and interactions are not expected or encouraged, and thus, such stores are less about
community.
Numerous customers at the House of Records enjoy the social interactions
with the store employees, and in some situations, forge friendships with them. While
researching this store, I was asked to be in a band, to playa variety of records on my
college radio show, and was invited to several concerts and events, all while being
mistaken as a store employee. I also made a few musical recommendations to
customers.
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Backroom Records and Pastries, based in Montreal, Canada, is an extension of
Warren Hill's apartment. The store is an unsanctioned and quasi-legal store (he doesn't
pay taxes or have a business permit) that operates through word of mouth advertising.
To find out if the store is open, one must locate a vinyl record dangling from a back alley
stairwell that leads to the shop, signifying that someone is "working." The store focuses
on used vinyl records and, at times, locally made baked goods and pastries. Upon
comparing his store with a corporate chain, Hill comments, "I can't think of two things
that are more different than those two." Hill claims:
Mine is my house, and that's where I live, and people come into my kitchen and
use my bathroom and sit in my kitchen and hang out and drink tea or play
dominos or whatever... We'd have various different events whether it be, some
kind of party - we had some people come in and make meals and serve them out,
or I'd have grilled cheese day, where for every customer that came in, I'd make
them a grilled cheese sandwich. But generally it's more oflike a hangout spot for
me and my friends. And people to come in and sit around and listen to records.
While Hill's store is an extreme example, its outright obscurity and quasi-
legal nature are no doubt part of its appeal. It's a place to "hang out," "party," "listen
to records," and "play dominos," which is a very different agenda to only selling
commodities and earning profits. The practice of making meals and having "grilled
cheese day" also suggests a communal atmosphere.
The store contains elements of vernacular culture. According to Lantis
(1960), vernacular culture expresses that which is native or common to a locality,
region, or by extension, to a trade or other group (p. 203). It refers to cultural forms
made and organized by ordinary people for their own pleasure in modem societies.
Such culture is almost always engaged in on a non-profit and voluntary basis, and is
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often associated with tightly organized subcultures and religious cultures. According
to Geertz (1987), it is the kind of culture that has been developed by a people or
majority of people to express their own meanings and values to apply to customs and
works, as opposed to a repressive imposition of commercial saturation from the top
down (p. 2). As participants use the space for "hanging out" and "listening to
records," the store ceases to exist only as a commercial act.
When not selling records, Richard Vivian, the owner of San Francisco's RPM,
a store that specializes in soul 45 vinyl records, has been known to offer dance
lessons on the side. He echoes the casual and relaxed gathering environment of his
store:
People come in for that experience, and I had a black woman who worked for me
for 15 years, passed away. She was an old blues singer and she knew music right
and left, and she was hilarious. We played cards every Friday. I mean it's a
community. IfI, I could have a latte machine in here ifI wasn't so lazy. Cause
that's the kind of place it feels like. People eat their lunch here. I always have
this table.
While indie stores are suggestive of community, Lisa Schonberg, the drummer of
the Portland band Explode into Colors, describes how independent record stores are more
than just economic centers; they are also places that allow a community to foster in
unexpected ways. Lisa notes:
The independent record stores have an investment in the community that goes way
beyond economics. For instance, I am one of the organizers for a listening party
and discussion about female drummers at our local drum shop called Revival this
coming week. The plan is to listen and talk about female drummers, and spin all
SOlis of bands that have female drummers. Mississippi Records invited us to
borrow any records we wanted to from their store for the event. What are the
chances that a corporate Best Buy, Wal-Mart, or Sam Goody would do that? We
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borrowed them and then returned them. I am not sure if they gained anything
besides knowing that they were extremely generous and sweet and helpful!
Lisa's initiative to fonn this workshop, along with musical suggestions and the
"borrowing" of music, suggests that Mississippi Records, a Portland-based vinyl only
store, operates as more than a record store. To have a workshop where people can gather
and discuss music without the pressure to actually purchase anything is suggestive of a
more community-based approach towards music culture. At corporate stores, the
"borrowing" of music for such cultural purposes would be unthinkable. Also, it is
unlikely the big boxes would have a broad selection of music featuring female drummers.
There are other examples of indie stores being more than just a place of
commodity consumption. The Museum of Unfine Art in Eugene, Oregon, a quirky
record store specializing in off-kilter musical genres such as "non-categorizable," also
doubles as an art gallery where local artists and students exhibit their wares. The
exhibition in the store included works conducted by elementary school students - a
project coordinated with a local schoolteacher (see Appendix A., Figure 26).
Jackpot Records in Portland, Oregon, hosts an annual free film festival. The films
included in the 2010 event explored the history and politics of music, such as Do it
Yourself: The Story 0/Rough Trade, a look at iconic indie record store and record label,
and You Weren't There: A History o/Chicago Punk 1977-1984. In the past, Jackpot
hosted Record Store Day, where customers could partake in a foosball tournament with
the local band Menomena.
The Musical Offering, a classical music store in Berkeley, California, doubles as a
cafe and coffee shop. The owner of Force of Habit, a punk store based in San Francisco,
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also books and promotes live concerts for touring bands - and thus actively works to
foster live music and cultural events outside the store. Portland's Music Millennium
offers a singer-songwriter workshop, where local musicians gather, discuss and critique
their artistic progress. The store also hosts an annual customer appreciation barbeque in
the parking lot behind the store, where hundreds of customers show up. Skills, an indie
store located in Berkeley, California, focuses on electronic music. The store offers
workshops and lessons on how to be a DJ, thus giving people the opportunity to be
cultural producers and not just consumers of music.
It is important to note, however, that the communities associated with the
independent record store are occurring in the context of commodification - and the line
separating a community gathering and commerce can be ambiguous.
For example, many independent stores have live in-store performances, where a
touring band performs in a record store. These events are often free, and customers and
fans can gather, watch the performance, and customers can simply leave without
purchasing anything. However, the in-store events usually promote a new release. As a
result, the in-store is a form of indie branding, where the live performance associates the
artist with the store. The experience is the ad. For example, the Mae Shi, an art-rock
band from LA, perfonned in Amoeba Music in Berkeley. While many people gathered to
watch the live event, the band members were branded with Amoeba stickers and the
event was recorded and placed on the store's webpage. As a result, Amoeba brands the
band. In-store perfonnances get customers into the stores. On the surface, this seems
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like a community event, but the intention is that customers will also purchase other
merchandise.
Another example blurs the line between community and commodification. In the
fall of2009, Music Millennium hosted a Beatles release party. EMI Records re-issued
the Beatles' back catalog as a box set. The party had a festive feel, and free food was
served as various Beatles songs played through the speakers. News cameras were on
hand to capture the event. The customers congregated and talked about their favorite
Beatles songs and youthful memories of the iconic band. While this event had a
community feel - as a fairly large group of enthusiastic customers were present - the
event was nonetheless based around the selling of an expensive box set. Beatles fans
were harvested as the party or spectacle facilitated the commodification of music (see
Appendix A., Figure 19).
The independent record store can be a fonn of community to some, but it can be
exclusive to others. Some customers feel intimidated by the unusual or unpredictable
design of some stores, as they might be "too funky." Richard Vivian, the owner ofRPM
Records in San Francisco, claims, "People love coming in here for the most part, um,
there are people who come in, tum right around and walk out. It doesn't work for them."
Scott Simmons, the owner of Exiled Records in Portland echoes this behavior: "Some
people walk in, and immediately they are stoked. I'm sure of plenty of other people walk
in and are like, this place is honible. And they take off."
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Sometimes store workers made cynical comments about customers behind their
back, especially when dealing with repetitive and mundane questions. Thus,
relationships in the store are not always harmonious and friendly. Richard Vivian at
RPM Records comments on the harsh attitudes of some storeowners, as well as his own
behavior towards customers who annoy him, thus providing exceptions to a hannonious
community:
A lot of record shops, you walk in there, and you feel like you're like in a
museum in there, and the owners are very territorial and angry... And I can be
grumpy too, but, there is so much freshness around here, and there is always
something in here that perks me up for the assholes that bring me down, I mean,
you will not believe the stupid questions people ask. Sometimes it's so stupid it's
funny. But a lot of times it's just so stupid, it's annoying.
It was a common theme for customers to feel awkward (at some point) in indie
stores. Some felt they lacked musical knowledge, or were embarrassed about their
musical taste. Kelsey, a customer at House of Records, claims:
When I was in high school, I was really intimidated by record store employees, and
I always thought the stuff I was picking out wasn't cool enough to buy from the
counter. I used to make my little brother come in the store with me. 1'd give him
the stuff! wanted to buy and the money, and have him go up the counter for me
and get it because I was too embarrassed to buy it from the store clerks (laughs).
According to Gracon (2009), one of the few female customers at the House of
Records notes, "Sometimes it can be a little bit intimidating because there're all these
male employees, and being the only female in there, and there're all these guys, so
you sometimes feel a bit excluded." Gender issues related to record collecting
connects with Straw (1997), who contends that the valorization ofthe obscure
increasingly stands revealed as dependent on the homosocial world of young men.
Straw writes:
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Just as ongoing conversation between men shapes the composition and extension of
each man's collection, so each man finds, in the similarity of his points of reference
to those of his peers, confirmation of a shared universe of critical judgment (p. 5).
However, I met several enthusiastic female record collectors during the study.
Kelly Stoltz, an employee at Groove in San Francisco, comments on gender relations in
his store:
There are girls who know what they want, the liberated record buying women
(laughs). They know what they want, and they don't need some dude to drag
them around, and tell them what's cool. So that's cool. We definitely have a few,
we have about three or four regulars who are girls or women who come in and
buy stuff.
Lastly, several store workers described examples where they dealt with
shoplifters. Thus, not everybody views independent record stores as a form of
community.
Big box stores have a vastly different approach towards community. A store
manager of Target on the West coast describes the music section as not having a sense of
community, and that the shopping experience is "isolating." Shoppers are often "in a
hurry." In terms of a community in the music section, the manager claims:
The music section exists to serve them, trying to figure what they want, but it
doesn't pull people in on its own. I can't remember seeing people who are
regulars, necessarily... If they don't know each other, they're not really talking to
each other. A small amount, and it's not the norm at all. If they're dressed the
same way, they might talk about something, but not typically. It's not a place
where you meet in the jazz section and talk about jazz.
Marcus Hernandez, an Electronics Specialist at Target in Springfield, Oregon,
encounters regular customers in his section, but observes a lack of interaction amongst
store customers. Hernandez says:
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Not so much. It's more of an individual thing. Barring families and friends that
come together, we don't really get guests that interact with each other, or
recommend things to each other. They come to me for recommendations or
anything that they are looking for.
Ryan Polischeck, a Media Associate at Best Buy located in Springfield, Oregon,
claims that music in the store is a "grab and go" item, where the customer grabs the item
and leaves without any kind of social interaction. Store employees are not encouraged to
talk to customers:
You don't just go up and talk to a person about a CD for an hour. You know what
I mean? Because you're not selling it to them. Typically they know what they
want or they go in just to browse, because they want a new CD, and they look and
see if anything catches their eye ... And if anything catches their eye, and they
grab it, and take it to the front, and you don't even interact with them.
In terms of viewing the entertainment section at Best Buy as a gathering place,
Polischeck claims:
Not really, when you're talking CDs. You get people who do it in games, with
displays where they can actually go and deal with, but our music section doesn't
really have a way to listen. And it's only one aisle big (laughs). It's not a really
happening place. More people come in and they want to play rock band or DJ
Hero.
Target and Best Buy do little to foster community and social interaction in the
music/electronics section of their stores. They are in many ways the opposite of the
independent record store in tenns of community and interaction. In the corporate
context, the shopping is more individualized and an isolated experience. At Best Buy,
social interaction with the customers isn't a focus of the job. The media specialist
position is geared towards selling more expensive items like iPods (which ironically
affects the sustainability of the independent record store) or other electronics, as opposed
to discussing the nuances of CDs and music culture.
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In conclusion, I have explored the nature of community in the independent record
store. The stores are considered to be an important form of community. However, there
are exceptions to this community nature and, for a minority of customers, the stores can
be seen as being exclusive and/or intimidating, and in-store interactions are not always so
harmonious. The stores are also known for being male-dominated.
The fostering of community intersects with commodification, and in-store
performances and gatherings to celebrate, for example, the re-release of the Beatles box
set blurs the lines between branding and community. To this end, the communities that
gather in indie stores are harvested towards consumerism and commodification.
Indie Stores as a Subcultural Connecter
In the context of community, the independent record store acts as a subcultural
connector. A subcultural connecter allows music-based subcultures such as indie
hipsters, hip-hop heads, punks, hardcore kids, hippies, and ravers (as well as those who
don't fit into a specific subcultural category) a place to gather, learn about music culture,
and actively participate in culture. Indie stores foster an atmosphere where participants
can be connected to other like-minded people with similar interests, as well as to other
subcultural activities in the community. I explore these connections in terms of band
formation, locality and locally produced music releases, punk culture, rave scenes, and
through an examination of flyers and posters associated with the stores.
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Jon Ginoli, a fonner employee at Amoeba Music in San Francisco and the
singer/guitarist for the gay punk band Pansy Division, describes the makeup of characters
which constitute a "bohemian" subculture in Amoeba:
It's a record store, and it's full of prickly personalities and anti-social people who
would rather be hanging around in a record store than working in an office or
doing whatever kind of regular job. So you get a certain amount of misfits and
oddballs. And they have very different opinions about things, especially about
music. But you put them all together and you have a really nice cross section of
sort of bohemian underground, as much as you can in a city where it is so
expensive to live.
Ginoli's comments reinforce the "non-nonnative" or sub-cultural nature of those
who congregate in independent stores. They are "prickly personalities," "anti social
people," and "misfits" and "oddballs." This collective "difference" - or "homology" as
Hebdige (1976) refers to it - is a common theme in indie stores.
Eric Isaacson at Mississippi Records in Portland views his store as a community
hub that connects artists and musicians within the community. Isaacson says:
We definitely work as a kind of networking house for a lot of art people and
music people, which is great. I've seen many people meet here and they go on to
do projects together. And the staff here is really good about connecting people
too. People come in and ask for like, you know, do you know about any
apartments for rent? Do you know anyone who plays this kind of music? Or
who is looking for this kind of art venue or music venue? All that comes through
here too. It's pretty connected.
Isaacson's comments reinforce indie stores as places that foster community interaction,
where artists and bands can be connected to other like-minded artists, thus fostering
cultural production outside of the actual store.
Various bands note the importance of independent record stores in tenns of
learning about new music and, as a result, bands and local music scenes have fonned.
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In the 1970s, punk culture was becoming increasingly popular in the UK with
bands like the Sex Pistols and The Jam. Yet these releases were not widely available in
the United States. The punk subculture was largely an underground phenomenon, and it
was not part of the mass media system. Calvin Johnson of the band Beat Happening and
founder ofK Records, an influential independent record label in Olympia, Washington,
describes punk culture during this era and how the indie record store connected him to
other punk rockers:
Like in England, punk was a phenomenon. Teenagers were becoming punk
rockers ... The regular teenagers (in the USA), they never hear the word punk rock.
So the people who were like, I've heard of this punk thing, what is it? There was
no Internet. .. I'm living in Olympia, Washington, and I'm reading about punk
rock, but I had no idea what it sounds like. Ijust know that it's what I wanted to be
involved in ... There were certain stores, like a Cellophane Square, that was the
store where the Seattle punk rockers would gather. And that's where you'd find
out about the new records.
Independent record stores were the first retailers to carry punk releases from the
UK and experimental music from Germany in the form of imports. No other mainstream
or department retail store carried import releases. Mark Hossler, one of the founders of
the band/art collective Negativland, and who was responsible for coining the phrase
"culture jamming," has made a career out of re-mixing popular culture into audio and
video collages. In his formative teenage years, Mark discovered the import section at
Rather Ripped Records, a store located in Berkeley, California. The record store in his
suburban town did not carry import releases, thus Rather Ripped connected him to
diverse musical releases and his future band mates. Discovering Rather Ripped had a
very large impact on his aesthetic sensibility. Hossler claims:
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I mean, the sounds were just so alien and different, and so wild, and so exciting,
and being in this suburban environment (where he lived), that was so bland and
boring, you know, just finding this stuff, was like exotic, culture from another
universe or planet... And my whole education around music, you know, is
entirely due to them. Entirely.
Upon discovering imported music, Hossler decided to "make the music I want to
hear more of, but can't find," and later met Richard and David, who were also customers
at Rather Ripped. They later formed Negativland, whose name refers to the German
krautrock band, Neu! Negativland's early experimental records were made by hand, and
each album cover was a different collage constructed with magazines from the 1950s and
wallpaper samples. Their records sold at local stores such as Aquarius and Rather
Ripped, as the mainstream stores wouldn't stock music with inconsistent packaging.
Through independent distribution, the records were shipped all over the world, from
Japan to Holland to Germany. Hossler recounts his feelings at the time about how
independent distribution further connected the band to a wider audience in the wake of
punk and the Sex Pistols:
But of course our work then got out there because it was going into independent
record stores, through these new independent distributors, and really all of that,
there was this explosion of independently released music in the wake of the Sex
Pistols. Even though the Sex Pistols were on a major label, there was all these
groups, in London and stuff, who were putting out all these 7" singles and all these
people putting out independent stuff. So, it was exciting too, because, you know,
definitely the businesses of distribution that grew up around it were not people
doing it to make a bunch of money. They were just absolutely excited about music,
and they wanted to see this music get out there.
Calvin Johnson ofK Records cites independent record stores as a place that
connected him to a larger underground musical milieu, especially in terms of locally
produced releases.
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In 1978, when I was first doing a radio show on KAOS, I would go to Cellophane
Square (in Seattle), and they would have a whole wall of local 7" records. And
that's when I first heard about the Wipers. Their first single was on that wall.
Oh, I'll get that. And I kind of bought it, and I was like, this is really good. But
their emphasis was, here is the local music, so it was all Seattle, Vancouver, and
Portland bands, that had 45s out, and they were featuring them at their store. And
I was like, I'm interested in local music, I'm going to check this out. In that way,
the record stores were helping foster the local scene by being a connection or
outlet for them.
These bands helped to foment a local scene and community, putting out musical
releases by local small-scale labels with a grassroots approach in which people made
their own culture on a local level. This approach was an alternative to the top-down
model of mass culture; punk subcultures were participatory in nature. For example, after
discovering the Wipers, Johnson organized a concert in Olympia, where his band Beat
Happening opened for the Wipers. This event caught the eye of another musician named
Buzz, who later fonned the Me1vins. Johnson and Buzz were connected to each other
through the local indie store, Rainy Day Records. Johnson claims:
That was the first time I talked to Buzz, and it was a year before the Melvins
existed. He was a weird kid in a small town, who wanted to make music and he
wanted to play shows, and through the record store he connected with other
people who were into similar things. And we were like, okay, and we're going to
open this club, and I definitely want to have your band play. And that was all
through Dave at Rainy Day Records connecting people. So it was definitely a
focal point, it was like the general store, you know, in the old west where
everyone kind of hung out on the porch, whittling and spitting.
Johnson notes that a number oflocal bands such as the Screaming Trees formed
through the intersection of independent record stores and the local radio station KOAS.
The Olympia scene later fostered the feminist leaning riot grrrl movement with bands
such as Bikini Kill. Olympia was a stopping point for bands such as Nirvana, who later
epitomized the popular and hyper-commodified "grunge" movement. The underground
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musical scenes of the Pacific Northwest became co-opted and massified into the
dominant music industry.
The punk ideology was "coerced" by the economy to eventually shift toward
commercialization and sameness (Bashir, 2005). Adorno (1989) insists that
"autonomous" art forms, which of course rarely ever predominated in an entirely pure
form, are tendentially eliminated by the culture industry, which happens with or without
the conscious will of those in control. Today, punk commodities are sold at a typical
shopping mall, having become mainstream products where the original danger of punk
has been commodified. This process of commodification relates to Debord's (1967)
concept of the spectacle; Debord writes, "Media culture proliferates ever more
technologically sophisticated spectacles to seize audiences and augment their power and
profit - and it unifies and explains a great diversity of apparent phenomena" (p. 10).
Tim Moriarry at Skills, an indie store in Berkeley, is devoted to the underground
rave and dance music scene, and acts as a subcultural connecter. As previously
mentioned, the store conducts DJ workshops where one can learn to become a performing
DJ. The store also connects the dance and rave subcultures to underground dance scenes
that take place in unsanctioned venues such as old factories (which are illegal events),
and Morian·y's store acts as a "map point," where the location of particular rave events
are not revealed until the day of the event. Tickets can be purchased in the store. Skills
connects participants to a particular subcultural community of the "late night movement."
As Moriarry notes:
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Basically, we support the rave culture (laughs). The rave and club culture,
because it's still viewed upon by a lot of society as being a horrible dirty place,
and there are still some raves in dingy warehouses, but that's kind of the fun,
playing in some place where it's a little bit more sketchy... Night time people like
music loud, and day time people usually don't. And it's kind of an interesting
clash of cultures and we obviously support the late night movement.
Moriarry notes that tickets for these events are now sold online. As a result, the
line of 600 people winding down the block has been reduced to "the nine people waiting
outside to buy tickets." However, the storeowner notes the social value of the space and
how the dance subculture had connected in the store. Moriarry claims:
Because a lot of people come in here, and meet each other, and they go, 'Oh, were
you at that show? I remember meeting you.' And it's like a reconnection for
people that just stumble in here to buy a ticket and listen to records, and meet
people that they met in the past, and chat it up.
John Klots, the owner of Anthem Records in Portland, fosters the experimental
noise music scene with his "weird wall," an eclectic spread of limited edition or "micro
editions" consisting of individually hand crafted cassette tapes packaged in a variety of
colors and designs (see Appendix A., Figure 9). The store is known as an outpost of
atonal and noise music, as touring bands will stop at his store to buy and sell cassettes
and help get the word out about local noise performances at local venues in Portland, thus
connecting the store directly to local music scene.
Greg Saunier, drummer for the San Francisco band Deerhoof, notes the
importance of independent stores being one of the few outlets that carried his releases.
By selling its records in independent stores, the band was able to connect to other people,
and the record caught the attention of Thurston Moore from the band Sonic Youth.
Saunier claims:
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Years later after my band Deerhoof was formed, independent record stores
became central to my livelihood. Our first releases were 7" singles and an LP, and
the only shops that carried them were independents. In some cases, it was finding
our record in such a store that initiated relationships that would become important
for us later. Thurston Moore discovered Deerhoof in this way and contacted us
about opening for his band Sonic Youth, which we have now done several times.
Jon Ginoli, a former employee at Amoeba Music and member of the band Pansy
Division, notes that chain stores wouldn't carry his music, but that fans of the band are
unlikely to shop at a major chain stores. Corporate stores lack subcultural capital. Ginoli
makes these distinctions in comparison with Amoeba Music in San Francisco:
Wal-Mart wouldn't carry them. They're too risque. A gay band, some bad words
in it, some risque album covers. But the crowd that would be interested in our
music probably isn't shopping there. It's more specialized. It's more of a music
fan than a music consumer. The fan vs. consumer thing is a big issue. A store like
us is for someone who is a fan, someone who is a consumer, who does not dig
deeper, then it's not a very useful place. We have all that stuff too, but we have
all these other things as well.
A store customer at House of Records in Eugene, Oregon, commented on the
social aspects of music collecting and the social importance of the store. What this
reveals is the collective nature of record collecting and the importance of independent
spaces, as well as how the store connects those in a subcultural community through the
format of vinyl records (Gracon, 2009). This relates to what Maffesoli described as the
social nature of group development and how group dynamics are learned: "The ritual
perpetuates itself, and through the variety of routine or everyday gestures, the community
is reminded that it is whole, or part of a tribe's collective sentiment."
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For such a place to close would mean a lot, and this "collective sentiment" was
clearly evident in the social aspect of buying and listening to records. Jordan, a customer
at the House of Records, claims:
Well it's something that me and all of my friends relate to. My friend Joe lives in
an apartment just right across the street, and so we'd come over here and pick up
records, so it's a lot of what we talk about, and we share records and sit around
and listen to records. It's a collective part of me and my friends' lives. If this
place were gone, it would be like part of our life was displaced or gone.
Subcultural scenes are promoted in independent stores. For example, stores that
specialize in hip-hop culture sell local DJ mixes. While DJ mixes are also on-line,
physical hip-hop stores foster the connection between DJs and the local community (see
Appendix A., Figure 15).
Another local scene, zinesters, or producers of fanzines - a localized do-it-
yourself independent fonn of publishing, are occasionally sold in indie stores (see
Appendix A., Figure 8). Zines have all but disappeared from independent record stores,
with the exception of a few locations. However, in the 1990s, zines were sold
predominantly in independent record stores; sales in these locations definitely fostered
the zine subculture at the time, which also served to connect me to the indie/punk
community in Buffalo, New York.
Flyers and posters connect customers and subcultures to other social events in the
community. The posting area of indie stores acts as a "free space" where community
members can connect to other communities and scenes. The flyers are often non-
corporate, localized and vernacular in nature (see Appendix A., Figures 13). The posting
area acts as a kiosk or quasi public space where anyone (for the most part) can post
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infonnation about cultural events happening in a given community, to encourage others
to participate in these events (see Appendix A., Figure 12).
For example, a local band can advertise concerts at local music venues and
unsanctioned spaces such as a house show, VFW post, or church basement. The flyers
can be a main source of advertising as some bands don't get coverage or reviews in the
local papers - and are thus outside the confines of mass media. Flyers on telephone poles
or other "public" spaces around town can get tom down; thus indie stores represent a
legitimized fonn of "public" discourse and serve as a vernacular fonn of advertising.
Flyers allow musicians to seek out other like-minded musicians looking to fonn a band.
Flyers also advertise oddball underground film festivals such as "Radical Film Night,"
political protests and activist causes ranging from legalizing marijuana to World Naked
Bike Ride Day. The Eugene Free School in Eugene, Oregon, hosts local do-it-yourself
workshops, which serve as alternatives to institutionalized education. These workshops
foster connections and interaction outside the record store. While the aesthetic of the
flyers can vary, oftentimes they embody the DIY aesthetic of hand made, cut and paste,
while others are computer generated and slicker in appearance (see Appendix A., Figure
30).
It is important to note that flyers and posters cannot be hung at a corporate chain
store. In fact, these stores don't even offer a community space in which to post items
from the community. When asked about what would happen if someone hung a flyer in
his store, a Target store manager on the west coast claims, "I would have to take it down.
That's what I mean, that whole branding experience is unified, and you can't add to that."
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This lack of ability to hang flyers means that customers at a corporate store have
no ability to participate in or perpetuate a local discourse. Local culture is simply cut off,
and it is more difficult to connect customers in the store to other community events. A
big box store such as Target maintains hegemonic control over the kinds of information
available in the store.
The notion of a subcultural connector allows resistance and empowerment to take
shape not simply as signification and representations, but also in creating an unusual kind
of public sphere (Calhoun 1992; Habermas 1991). Indie stores embody this unusual
public sphere as they blur the lines between community and commodification. This
situation connects to Bourdieu's (1993) theory of the "field of cultural production,"
wherein a network of social relationships is organized around a particular practice and is
relatively autonomous from the social structure at large (Moore, 2007, p. 440). However,
while indie stores might be autonomous, they are by no means external to the logic of
capital.
While independent record stores foster and reinforce communities and subcultural
capital, we must still ask to what degree subcultural capital is necessary for the further
harvesting of commodification. If the subculture is based on style and the consumption of
vinyl records, CDs, and items such as posters, t-shirts, and hair dye, then the connection
between commodification and subcultural capital becomes more apparent. Subcultural
identity is acquired through consumption. Tim Moriarry of Skills illustrates this point:
I want to see the scene grow, and keep moving new fans in. This store is noted as
an all around dance music store, and we don't just sell records. We sell other stuff
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too. Rave club wear, fishnets for the girls, and lights for the light show people,
glow sticks, shirts and clothing.
Tim wants the scene to "grow" and "keep moving new fans in," which helps to
develop a subcultural scene or community in terms of rave and dance culture. As this
quote articulates, being part of this subculture involves the commodification of other
accessories associated with the subculture. Subcultural style must be purchased. This is
a clear example of how subcultural capital and "independent" branding processes are at
play.
Community and commodification intersect in other ways. Most indie stores rely
on a steady stream of used music from customers or the "community." In fact, most indie
stores subsist through the sale of used music, as the profit margin is higher than with new
music. However, the exchange between the stores and customers intersects with the
market logic, as indie stores profit from their customers. Recorded music is bought from
the customers at a low price. The music is then marked up, usually by a considerable
percentage, and re-sold in the store. As a result, indie stores profit from the community
during this exchange, and they need the community in order to stock "new" music.
As previously mentioned, the annual Record Store Day blurs the lines between
community and commodification. Record Store Day (RSD) is a "holiday" that pays
homage to the "brick and mortar" record store, and major and indie labels release limited
edition and rare material to be sold exclusively on this particular day. The April 2010
event was extremely popular, receiving national media attention, and was extremely
lucrative for independent stores. At the 2010 RSD, I visited Eugene's CD World, where
Frank Black of the Pixies conducted a live in-store perfonnance. The store was packed
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with customers. However, at the core of this community gathering was commodification.
While the concert was free, the implicit meaning of the event was not only experience
live music, but to "gather" and to sell music.
Upon leaving the store, I was given a bag of promotional materials and free
music, most of it stemming from the major labels. The Record Store Day bag itself was
designed in a way that resembled the do-it-yourself aesthetic associated with fanzine and
punk culture. With its variety of flashy fonts and text glorifying the tangible nature and
better sound quality of vinyl records (one quote claimed, "Truly, records are a scientific
wonder!"), this promotional device was clearly co-opting the subcultural affinity towards
the vinyl format. However, the textual co-option was ironic considering the major labels
devised a policy that essentially phased out vinyl records in the early 1990s by making
them non-returnable to distributors. This policy forced music retailers and consumers to
embrace the CD format. As a result, the major labels (as well as some indie labels) and
indie stores use Record Store Day as a public relations device, where the community
element is harvested for economic gain. However, corporate purse strings are clearly a
factor in terms of the kind of music sold, as well as the kind of promotional devices
available on Record Store Day, despite the "independent" appearance of the consumer
based "holiday."
Labor in indie stores intersects with community, as well as the larger structures of
capital. The employees of most indie stores consider themselves as part of a community
and at times as part of a "family." However, most stores are arranged in a hierarchical
manner. While smaller stores usually have an owner and a couple of employees, larger
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stores have complex arrangements that often mimic corporate culture. For example,
larger indie stores such as Music Millennium have a stratified business environment. The
owner oversees the entire operation and is responsible for buying music, which is a clear
division of labor from those working on the floor. Floor "wage" workers sell their labor
power to the owner, who profits from their time and energy. Thus, the business model is
not different from other non-independent businesses, and reinforces the capitalist status
quo.
Furthering this labor thread, indie store workers earn fairly low wages (typically
minimum wage) and often lack benefits, although some larger chains provide benefits.
However, workers gain much in terms of subcultural capital, as the job is highly coveted
in the subcultural community. Upon closer analysis, indie store workers accept this
exploitation of wage labor at the expense of earning subcultural capital. Because the job
is coveted, there is no shortage of people willing to be exploited in this "independent"
context. The spectacle of working at an indie store overshadows or conceals the inherent
exploitation of wage labor.
I would argue that too much emphasis on the community aspect of indie stores
can conceal the fact that indie stores are, at their very foundation, businesses. Greg
Saunier of the band Deerhoof describes the relationship between his record label and
indie stores:
I just know that Kill Rock Stars is an independent label, but in order to continue
to exist, they are spending almost their entire workday stressed out, in efforts to
tum a profit. I assume it would be the same for any indie store. If they don't tum
some kind of bare minimum profit, then they can't pay their rent and they shut
down. The small business is just as concerned with money as the big one, if not
more so due to desperation.
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In sum, the independent record store acts as a cultural hub that enables various
subcultures to connect in the community. Underground musical scenes such as punk,
rave culture and noise scenes have been reinforced and promoted by indie stores. These
subcultures and their relationship to indie stores are, nonetheless, bounded by processes
of commodification, where subcultures are harvested through the buying and selling
commodities.
Indie Stores as Educational Spaces
Indie record stores can act as educational spaces. Since customers place much
trust into the taste and advice of the store employees, much information is exchanged.
Sometimes the flow goes both ways, from customer to employee and vice versa. Tony
Green, a manager at Amoeba Music in San Francisco notes the particular vernacular of
musical "language" in indie stores: "I think that if you're a music fan, you can come in
here and you know you're going to get someone who speaks your language here."
This "language" entails knowledge of musical history and the margins of music
culture. It entails knowing who has influenced whom in terms of music, and knowing
about particular releases and the labels that put them out. It requires an understanding
and depth in terms of various musical genres. In a generalist store, it is likely that one of
the employees focuses on a particular genre, whereas a niche stores specializes in and is
knowledgeable about a specific genre such as punk, classical, indie or hip-hop.
Gracon (2009) writes about an encounter at House of Records in Eugene, in
which an alternative musical education takes place through face-to-face interaction
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between the customers and store employees. Russ, a University of Oregon freshman, was
eager to learn more about the history of independent music. He stood at the counter as
Aaron, an employee, suggested a number of different artists to complement his recent
purchase of the Wire box set. For about thirty minutes, Aaron rotated a series of records
with the attempt to introduce Russ to something new, something he had never heard
before. The "student" patiently stood there, deep in concentration until a small grin
formed on his face, almost blushingly. The explosive sounds of Mogwai blasted through
the speakers. Russ appeared impressed. Russ clearly put his faith in the expert advice of
Aaron, and kept waiting until he heard something he liked, and ended up special ordering
a copy ofMogwai's Young Team.
The counter at House of Records is an exchange of ideas, and a place where
people can be exposed to music they may otherwise not have the opportunity to hear. In
a way, this counter offers an informal education in musical culture, covering the
mainstream to the fringes. It is a place where customers can receive a great deal of
personal attention and have the opportunity to listen to and learn about new and obscure
music, selectively making a purchase based on this education. The customers often trust
the opinions and recommendations of the employees. Sam, a regular House of Records
customer, comments:
Since I know people here, it's nice to come in, and see what's new, and see if they
have any new recommendations. There's a different sense of ideals behind what
they're doing. They're like propagators of fine art, instead of counter monkeys. I
like coming down here and looking and doing, rather than sitting in front of a
computer.
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Emily West Afanador, a local Eugene musician, produced a documentary film
about gender dynamics and female bands. She utilized the musical knowledge found at
the House of Records to further her own research and to learn more about the history of
female musicians. West Afanador claims:
I also have gone there for my own academic research. Like I felt like there were
more women in rock bands than I knew about and asked him questions and got
some information from Greg (a store worker) - that, 'Oh yeah, you should start
with the Raincoats and go from there,' and [he] just kind of went down the list,
and I'd go every few months and come home with a new stack of records and go
- 'Ok, time for some schoolin.'
Jake Pavlack, the singer/guitarist for the Eugene band Yeltsin and fonner
employee at House ofRecords, noted the importance of working in the store. He
received an alternative form of musical education in conjunction with his formal music
training at the University of Oregon. Pavlack says:
I think it had a really big impact on me working at the store and continuing to be
friends with those guys. .. I mean those guys have been into music and have been
around it for so long that they just have such an amazingly deep knowledge - that
it's such a great resource and you can go in there and say, what about this? And
you can ask them a question kind of obscure and they'll have an answer. .. It was
the counterpart to going to music school, you know - I mean even though there
are other things too, but in a way it was that kind of equal to me - you know,
getting that music education and getting that education of listening to records and
getting exposed to weird shit - and important stuff too you know.
West Afanador, during her fonnative days of visiting independent record stores in
the Seattle, was socialized in terms of subcultural fashion, taste and style in the
independent record store. West Afanador says:
It definitely also taught me about what that particular culture is like. What do
these people talk about, what do they wear? So I think as I was kind of aspiring
to be kind of an indie music fan, I got a lot of very - brass tacks, I got a lot of very
tangible skills - like, ok, what am I supposed to wear, how am I supposed to
look? What's cool? What's not cool?
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Andrew Hosch, owner of Timbucktunes, a store that focuses on world and
experimental music in Portland, notes that the kind of music he sells can foster learning
about other cultures around the world:
It's interesting, and you talk about how we're at war in the Middle East, and
you're stocking music from that part of the world. That's a really interesting
situation to look at. I think by learning about another culture through its music,
you can perhaps change your perspective about it. You're investing something
into that other country.
With regard to learning about music in independent stores, Jon Klots at Anthem
Records in Portland notes the importance of giving legitimate or "authentic"
recommendations of music to customers that are free from corporate influence and
sponsorship. Music in an independent store is usually there because the owners/workers
are passionate about and genuinely interested in the music, not because it is part of a
corporate marketing plan. Chain stores are connected to a paI1icular money trail, and this
impacts not only the kind of music available, but the kind of service as well. Thus, music
recommendations can be tainted by this economic system where moving units is the
bottom line. Certain popular titles are pushed by the larger retailers, regardless of the
employees' actual interest in the music. Thus, recommendations at an indie store are
deemed more authentic, as the employees have a personal stake in selling music that they
believe in and that they actually like. Klots claims:
There is never going to be anything that's in here, because of any sort of tie in, or
anything that is related to us being paid in some sense, basically, to carry it. And
that's the biggest distinction (with chain stores). Everything that is in the store
that stock shelf space is bought and paid for ... You don't need to go to
someplace, and these guys are telling me what to get, you know (mock corporate
store person voice). How are you going to believe what they are telling you,
what to get, when someone else told them what to get, for a certain amount of
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money? It's just that everything is here because we put it here, not because
someone paid us to put it here (laughs).
Scott Simmons at Exiled Records in Portland is truly excited about selling music
he believes in, which is different than a mass marketing campaign he is forced to push on
customers. As a result, the educational aspect of the stores and the opinions of
storeowners and employees are generally not tainted by corporate culture; rather, these
stores offer informed personal taste towards marginal and independent music. Simmons
claims:
I'm not just pushing it to sell it, and I think that when you get involved in those of
things where you're putting those things in your listening station, put posters all
over the store, and like taking out ads in the Weekly, are all like, endorsing that
you're selling this thing, and it's like, it's clear that that's just for money. It's not
because that you're really excited about this record.
In terms of obtaining a similar kind of musical "education" at a chain store such
as Target or Best Buy, workers in the music section are not required to have any specific
musical knowledge or background, and under most circumstances, can't provide the same
historical depth as their independent counterparts. A Target store manager on the west
coast discusses the music knowledge of the workers in the music section:
[There is] not a lot. Every now and again you'll get someone who has
knowledge, but it would just be something they picked up personally. We hire a
lot of college students, so most of their knowledge is at least centered in what the
guest is looking for, so they'll be aware of what the new releases are, and what's
on the radio, and MTV. It's not something we hire for. We're interested in
people who can find the information if they need to. We provide the tools for
them to find it, but they just need to know how to find it.
If a customer wants to find out more information regarding a particular genre such
as jazz, or learn more about other trumpet players, the Target manager claims:
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I would say, well, we have a jazz section, and we maybe have a best of Miles
Davis, but if you're looking for other trumpet players, we're not the people to
come to for that. That would be about the best we could do, is point you towards
the jazz section (laughs).
Ryan Polischeck at Best Buy in Springfield, Oregon, notes that at times he makes
suggestions to customers about what CDs to purchase, but that having an expertise in
music is not part of the job description. When asked about the average Best Buy
worker's background or interest in music, Polischeck claims:
They don't have to. It doesn't hurt, but music is one of the lesser concerns of the
whole area, because again, music doesn't sell that well. It's selling better
digitally, than it is on CD. They want you to know more about MP3 players and
game consoles, and playing video games, as those are going to be the real sales
areas.
In sum, indie stores can be a space where musical infonnation can be exchanged,
and the depths of musical culture can be explored. Corporate chain stores do not require
any musical background or knowledge, and the space is not oriented around learning
about music culture or history. However, this process of learning connects to
commodification. The more one learns about music culture, the more they are likely to
purchase music based on this knowledge. Thus, the educational service provided by
indie stores is intended to not only infonn, but to encourage the commodification and sale
of recorded music.
Conclusions
For the customers and store employees involved in independent record store
culture, the stores are very much a place where social interaction occurs, becoming an
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important form of community. In this context, the independent record store has more
social value than the simple buying and selling of music, and the social function of the
store brings people together in a variety of ways. However, there are exceptions to this
community nature and, for a minority of customers, the stores can be seen as being
exclusive in terms of gender and/or intimidating in terms of the validity of one's musical
tastes.
The independent record store acts as a cultural hub that enables various
subcultures to connect with others in the local scene and community. It has been noted
that independent record stores have reinforced underground musical scenes such as punk,
rave culture and noise music. In particular, independent record stores offer a social
atmosphere where musicians can meet and fonn bands, they offer cultural diversity of
musical forms, and they offer the ability to post flyers in order connect subcultural
communities to other social events outside the stores.
For those socially invested in independent record store culture, the stores can be a
space where musical information can be exchanged among the store employees and
customers, and the depths of musical culture can be explored. Thus, indie stores can be
an educational space, where one can learn about musical history, various genres, and new
music. The stores can also be a form of socialization - where members can learn to be
part of a subculture in terms of taste and fashion. Corporate chain stores, in contrast, do
not require any musical background or knowledge from their workers, and the spaces are
not oriented around learning about the depths or nuances of music culture or history.
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A more complex analysis of the indie record store must, however, consider its
connection to commodification. The discourse surrounding "community" overshadows
the base function of the stores, which is commerce. The stores make money and stay in
business because of economic exchange. The communities fostered by the stores engage
in economic transaction. Customers learn about music and history in indie stores, but
the aim is ultimately sell more records upon gaining this knowledge. Record Store Day,
for example, feeds off of the "community" discourse, mainly because community
members are consumers. Some stores provide the accessories necessary to buy
subcultural capital and style (t-shirts, hair dye, etc.). To engage in a subculture is to be a
consumer. Community members sell used music to indie stores, which in tum extract a
profit. In larger indie stores in particular, the structuring of labor mimics typical
business practices. Owners earn a salary, while the workers on the floor earn a wage.
Labor is exploited in the indie context. Because working at an indie store provides much
subcultural capital, the exploitation of labor goes un-noticed, and the spectacle of the job
usurps a critical understanding of how labor and capital function.
In sum, indie stores foster community, subcultural connections and music
learning. However, they nonetheless should invite a critical investigation in terms of
commodification.
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CHAPTER VIII
CULTURAL ANALYSIS, PART 2: SPACE AND PLACE, VINYL RECORD
COLLECTING, ANTI-CORPORATE NARRATIVES, GENTRIFICATION AND
COMMODIFICATION
This chapter addresses the cultural meanings and narratives regarding the physical
space and atmosphere of the stores, and the primacy of vinyl records and tangible music
recordings. The cultural naITatives associated with anti-corporate belief systems and how
indie stores connect to processes of gentrification are also explored. Lastly, I continue to
analyze the inherent contradictions between counter-culture and indie stores, and the
harvesting of commodification. This chapter addresses the following research question:
Under the auspices of commodification, what are the cultural meanings and
narratives within the independent record store, and what are its major defining
characteristics in terms of space and place, vinyl records, anti-corporate narratives
and gentrification?
Space and Place
As we are becoming increasingly immersed in the digital world, shopping can be
done on-line at home or from a portable smart phone. As a result of these technologies,
we are increasingly removed from the experience of space and place. For those who visit
shopping malls and big box chain stores, the spaces are characterized by similarity, rather
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than difference. A Best Buy in Brooklyn looks similar to the Best Buy in San Francisco
as chain stores are homogeneous in terms of design and store atmosphere. This sense of
sameness corresponds to Ritzer's (2006) notion ofMcDonaldization.
While it can be easy to romanticize the past, I can't envision having the same
associations with Home of the Hits in Buffalo as I would have with Best Buy or my
computer screen as I view the iTunes Store. There is no memory of my first visit to Best
Buy, because the experience simply wasn't memorable; neither was my first musical
purchase on Amazon.com. Corporate and on-line shopping experiences are not unique.
They are commonplace experiences.
Our relationship to space and place is altered by the digital world. Corporate
shopping experiences are characterized by anonymity and standardization. These
sentiments connect to Steel's (1981) work on space and place, where industrialization has
led to settings that have no special personality or distinguishing spirit, which has wiped
out regional differences in architecture and building materials. We replace a rich variety
of place with homogenized "efficient" settings that have no variety, surprise, or traces of
their own history and development.
In a culture characterized by the neo-liberal onslaught and corporatization of
space and place into predictable and rationalized molds, the independent record store
offers variety and difference. Every independent record store is unique. No two stores
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are the same, with the exception of indie chains which may have similarities. In general,
design and layout differs from store to store.
For example, Jack's Record Cellar in San Francisco is a dingy, dimly lit space (as
the name suggests); it is a small-scale operation. Old shellac 78 records are piled in
cardboard boxes with hand scrawled lettering, whereas other piles and stacks of random
records suggests the customer must "dig" to find something, as opposed to product being
neatly organized, clean and efficient. Accessing a certain stack of records, which are
precariously on the verge of teetering over, involves climbing over other scattered stacks
of records. In a sense, the store is an organized mess. However, the mess is part of its
appeal.
On the opposite end of this spectrum is Amoeba Music in San Francisco, the
world's largest record store. The store is an intimidating place that exists in a former
bowling alley. The store is very organized and neat in appearance. Music genres are
segregated by signs hanging from the ceiling read "punk" and "experimental," as if the
customer is venturing through a counter-cultural supennarket. Thus, independent record
stores can vary considerably in tenns of their use of space and place, and the manner in
which an atmosphere is created.
What follows is a brief ethnographic description of the space and place of the
House of Records, a generalist store based in Eugene, Oregon. This is based on a
previous publication (Gracon, 2009), which was a case study of this particular store.
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The House of Records is situated in an old house. It is blue with red trim, and the
appearance is almost camivalesque, like a funhouse. The store is located midway
between the University of Oregon campus, and downtown Eugene - a location
characterized by heavy foot traffic and a steady flow of bicyclists. The location suggests
locality, as opposed to being located on the periphery of town where the chain stores,
strip-malls, and shopping centers are located, where a car is often required to visit these
areas. Outside the entrance to The House of Records is a colorful array of flyers and
posters, advertising everything from the hand-scrawled basement punk show to a local
film festival seeking submissions. The House of Records employee Fred describes the
symbolic value of the store in terms of the Eugene community:
I think that landmarks in any community help to bond the members of that
community. Whether it's a bridge that everybody is proud of, or a tree that
people are familiar with, I really feel that that ties members of the community
together. And something that they can actually interact with, like us, a retail
store, is even more effective at that ... I'm not sure if we contribute to the nature
of the community, or the character of the community, but I think we certainly
reflect it. And I think that we help it exist.
What makes The House of Records an obvious example of anti-McDonaldization
is the utter uniqueness of the space. The House of Records is one of a kind. This is
remarkable when considering the corporatization of the landscape, where a chain store in
one part of the country resembles countless other stores with an identical or rationalized
layout and design. One customer enthusiastically comments on the inviting nature of The
House of Records by saying, "It's like hanging out at somebody's house."
On a sunny day when the store tends to be crowded (as there is more foot traffic
on the sidewalk), the narrow paths separating the rows of records become impassable, or
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difficult to the point where it's impossible to not rub bodies with the other shoppers.
During the more quiet hours, customers are sprawled out on the floor, sifting through
records, or sitting on one of the small blue chairs situated throughout the space. It was
common to hear customers, while holding up a record or CD, shout out from across the
store towards the counter while competing with the blaring music. One man yells, "Is
this any good?" while holding up a vinyl record.
The actual structure is a former house that was finished in 1918, and it's one of
the oldest houses on the block. Because the actual structure has existed in Eugene for
such a long time, the store acts as a historical continuum. Greg, a long time store
employee, suggests the architecture and space itself plays an important role in defining
not only the unique aura of the store, but a connection to and appreciation of history.
Greg claims:
One of the things about our society now that is really troubling is that old is out
and new is in. And old buildings are imploded or destroyed, and people are just
so into the new. I think old things are important. But as a place I think that this is
very important that we do our best to keep something like this alive, fix it up and
conserve. We're in the business of conserving old things (in terms of records and
the store), and making sure that they still stay alive for as long as they possibly
can.
Inside the store, the ambiance was often described by the employees and
customers with vivid enthusiasm. Common responses included the phrases "upbeat,"
"funky," "inviting," "really [un," "warm," and most common of all, "comfortable."
Other responses were poetic in description. Respondents adored the musty smell of vinyl
records, the warmth of the natural lighting, the sounds of the creaky old door and wooden
floors. It's a place where older customers relived the 1970s and can "take their nostalgia
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trips." Customers sometimes would spend hours comfortably sprawled out on the floor
leafing through vinyl records while engaging in "an intimate kind of experience." Such
descriptions suggest the humanizing appeal of the store.
The inside of the store is characterized by wooden paneling and floors, and the
remnants of a former house where an old fireplace stoodcan"been spotted behind the
rows of used CDs. The vinyl section is housed in what used to be the dining room. The
arrangement of the handmade shelves and racks of music are slightly off-kilter, and
navigating the space requires movement through some narrow corridors. While
rationalized shopping spaces are designed to move a customer through the space in a
highly calculated and controlling manner, all with the intention to sell, this arrangement
is reminiscent of a flea market, or an estate sale in someone's home. While the aim is
also to sell merchandise at The House of Records, it does not appear to be so calculated.
Sam, a store customer claimed,
It almost feels like somebody's bedroom, with a lot of records in it, you know.
There're posters up, and kind oflike homey and laid back. Organized but not
overly organized. Not too meticulous, so it has that kind of organic feel to it.
The wood floors evoke a cozy home feel as the racks of tightly packed vinyl
records nearly reach the ceiling. Several of the employees refer to the space as a library,
rather than a store, which implies a different relationship to the objects and space - a
place that implies learning and congregation, as opposed to sheer commodity exchange.
In addition to the off-kilter shelves and handmade racks of music, there are signs and CD
dividers that are hand drawn. The space is not psychologically designed or manufactured
to sell objects, and the space feels intuitive, organic, and unique. Greg, who has worked
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here for 21 years, claims, "Kids love it here, because they can run around and hide in all
the nooks and crannies." Dan, a store customer, says:
These stores in general are way more intimate, like personal. Like everything
about it, the people, I mean this place is an old house that somebody turned into a
record store. You can walk into it, and it's all the smells, the smell of old records.
The walls are covered with old LP records from James Brown to Devo, and
promotional posters advertising dated mid-1990s independent acts such as Bikini Kill and
Unwound, suggesting the store is indifferent to the latest promotional materials, as they
are non-existent. Virtually all the walls of the store feature some form of visual
stimulation in terms of album covers or posters. Little to no attention is given to new
promotional or major label advertising, and the posters on the walls tend to advertise
independent acts, which are sponsored by independent record labels such as Kill Rock
Stars. This lack of advertising suggests a different orientation towards the mainstream
music industry, and the ideal that advertising in the traditional respect is not important.
Sarge, a store employee, notes,
We don't have much in terms of promotional posters and that kind of stuff
because there is no room for it. Here a lot of our demographic are collectors, and
they just don't need that kind of enticement.
The music played in the store is not part of a marketing campaign or a
manufactured form of Muzak. The counter is like an ad hoc DJ booth, as the employees
have the choice to play music they believe in, actually like, and can likely discuss in great
detail. The music includes everything from classical to free jazz to experimental post-
rock, and anything in-between. An employee plays The Cure's "Killing an Arab," a
punchy track that politicizes imperialist interventions in the Middle East, which suggests
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this store is free to promote whatever it wants, even political material. Such an
atmosphere is unlikely to occur in a chain store with rationalized Muzak, where the
employees have no control over the music selection.
A customer comments that such independent stores give the community an
important flavor, and without such spaces, the city or town lacks a particular spirit. Dan
claims:
If you don't have a store like this, a lot of people would say, what is there to do in
town? I mean there are a lot of social things, you can go to a bar, but a music
store, there's something about it. It just gives you a feeling.
Portland's Music Millennium, a store that has been around since 1969, is
considered by its customers to be a "history landmark," "Portland trademark," and "little
piece of Portland." One customer comments about how the store has no "corporate
gloss" and, commenting on the interior of the store, claims:
I mean, their steps are not even a consistent height, and you know, the store is all
rag-tag and funky, and it feels like real people put it together. .. And the place is
sort of, you know, discombobulated, and that's attractive. It's sort of a little
adventure walking through it. It's not immediately easy to find things, and you
end up seeing things you ordinarily wouldn't see.
When asked to compare the space and atmosphere of independent stores to
corporate chains, the comments from customers were often very critical. A Music
Millennium customer claims:
It's really loud in Best Buy. This is another one of my pet peeves of places like
Best Buy and Target. They are really loud. I feel like I'm in a videogame arcade
all the time. But when I corne here, I can immediately relax. Because it's not as
loud. And I don't feel like there is always an advertisement going on overhead.
Or something being pushed at me all the time. It's just music.
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The partner of this customer adds his theory regarding the atmosphere of Best
Buy. To him, the big box is akin to a "psychological experiment," a form of
"manipulation." He claims:
Because everything is so loud. So my whole belief is that it's a disorienting
strategy, to make you feel strange. Because of the lighting, and how loud
everything is. It throws you off balance. Here it feels like somebody's living
room. I don't feel like I'm being manipulated.
Another Music Millennium customer, Taylor, describes the atmosphere of the
store to that of a chain store. Taylor claims:
How would you compare this store to those other stores? No comparison. Like,
one's real, like, clinical and clean and weird, and this one's just kinda junky, and
everything's thrown together. It's just more comfortable. It looks like you're
walking into somebody's living room that has way to many records, you know.
Outside of Amoeba Music in San Francisco, one young college student visiting
from out of town essentially outlines the tenets of McDonaldization. He claims:
Yeah, I'm not completely against chain stores, I mean I've shopped at them. No
matter where you go to that chain store, it's going to be the same. They have the
same signs, they have the same menu, same selection, or whatever it is, so it's just
not unique at all. You know exactly what to expect, and for some people that's
good, but for people like me, I would much rather go into someplace like this
where you don't really know what to expect.
While I have explored the independent record store as a unique space and place,
there are exceptions. For example, Everyday Music in Portland isn't that different from a
corporate chain store. The grid-like layout ofthe music is flavorless and lacking in
character, and the drab coloring of the gray walls conveys an insipid emotional response.
Likewise, Amoeba Music in San Francisco, a large cavernous space, is intimidating due
to its absolute grandeur. The overall cleanliness and bright lighting in the store mimics a
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corporate big box, despite the diverse range of musical product. Thus, not all
independent record stores are equally channing.
But how does space and place relate to commodification? Independent record
store foster an "independent" fonn of branding. Few indie storeowners or workers
would utilize the word branding in the corporate sense. Nor is this fonn of branding so
calculated. Branding in the indie context is based on attitudes and subcultural belief
systems, and the typical independent record store creates its own kind of brand that
appeals to a more idiosyncratic consumer. This "brand" is not that different from a
corporate chain. Target's clean, slick, and bright looking store atmosphere, for example,
appeals to the typical suburban, middle-class consumer. However, the indie brand is
somewhat of an anti-brand. Not partaking in advertising or listening stations (or knowing
by word of mouth) gives the niche/specialty record store more of an authentic brand.
Selling only vinyl records increases one's unique brand. Having hand-drawn signage
contributes to the indie brand. Independent record stores continually define themselves
as non-corporate or anti-corporate.
As a result, the indie stores need the blandness and homogenized aesthetic of
corporate culture against which to define themselves as being non-corporate,
idiosyncratic and unique. In the unique space and place of the independent record store,
the fundamental goal is to sell music and earn a profit. The "independent" brand of the
stores works to create a comfortable selling environment that appeals to those who are
typically not interested in corporate based consumption.
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As discussed in the political economy analysis chapter, there is no independent
record store that exists completely free from the larger dominant music industry. All
indie stores sell musical product connected to the "big four" major labels and/or their
various distributors. Larger stores utilize co-op advertising, paid-for listening stations,
posters and promotions from major labels, indie artists distributed by major labels, and
paid-for product positioning. As a result, "independence" is an ideology or belief
system, rather than an economic reality. Indie stores foster or harvest the
commodification of musical product through their aesthetic "difference," and the unique
design of the space and place works to promote this economic process.
In sum, the "difference" associated with indie stores counters the rationalized
nature of big box retailers. The unique design of indie stores appeals to the senses, and
offers a unique experience that runs counter to a culture characterized by the
McDonaldization of society. However, the design of space and place is nonetheless a
form of "independent" branding. The omnipresence of corporate culture contributes to
the meaning of this and the "independent" unique brand.
Vinyl Records and Collecting
When discussing the cultural aspects of the independent record store, it is vital to
discuss vinyl records. There is currently a "vinyl resurgence," and according to 2009
SoundScan statistics, two-thirds of all vinyl sold during the year occurred in independent
stores. This is an interesting phenomenon in a digital world where music can be
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instantaneously downloaded from a computer or smart phone, either paid-for or for free.
So what makes people go to a store, dig for vinyl records, and purchase a bulky and
impractical format with no portability?
According to Straw (1997), record collections are carriers of the information
whose arrangement and interpretation is part of the broader discourse about popular
music (p. 5). However, the dominant digital discourse has gravitated towards the
objectless MP3 format, as evidenced in the following television advertisement.
A recent Radio Shack commercial displays a cluttered city apartment with stacks
of vinyl records filling up a majority of the space. The advertisement, through a flashy
visual montage, visually explains the conversion of vinyl records into digital files via a
laptop - the end result being a small MP3 player on a table, and as a result, the apartment
is suddenly pristine and meticulously organized. When the presumed girlfriend returns to
the apartment, she's pleased that the boyfriend has rid his apartment of the vinyl
"clutter."
The Radio Shack commercial is evidence of a digital discourse that glorifies new
media technologies and is characterized by an unquestioning reverence and euphoric
attitude regarding the consumption and commodification of new technology. Vinyl is
framed as the "other," a cumbersome and inconvenient mess, whereas the conversion of
vinyl to an MP3 player represents stability, convenience, cleanliness, and organization.
The objective of this advertisement is to promote new digital consumption patterns and
the commodification of digital fonnats. Multinational corporations benefit from forced
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obsolescence, where technological hardware and software is rendered obsolete. This
process is undoubtedly linked to larger capitalistic structures and the accumulation of
capital and wealth, as consumers buy into the new technologies.
According to Gramsci's theory of ideological hegemony, mass media are tools
used by ruling elites to "perpetuate their power, wealth and status (by popularizing) their
own philosophy, culture and morality" (Boggs, 1976, p. 39). This concise textual
analysis of the Radio Shack advertisement is one example of the hegemonic
popularization of a techno philosophy where the MP3 format becomes "common sense."
Vinyl is old media, a clunky item of the past to be disregarded.
Vinyl records contribute to the independent brand associated with the indie store.
Despite the digital discourse, vinyl records are de rigueur in the context of the
independent record store. Vinyl is associated with independent record store culture, and
this difference designates a clear demarcation between the homogeneous musical
selection associated with a corporate chain store (however, it must be noted that some
Best Buy outlets sell vinyl, a format also widely available on-line). In a subcultural
context, corporate stores have less cultural legitimacy simply because they don't stock
vinyl. If they do stock vinyl, which is rare, the selection is often minimal. Big boxes
(mainly Best Buy) mostly offer expensive re-issues from the major labels, as opposed to
a wide variety of music on "independent" labels. Chain stores in general do not stock
vinyl records, and instead only focus on CDs. Andrew, a college student, considers vinyl
to be one of the main draws to shopping at the House of Records in Eugene. He claims:
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Well, for number one, places in the mall wouldn't have vinyl, and if they did it
would probably be new and crappy, and not a good selection. The vinyl section
keeps me coming back - that used selection ofvinyl, yeah.
This situation of the "mall" having "crappy" vinyl connects to Hays (2006), who
discusses the resurgence of vinyl records and the youth consumers who collect vinyl LPs
and utilize a turntable to resist industry-regulated contemporary modes of music
consumption. The author suggests that record collecting is a response to the postmodern
malaise brought about by consumer capitalism, where people are faced with a constant
barrage ofnew music for (and marketed at) their demography. In this case, the "mall"
represents banality and the "new." Mall stores lack the subcultural capital and vernacular
necessary to sell used vinyl, as opposed to the implied blandness of only selling "new"
vinyl. Hays (2006) continues by noting that young people attempt to mark themselves as
different by rejecting widespread practices of consumption maintained by the capitalistic
framework (p. 58). However, I contend the selling of used and obscure vinyl is still a
fOllli of consumer capitalism, even if it exists outside of the dominant or mainstream
retail outlets. In this case, the notion of buying music from an "independent" store is a
form of resistance to massified mall culture, but not to commodification and capitalism in
general. On a micro level, resisting mall culture can be seen as oppositional, but it does
nothing to subvert the economic realities of capitalism. Buying vinyl at an independent
record store is a form of capitalism.
It is important to note vinyl's subcultural appeal. Vinyl adds to one's subcultural
capital. Vinyl is more "authentic," and the rituals involved in playing records signify a
kind of resistance to MP3 culture. Consuming vinyl signifies the subcultural capital
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associated with the independent record store, as a chain store lacks this capital. Kelly
Stoltz, an employee at Groove in San Francisco, specializes in used vinyl. Stoltz
contends the medium of vinyl equates to the overall aesthetic and feeling of the store:
This one [Groove] is way more ofa garage sale feeling. Sometimes an expensive
one, but whereas that other one [corporate chain store] was, very, it's kind of the
difference between an old record and a CD, you know. That place felt like a CD,
and this place feels like an old record.
In this context, CDs represent the slick, shiny and the new - the aesthetic of a
chain store. Vinyl records are dirty, scratched and imperfect. These associations
reinforce the independent brand of vinyl. Vinyl gives the store its identity.
Listening to recorded music has always been a social activity. "Listening with
peers or sharing musical evaluations with friends helps individuals to shape their taste
while concurrently constructing group identity" (Van Dijck, 2006, p. 367). Vinyl record
collecting fosters a group identity and provides a shared sense of community, at least on a
small subcultural scale. Sarge, a store employee at House of Records, comments on the
kind of investment associated with collecting vinyl records: "Ifyou have vinyl, it's really
evident that this is something highly important to you. That this is definitely part of your
life, just like a giant book collection."
It is commonly noted that vinyl has better sound quality, the cover art is
appealing, and going to a physical store is a social activity or "human activity." One
House of Records customer, Jeff, comments on the importance of coming to the store as
opposed to digital downloading:
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There seems to be a lot of file sharing on the net, and I was into that for a long
time. Then I got to the point where I missed going to the record store, leafing
through records, you know, actually having physical album there, and the cover art,
and talking to someone about the music. I think all of that is part of a healthy
experience in general, and much less isolating than being on your computer. I
wanted to get back to a more human experience. Something more positive comes
out of it (by shopping here), rather than sheer consumerism.
Because Jeff is seeking vinyl within an independent record store, the activity
implies social interaction, which results in a more "human experience," as opposed to
computer based consumption that is more "isolating." The humanizing nature of this
experience relates to Ritzer's (1993) notion of McDonaldization, where non-human
technologies - in this case, a computer and digital downloading - reduce one's actions to
a series of machinelike actions, which ultimately result in greater dehumanization and
disenchantment - or as Jeff claims, "isolation." As an alternative, visiting a store to
purchase vinyl contributes to a "healthy experience," and thus indie stores can foster anti-
McDonaldization, or processes that counter the "irrational consequences" of a
rationalized society.
While it is impossible to ignore the influence of the digital world, the notion that a
small number of people resist new technologies in favor of the "obsolete" medium of
vinyl is an interesting phenomenon. It suggests people have agency and the ability to
resist the digital discourse. Greg, the buyer at House of Records, suggests vinyl
influences one's subjectivity in a positive manner. Greg claims:
The iPod is a perfect device for the attention deficit nation that we've become.
It's exciting to see kids being interested in vinyl again so and that takes a little
more time, you know, and we're breeding a more patient people. I hope so.
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Vinyl shopping can look like a meditative act, as customers will spend entire an
afternoon browsing through the racks, examining records, and reading the packaging.
Patience was another quality uttered by two customers at Music Millennium (based in
Portland), where a father, Matteo, and his eight-year-old son shop for vinyl records
together. The father claims:
When you're searching for vinyl, you teach patience. It's part of the hunting
process. We had a good lesson today. He found a Beach Boys Christmas album,
that he has been looking for a long time. And we found a copy of it at another
shop, and it was like $25 bucks. And so with the lecture on patience and hunting,
and we found it today for how much? (The young child responds: "Three
dollars"). And it's in great shape.
This emphasis on "patience" suggests that computer mediated forms ofmusic
consumption, most notably the instantaneous digital downloading of MP3 files, is often
done in "isolation." The slow culture promoted in indie stores, and the act of patiently
waiting and searching to discover a particular album reinforces a different type of
ontology and human experience. It is a practice that slows the speed of capital. It's a
form of anti-McDonaldization.
Similarly, maintaining and owning a record collection requires hands-on work
and dedication. Records have to be stored in a proper way, cleaned, and handled with
care. Greg at House of Records, claims that this is part of the enjoyment and is a form of
"cerelllony."
There's a ceremony about playing a record. So many times I've done it, and so
many times it has felt great to take home a record that I haven't heard before, and
take it out ofthe shrink-wrap, and that's the case sometimes, sometimes I take
home used stuff - you know, pull it out and feel the static as it comes out of the
inner sleeve, and the first time a needle hits it and that sound and look at the cover
while I listen to it. The fact that you have to tend to records isn't necessarily a
bad thing.
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A customer at House of Records commented on similar "ceremonial" grounds,
where she favors vinyl over digital files. Kelsey claims:
I mean, I really like my record player and taking the record out of the sleeve and
setting it on the player. The sound it makes when I tum it on, it's just more fun
than pressing play on iTunes. They're totally different experiences, so I prefer the
vinyl but I can't always afford it.
Jordan, another customer at House of Records, reinforces the superior sound
quality of vinyl records, a very common theme, wherein vinyl promotes a different kind
of audio literacy. Jordan claims:
Like Radiohead's OK Computer soupds so much more amazing on vinyl. There
are just instruments that you just don't hear on CD. It's like you can hear a fuller
range and you can hear more separation between distinct instruments, and there's
something about sitting around with your friends and putting on vinyl, and it's a big
part of my living room is just my record player and my records, you know.
Fred, a store employee at the House of Records, spends much of his time in the
store buying used records from customers and cleaning the records by hand. This labor
intensive process is his absolute favorite activity. Fred also reinforces the sound quality
of vinyl:
Music that was originally recorded to be put on an LP tends to sound best on an LP.
A lot of the digital re-mastering that has been done, in order to get things to sound
as good as they sound on CD, is still inferior. Recent re-issues by the Rolling
Stones that are on hybrid super audio CDS/CD, sound clean and bright, and that's
not what the Rolling Stones are supposed to sound like. The Rolling Stones are
supposed to sound kind of murky and rough, and the way they sound on [vinyl]
records.
Many indie store customer and workers comment on the visual appeal and
packaging of vinyl records, furthering their appreciation of the tangible musical
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object, as opposed to music that is objectless, such as an MP3. Martha, an employee
at the House of Records, claims:
They have nice packaging, you have a 12" by 12" cover, with pictures and maybe a
blurb on the back, and of course tracks. Then of course you're getting the inner
sleeve, if there even is an inner sleeve. Sometimes the record is a gatefold, you
have a big ole picture on the inside that you can ooh and ah over. Occasionally
there will be a lyrics sheet. Especially with these used LPs. If they're nicely
preserved, they're really gems. They're really fun to look at. And then you pull
the record out, and the record has a beautiful label in many instances, and just the
black vinyl looks so nice. It's just such a tangible experience to open your record,
to unseal it, pull it out, spin it around, and then you hear the static when you brush
it with your brush.
One store customer claims vinyl records can act as a form of decoration in one's
living space, a form of subcultural decoration. Kelsey claims:
I just like the way records look and are. I used to have a whole wall in myoId
apartment, when I lived in Spokane, that was all record covers, and then the
records were like a checkerboard on this whole wall.
A rare or collectable vinyl record may be from a first pressing and no longer "in
print." While a vinyl record is still a mass object, its finite run or pressing separates it
form other infinitely reproducible formats, and can render it collectable or scarce. On top
of this, indie record stores help to debunk the myth that everything is available for MP3
download, whereas more obscure music can only be found in tangible form. Jason, a
customer at Music Millennium in Portland, claims:
It seems like either really obscure local stuff, or... Do you know Tzadik
Records? It's John Zorn's record label in New York, so it's a lot of weirdo
Japanese stuff, and weird jazz, and weird out-there classical. So ifhe puts out
some weird Japanese thrash thing, most of the time I can't find it just from
searching online, so I have to come some place like this.
This search for obscure music not available for download, or at larger chains
connects to Vaher (2008), who contends that exotic (extremely eccentric and obscure
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vinyl records) record collecting is a manifestation of identity politics - a way of
reasserting one's agency in the consumerist society through an expanded consciousness
of the complexities of the forgotten cultural past (p. 342). While this agency is being
asserted through processes of commodification, the researcher views the collection of
obscure records as combating the perennial industrial promotion of the 'new' with more
vintage and effective ways of defining oneself through material objects of imagined
value. The example of a customer wanting a John Zorn release and being able to find it
in an independent record store reinforces the "independent" brand of the stores vis-a-vis
their corporate counterparts.
Because indie stores do not necessarily focus on what is new (although larger
indie chains and indie superstores tend to focus more on the new, as opposed to
niche/specialty stores), there is a degree of spontaneity and sense of unpredictably in
terms ofwhat a customer could find in an indie store. Much like visiting a flea market or
antique store, there is this sense of the unexpected and potential for the unique. While
enthusiastically holding up an old record, Hennan, a long time customer at the House of
Records in Eugene, claims:
Well, let me give you an example. Here is something from 1975, a classic, brand
new, and here's another one, Tito Puente, from 1958, brand new. I'll take this
over a CD any day. First of all I can read what's there, and a CD almost gives
you a quarter of what's here, and you need binoculars ... here are some great
albums - this is what the House ofRecords does, up to date, brand new, and if
you're looking for these, there's no other store in Eugene, or I want to say the
whole state of Oregon... The service here is this.
Eric Isaacson at Mississippi Records in Portland was originally into vinyl records
as they were the "cheapest," and they were a fonn of cultural "refuse" from a music
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industry that systematically eliminated vinyl (by ceasing to make vinyl returnable for
storeowners) in promotion of the CD format. For Eric, to stick with the vinyl format was
to resist the controlling technological determinism of the music industry. Isaacson
claims:
When people in my generation started buying records, which was because they
were the refuse, the cheapest... It wasn't because they sounded better or the covers
were nicer. I was poor, and they were the cheapest... Even when I started this
store, records were the cheapest way to get music. I do love the aesthetics of them
too... I do this because I'm a garbage collector you know, because this is like the
refuse, and that's what was beautiful about it for a long time, was this marginalized
thing for people who didn't buy the trend of CDs, and didn't just buckle because
that was what they were supposed to buy what is new and shiny.
Furthermore, by resisting digital downloading, these customers are keeping
independent stores in business, which provides the community with more cultural variety.
Many customers comment that they like to support the artist as well, and by paying for
tangible music objects, they're contributing to the artists more directly. Paying for
records also implies supporting independent record labels that continue to press vinyl,
along with the manufacturers who press the vinyl and the artists who design the cover art.
The disappearance of tangible musical obj ects also signifies the loss of division of labor,
and all those involved in the production of tangible musical objects.
While many indie stores are ideologically opposed to aspects of the digital
discourse such as digital downloading, most stores embrace the digital world to varying
degrees. For example, House of Records sells rare and vintage records on the Internet
(via Amazon) to a worldwide market, and they maintain a MySpace page. While House
of Records opposes the digital world on one hand, it simultaneously embraces it on the
other hand. As Leblanc (1999) states, "Resisters after all, remain in the social system
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they contest" (p. 17). If vinyl record collecting is a form of resistance, then digital
formats are needed in order to be in opposition to something.
In terms of providing exceptions to vinyl consumption, it should be noted that
consumer patterns in the independent record store are varied and complex. Some
customers still prefer the CD format, or some combination of CDs, vinyl and digital
downloads (both free and paid for). Some prefer more obscure formats such as cassettes
and shellac 78 rpm records. Some customers utilize illegal downloading as a tool to
sample music, and later purchase CDs or vinyl records in physical form in physical
stores. Many new vinyl records come with digital download cards, where one can have
the vinyl record and listen to the MP3s on an iPod as well. As a result of these patterns,
there is considerable overlap between the digital world and "brick and mortar" stores.
It should be noted that shopping for music in a physical store accommodates those
affected by the digital divide. It can't be assumed everybody can utilize the latest
computer technology. Depending on socio-economic status, some people lack access to
computers (and portable electronics), or can't afford to purchase a computer. For these
customers, going to a record store may be the only way in which to obtain recorded
mUSIC.
Lastly, vinyl also needs to be addressed in terms of commodification. Vinyl sales
are no doubt contributing to the continued existence of the independent record store, as
CD sales are declining, and iTunes continues to dominate the overall retail music market.
Much like the unique space and place of the independent record store, the sale of vinyl
records contributes to the "independent" brand of indie stores, as it separates indie stores
340
from their corporate counterparts, who have minimal or no vinyl selection. "Independent"
labels (which may not in fact be independent, as many are distributed by major labels) are
selling a lot of vinyl records, especially in terms of indie rock. While vinyl is often a
fetishized commodity, it is necessary to consider the economic mode of production
behind these labels - and how the purchasing of vinyl requires capital, which is
determined by one's social class status. Later in this chapter, I discuss notions of class
and gentrification within indie record store culture.
Because vinyl records can be rare and out of print, their very scarcity can render
them collectable. Within a collecting market, rare vinyl can come with a high price tag
which can be lucrative for storeowners. For example, at Force of Habit in San Francisco,
LPs by the punk band Minor Threat and the popular band Nirvana cost up to $75 each
(see Appendix A, Figure 23). While vinyl record collecting contains an aura of
resistance to the "constructed popular music narrative," this commodified form of
rebellion can be very expensive. Ifbuying, owning and listening to vinyl records can
contribute to one's subcultural capital, this is a practice linked to one's relation to social
class and their economic ability to purchase vinyl records. As a result, this practice of
resistance can hardly be seen as progressive.
It should be noted the "vinyl resurgence" also includes the sale and
commodification of turntables, record needles, and various technologies that allow one to
convert vinyl records to the MP3 format. Target released an exclusive only Pearl Jam
vinyl record, although this was the only vinyl release in the store.
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It should also be noted that vinyl has been co-opted as a subcultural phenomenon,
and select Best Buy locations sell new vinyl records. Eric Isaacson at Mississippi
Records comments on how the dominant industry is re-issuing vinyl and simply trying to
capitalize on another commodity. When framed in a historical context, this situation has
particular significance. Isaacson claims:
The music industry is trying to tum records into a boutique thing, that's a money
maker, and releasing all these insanely expensive re-issues ... It's the same thing
when they came out with CDs. It was like, how do we sell the same Steely Dan
record we already sold? Oh I know, we make a new format. So that's what they
did. Now they are doing that again with [vinyl] records.
However, the selling of used vinyl of the non-collectable variety can be very
affordable for the consumer, as opposed to Best Buy's approach to re-issuing expensive
albums. Isaacson notes the difference between his store's approach and that of Best Buy:
"They are twice as expensive as us. It's like I said, they are trying to claim it as a sort of
bourgeois specialty market. And we still have $5 Black Sabbath records (laughs)."
In sum, vinyl records play an important role in terms of economically sustaining
the independent record store. For some, vinyl records entail a kind of ceremony in terms
of playing records, maintaining them, and listening to them as a social activity. Their
tactile visual design and packaging appeals to many, and their sound quality is considered
to be superior to digital technologies. Vinyl records on the one hand can signify
resistance to the digital discourse and MP3 culture, as well as the limited musical variety
associated with mass big box culture. They allow for greater cultural variety vis-a.-vis
"new" and mass marketed music in the fonn of rare or obscure music. But vinyl is
nonetheless a commodity that contributes to the unique and "independent" brand of indie
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record stores, as well as their economic success. But as we have seen, rare punk albums
can come with an expensive price tag, and some big box retailers have co-opted the vinyl
trend by selling vinyl records in select stores.
Anti-Corporate Narratives
The employees and customers associated with independent record stores in
general overwhelmingly disdain corporate culture. This is evident with the harsh
criticism for mall and big box culture, and also for the major label system. The
communities associated with indie stores tend to share an anti -corporate value system,
which is a form of ideological resistance to the McDonaldization of culture.
Ideology is composed of "texts that are not closed," according to Hall (1985),
who notes that ideological "counter tendencies" regularly appear in the seams and cracks
of dominant fOffi1s - in this case, the corporate structuring of the music industry. Thus,
hegemony is an incomplete process, power can be lost and cultural assumptions can be
challenged. According to Hollander and Einwohner (2004), resistance can be through
talk and other symbolic behavior. It may be individual or collective, widespread or
locally confined, and it can take place with little or no coordination among subjects (p.
538). All definitions include a sense of action, or active behavior, and contain the words
"counter," "reject," "challenge," and "opposition."
Those interviewed actively compare corporate culture (in terms of mall and chain
store culture) as being "sterile," "plastic," and "homogeneous." Greg at House of Records
claims, "We're tuming the entire culture into mall culture, and that's just ridiculous."
Martha, a store employee at House of Records, comments, "This store is not at all
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corporate, which is great especially these days where you have people working in
cubicles." A long time store customer claims, "Everyone of those [chain] stores is the
same, and they assume you as a customer are all the same. That kind of anonymity and
distance 1 can do without."
Customers describe corporate music stores as being extremely limited in terms of
cultural variety and obscure items. It is assumed that their employees lack a specialized
musical depth and knowledge of music history. Corporate culture is viewed as a
homogenizing force and an unpleasant place to visit, whereas an independent mom-and-
pop store is unique. A customer claims, "1 run into people here. 1visit people here. It's
a marketplace." Andrew, a store customer at the House of Records and an undergraduate
at the University of Oregon, claims,
1 wouldn't really care if Sam Goody closed, or something, and people can
download music for all 1 care, and 1 don't really mind. But you lose a good
portion ofthe music community [should this store close]. 1know that 1 wouldn't
have much to do on a Saturday afternoon, except for go to the record store.
Andrew's lack of caring about the closing of a corporate chain is also a lack of
emotional investment in such stores, whereas the independent store is a form of
community, a weekly ritual, and part of his subcultural identity.
A customer at Music Millennium in Portland named Matteo describes the nature
of corporations in terms of political economy, noting:
Corporations dumb down culture. They are designed to do that, because it's the
only way they can manage whatever product they are selling in the most efficient
way. So you're just not going to find the variety. You're not going to find the
quality. You're generally only going to find~ in their outlets you're generally
going to find stuff that has big marketing behind it, and other big corporations.
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Taylor, another customer at Music Millennium derides corporate chains in terms
of censorship and the control associated with exclusive only releases. Taylor describes
why he doesn't shop at corporate stores:
I won't do it only because I don't like those stores, and because of the weird
censorship thing that they have going. That really pisses me off. And the fact that
a lot of artists that I used to really like, [short pause] we're talking teens here, like
Pearl Jam for instance. Their new album is only released at Wal-Mart. What the
fuck is that?! Come on. I don't subscribe to that. I think it's silly.
Marc Hossler of the "band" Negativland describes the sociological side-effects of
having fewer indie stores and more big-box stores. Hossler claims:
As we have more and more big box stores, and big brands everywhere, it just
turns the whole u.s. into, everything is just the same as everywhere else. It turns
into a monoculture. Regional distinctions are lost. You know, it used to be, you
could travel around the U.S., and you could say well, here is this brand of potato
chips, and you can only buy it in this part of the country. And a lot of that stuff is
just getting more flattened out.
Lisa of the Portland-based band Explode into Colors comments on Wal-Mart in
terms of labor, the environment, and urban design, saying:
I think it completely sucks. Even ifWal-Mart did not censor the music they sold I
still wouldn't think of them fondly. Their unethical labor policies, poor
environmental record, and contribution to sprawling landscapes of poorly planned
development are more than enough to keep me away from their stores.
Workers and indie storeowners often have particularly biting views of the
mainstream music industry. A common narrative is that the major labels are run by
"bean counters," and corporate people are not passionate about music. They are only
passionate about profits. Terry Currier, the owner of Music Millennium, claims:
All of a sudden things changed, and you had the bean counters infiltrating more
than the music lovers. To have a successful distribution company, you need a
balance of both. But it really pushed the music people out of it, and more bean
counters arrived. When the money people got in there, then the companies
became publicly traded companies. And it wasn't about appeasing the music
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buyers out there, as much as it was appeasing the stock holders. So they lost sight
of the music side in many cases.
Eric Isaacson at Mississippi Records describes the major labels as a "criminal
organization" that only seeks to capitalize on profits, noting:
I really don't support the mainstream music industry as much as I can. I think it's
good to just sell used records all the time. I think it's a criminal organization. It's
the mafia, it's the Nazis, whatever. I have a real low opinion of those groups ...
It's an industry built to leach off people and sort of mass produce and distribute
not for the love, but always just for profit. And there is no question about that.
Their motivation and every contract are built to swindle and not help, and every
policy is profit driven and nothing else. I'm not saying indies don't fall to that
too.
Those associated with independent record store culture can resist or oppose
corporate culture and actively take actions to reinforce these beliefs. Customers can
choose to shop at an independent store as opposed to a corporate chain. Storeowners can
stock local music, sell used goods, and support independent labels and distributors versus
stocking major label product. But in the end, it is important to note these practices do not
undo the fact that the indie record store is located in a capitalist system, and the stores
exist within larger structural and economic forces.
As noted previously, there is no independent record store that exists completely
outside ofthe dominant music system. An analysis of the musical product in any indie
store would yield any number of major label releases (or indie bands with corporate
distribution), despite the store's unique spatial arrangement and atmosphere and
"independent" brand. The anti-corporate argot corresponds with the "independent"
brand of the stores. However, economic realities connect indie stores to the dominant
music industry (to varying degrees) and to larger structures of capital.
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These tensions are evident with Mississippi Records in Portland. Every year on
Mississippi Street, where the store is located in Northeast Portland, there is a street fair
where expensive crafts and other art objects are sold by various local vendors.
Mississippi Records (both the retail store and label) wasn't interested in participating, as
the fair has classist overtones, and is symbolic of the perpetual gentrification of the
neighborhood. As a reaction, which was part protest, part critique, store-owner Eric
Isaacson altered the storefront, giving it the appearance of a Starbucks. Isaacson
pretended Mississippi Records had closed, and that a Starbucks was "Coming Soon."
Blaring from the speakers was variations of atonal noise music. Large sheets of paper
with a marker allowed passersby to note their reaction to the store's impending "closure."
This "culture jam" was a form of resistance and critique against corporate culture,
where local independent stores are increasingly usurped by chains such as Starbucks.
While this hoax was an interesting critique, it doesn't undo the fact that Mississippi
Records is still a business, nor does it address the fact that Mississippi Records is also a
place where commodities are bought and sold. While the vernacular aesthetic and
independent brand clashes with the shiny gloss of Starbucks, both enterprises are a form
of business, and seek to earn a profit. And by "jamming" corporate culture, one
simultaneously references and reinforces corporate culture in the process.
According to Gelder (2007), Thornton (1997), and Hebdige (1979), subcultures
are generally organized around their resistance to mass or dominant culture. In the
context of anti-corporate narratives, it becomes increasingly clear that indie stores need
corporate culture against which to define their own ideology of resistance and opposition
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- which results in an alternative or "independent" fonn of commodification. In this
context, subcultures create a kind of internal structure or organization, or as Hebdige
(1979) refers to it, a homology. It's a place where history is from the "ground up,"
exploring how subcultures want to "win space back" from the dominant culture.
However, this space that is "won" is never pure or outside the dominant capitalist order.
In fact, these spaces need and feed off of each other. To resist corporate narratives is to
simultaneously reinforce them.
Commodification and lndie Culture
Corporate culture is often defined by those affiliated with independent record
store culture (store customers, workers and owners) in dichotomous and binary tenns. In
reality, the lines separating corporate and non-corporate culture are ambiguous.
Subcultures are co-opted by the very dominant industry that they oppose. The tensions
between resistance and absorption represent a space where culture is contested.
While indie stores exist to earn an economic profit, I would argue that for such
stores, earning capital does not have the primacy of their corporate counterparts. While
earning an economic profit keeps the stores in business, the subcultural capital associated
with owning or being employed at an independent record store is significant for those
involved. For example, a small independent record shop might not be swimming in
profits (however, some are), but they have a supportive community and social network
around the store. They are strongly connected to other music fans, audiophiles, and a
variety of subcultures - and these cultures interact at concert venues, clubs, on the
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sidewalk, or in a coffee shop. They fonn bands together, perhaps produce a fanzine, start
a record label or music distribution chain. They become friends with each other, and
bonds fonn from these connections. However, as discussed in the last chapter, the
relationship between subcultural capital and exploited labor needs to be addressed in
more detail.
Subcultures are guided by particular belief systems. The ideology of
"independence" can be very strong, even though these beliefs can be folkloric in scope.
They give the subcultural group a sense of shared meaning. Subcultures need the
banalities of mass culture and cultural standardization disseminated by corporate chain
stores to solidify their ideological difference to such systems. Subcultures gather
meaning from the capitalistic structuring of society. Subcultures need capitalism in
order to exist. Without capitalism, what would they oppose?
A related situation where the commodification of difference facilitates an
independent brand is the "Keep Portland Weird" campaign started by Terry Currier at
Music Millennium. The slogan "Keep Portland Weird" has taken the fonn of bumper
stickers, t-shirts and lettering painted on various buildings around town. The idea behind
the message is to embrace local culture and business, as opposed to the McDonaldization
of culture promoted. Yet, this fonn of difference is a fonn of commodification, where
bumper stickers and t-shirts reinforce anti-corporate ideals, while reinforcing
commodification on a more localized level. While "Keep Portland Weird" is a strong
statement against corporate culture, it is nonetheless a fonn of commodified dissent.
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It has been well documented that subcultural styles and practices have become co-
opted by the dominant cultural industries. All the bands associated with the canon of
punk - for example, the Ramones, Sex Pistols and the Clash - are on major record labels.
Contemporary indie rock, hip-hop and electronic music act as the soundtrack to television
commercials and video games. Large-scale music festivals are sponsored by large
corporate sponsors. Vinyl records are sold by giant retailers such as Best Buy. The film
High Fidelity (2000) brought independent record store culture to a mainstream audience.
Yet as this corporate co-option of subcultures takes place, there are still traces of
the original subcultural spirit in these places, even though it has been incorporated by the
dominant culture. In other words, when a subculture is co-opted, the process doesn't
render the original subcultures as meaningless. Just because punk has been co-opted into
a dominant system, it doesn't mean that young kids don't still hold underground
basement punk shows, form underground touring networks, and create zines, record
labels, and DIY releases. Here, the music is still gritty and they are doing something
different than the punk occurring on MTV, or under the auspices of the dominant culture
industries.
For example, a mall based chain store such as Hot Topic has appropriated punk,
goth, and skate subcultures, but this co-option is done in a very corporate and calculated
manner - whereas independent stores still have more or less "authentic" essence of
difference. These arguments come down to contested notions of meaning, where notions
of "authentic" culture are in tension with co-option and corporate culture. By trying to
massify an "underground" practice or commodity, the culture industry does it with gloss
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and imprecision, which is different than the original subcultural movement or style. As
subcultures look for more ways to define themselves in opposition to the mainstream, the
more appealing these subcultures appear to advertisers and marketers. Capitalism thrives
on exploiting new markets and difference. Thus, the tensions between co-option and
resistance continue unabated. Subcultures affiliated with independent record stores
create an idealized version of "independence," and these meanings are a distortion of
economic realities.
These tensions are apparent as most indie stores deliberately want to remain
small-scale. The tensions of having an independent brand are at odds with becoming too
large (economically), or being co-opted by the dominant industry.
Mississippi Records in Portland illustrates this point. The owners of this indie
record store also run Mississippi Records, an independent record label that re-issues
obscure world records, and a few local Portland bands. The label has an extremely loyal
fan-base. This small label presses 2,000 vinyl records for each release, which usually sell
out immediately. They spend no money on advertising and PR, and sell the records via
word of mouth, and from the popularity of the physical record store. Label co-owner
Eric Isaacson claims:
So I feel like that's the noblest thing we've done is stay low to the ground, and not
connected to something bigger than us, or rely on some bigger system, just to
prove that you could still distribute stuff person to person without a website, and
without a single advertisement or business card. We don't have any of that. Not
taking credit cards. That you can still do these things and manage to exist. It's a
big deal in this modern world, cause the world has kind of squeezed that out.
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Their underground popularity has caught the attention of several major labels
interested in buying the entire Mississippi Label and "brand." The owners of Mississippi
Records want to keep the label "small scale," and maintain creative control over the label.
ADA distribution, owned by Warner Music Group, offered to buy the Mississippi brand
and label owners Eric Isaacson and Wan-en Hill have repeatedly rejected these offers.
They insist on keeping the label local. They want to have control of the packaging and
continue selling their products at a cheap price of $1 O. They distribute the records
through independent distributors and directly to other independent stores.
Despite their disinterest in being part of the larger, dominant music industry, the
tensions of capital are at play. Because their records are so popular and obscure, other
independent stores and collectors will buy multiple copies and sell them for double, triple
or quadruple the original cost. Mississippi could make much more money on these vinyl
releases, but they have deliberately rejected a corporate path. Wan-en Hill, co-owner of
the label, claims:
Ultimately at the end of the day that would make it too big (having a larger
distributor), or too unwieldy, and we'd lose the control and power, and that's part
of the appeal of doing it ourselves ... We're pretty satisfied with the size that
we're at, and if you wanted to really sit down and think about, you know,
expanding and growing your business, then that would be something you'd be
concerned about. We just want to able to make records that we think are cool,
and that we like. And, and get them to people for what is an affordable price.
Resistance is seen in the punk subculture's practice of creating independent media
for the purposes of creative expression, cultural participation, and community formation.
The idea of making a lot of money may be secondary - as the spirit of punk encourages a
different kind of public sphere and relationship to capital. In the case of Mississippi
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Records, the independent label emphasizes control over the means of cultural production.
Opposition continues to spring from punk and other comers of cultural production where
peers and critics measure success not in terms of the "economic capital" of sales and
profits, but rather the "symbolic capital" of making good art that is recognized (Moore,
2007). These cultural producers do not simply compete with the field on its own terms
but challenge the way that the game is played by redefining the rewards worth pursuing.
However, this very rejection of the dominant industry, deliberate small-scale
infrastructure, and a limited number of releases gives Mississippi Records more
subcultural capital (small scale label, limited releases, do-it-yourself approach, no
advertising), and an "independent" brand. Yet the simple market logic of supply and
demand allows other stores and collectors to profit from the initial low prices of a
Mississippi Records release. Even as Mississippi rejects the dominant economic system,
the very logic of that system takes over once the records are out of their hands, and others
are profiting from it. Eric claims:
I think it's the residents' theory of obscurity where the less you tell people and the
less you put out there, the more they get, fast, or create their own interest or buzz,
you know. So, sort of our lack of information was our best advertisement, maybe.
And it wasn't conscious. I really don't know how to do any of that. I don't really
know.
As a result, being obscure and having a lack of information and advertising has
helped to foster their independent brand, which is popularized by their unOlihodox
approach towards conducting business. This approach, however oppositional to the
dominant music system, is nonetheless a form of commodification, and the records
circulate in larger economic structures. As the label owners reject the notion of making
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large sums of money from their records, others are profiting on their low prices, and
selling them with a large profit, thus reinforcing the logic of capital.
The effects of commodification can be seen when considering the history of a
store like Music Millennium in Portland, Oregon. The store originally started in 1969,
and the counter-culture politics associated with the war in Vietnam went side-by-side the
selling of obscure music in the store. The store stocked underground publications and
handed out leaflets. Steve, a long-time store employee, comments on the store
atmosphere at the time:
Oh, sure. It was very left. All the way. That goes without saying. Got involved
in the anti-war to a point, and not huge, but there was a feeling there. Yeah.
Well, during the marches, urn, we were, getting people to go, encouraging people
to go. Handing out some leaflets in the store, and that kind of stuff. Yeah, it was
a little bit more overt back then... I think it's a little less overt now.
However, as the store expanded over the years, the overt political edge of the
store has disappeared, as the focus became more on selling music and operating as a more
proper business. Storeowner Ten)' Currier claims:
The clientele is a lot more diverse today than it was then. The clientele grew.
The fact that the store had one of the finest selections of music in the country
attracted all kind of people to that store. Music is common denominator here. It's
the main the main focus of what it is here... As a retail business these days, you
have a hard time, you know, supporting candidates and things like that, because
everybody has different views, and it's, we just, we just made a comment, a
policy that we just don't do that.
This situation is significant because it illustrates the nature of counter-culture and
commodification. The store was more overtly political in the store's early days. As the
store grew and became more focused as a business, the political orientation of the store
became less overt. What appeared to be more of a radical space has drifted into a
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business, where the politics of the store in contemporary times are less clear or, due to
policy, not overtly publicized. While the store continue to sell commodities referencing
1960s counter-culture with albums, t-shirts, and posters, the overt political feel of the
store has been reduced. This process is in line with Kellner's (2000) interpretation of
Marcuse, where "oppositional subjectivity, and the movements and revolts in which it
were grounded, were fragile, subject to dispersion and defeat, or absorption and
cooptation" (p. 13). Moreover, Marcuse was aware of the contradictions of oppositional
subjectivities and movements that, on the one hand, reproduced tendencies of the existing
capitalist societies, and opposed other aspects and seeking alternatives on the other hand.
Greg Saunier of the band Deerhoofnotes the various ways in which
"independent" music is co-opted into the larger dominant or corporate system, noting:
lndie bands and indie labels are nevertheless prone to having all kinds of
corporate relationships. They may play at corporate-sponsored events, they may
hire corporate distributors and marketers and publicists, they may license their
record to a major label subsidiary in another country, they may license a song for
a corporate movie or TV show, or the holy grail, a corporate TV commercial.
Saunier follows this statement by underscoring the realities of having to earn a living
through the commodification of music:
Maybe one reason the combination of indie music and capitalism is often
considered to be a cognitive dissonance is that, for most people, music is
considered part of leisure. But of course for the people doing it, it is anything but.
That's their job and they have to eat.
The "cognitive dissonance" Saunier is referring to conflicts with the notion of
independence, because subcultures tend to be uncritical of their own relationship to
capitalism, and view themselves as being outside of corporate culture. As a result, music
commodities are fetishized. Corporate culture and capitalism are abstract things
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occurring elsewhere, outside the subculture. "Independence," from a subcultural
perspective, is imagined. It is difficult for those in a subculture to comprehend music
beyond a "leisure" activity or as a fetishized commodity. Or that larger economic forces
and the mode of production playa pivotal role in the dissemination of music, even music
perceived to be "independent." And for the artists involved, they need to earn a living
through their craft, which means an attachment to capital.
A similar kind of "cognitive dissonance" is apparent when talking with Calvin
Johnson ofK Records (a "true" independent label), where the motto is: "exploding the
teenage underground into passionate revolt against the corporate ogre since 1982." K
releases are more likely to sell at an independent record store; however, when pressed
about the contradictions of selling K releases to corporate chain stores, a practice that
falls into a larger economic discourse, Johnson gave a moment of pause. Thus, the
subcultural capital or ideology associated with K being "independent" (as they are a
"true" independent, with independent distribution) and being anti-corporate clashes with
the economic reality of selling records in a capitalistic system. However, there is the
desire to get the records "out there," regardless of where they sell, thus contradicting the
label's anti-corporate ethos. Johnson claims:
We make records for people to listen to. We want people to hear the music. And
we're making the record, and we're trying to make it available to people. If you
ask me personally, I would prefer you bought my record at Rainy Day Records (a
local indie store in Olympia, Washington). But there are a lot of people in the
world that don't even know that Rainy Day Records exists. And they live next
door. You know what I mean? It's invisible to them. If they're like, if they want
to buy a CD, they are going to go to Wal-Mart. That's what they do. They don't
know there is an alternative spot. That is the reality to them. If our records are in
Wal-Mart when they show up to buy it, great. But the most likely thing is that our
record isn't in Wal-Mart. Wal-Mart is not interested in carrying K.
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This situation connects to the nature of music distribution, where an independent
distributor will sell music to a larger chain - or anyone willing to pay for the records.
Thus, even though independent labels have the fac;ade of being "independent" or outside
the dominant culture, once a record goes to a distributor (even an indie distributor), it is
outside of their hands. As Dave Gulbif, a sales representative at Revolver Distribution,
claims, "We're willing to sell to whoever is willing to buy." Thus, "independent" music
follows the ebb and flow of capital. Indie labels and distributors sell to the big boxes,
even though their policies and practices undermine the independent record store. Thus,
the ideology of "independence" between indie labels, distribution and retail is merely
symbolic. Media flows according to the currents of capital.
The tensions between art and commerce are reflected with Marc Hossler from the
band/ali collective Negativland, whose musical culture jamming offers a biting satire on
mass commercial culture. In the last chapter, I discussed how the band sold its initial
vinyl release with its hand-made cover art in indie stores. Now its music is available at
Wal-MartMP3.com. Hossler openly embraces his music being sold at a large chain such
as Wal-Mart, and embraces its absorption into the dominant culture. He claims:
You can attack it all you want, and it will just absorb you. I mean, that's just kind
of a given... Once it's out of our hands, you know, I don't have any issue about
where... The work stands on its own. So I'd love our work to be in Wal-Mart. It
would be great! I want it to get anywhere it can get, I'm happy for it to get there.
No, it doesn't bother us at all. Because, I think the integrity of the work is in the
work.
At the larger corporate chains, the commodification of difference is nothing new.
For example, Target sells the latest album by the Gossip, an all girl punk band on Sub-
Pop Records, which a label often misinterpreted as being independent, but is almost half-
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owned by Wamer Bros records. Another example is the continual selling of Woodstock,
and how the store design co-opted a "paisley design" that is "vaguely hippie." A Target
store manager claims, "They're commodifying that right there, and they are trying to pull
in a generation that might not be aware of it," through the sales of commodities related to
Woodstock. This same manager discusses an in-store branding design that ties into an
exclusive only Pearl Jam release. The manager claims:
Well, you know, Pearl Jam in a way, even though they have become very
corporate, they're also very anti-corporate, and we gave them a huge spread. I
think it would depend on how it was marketed and packaged... It all depends on
how it's packaged. That might be the only thing they [Target] care about, as far
as the content.
In sum, there are inherent tensions with "independence" as an ideology, the brand
associated with indie stores, and the nature of capitalism. The ideology of independence
is out of sync with the nature of commodification. The independent record store utilizes
subcultural capital to further harvest the commodification ofsubcultural taste and style.
Resistance in this context occurs through consumption practices.
A Brief Look at Gentrification and Class
An example of the tensions between gentrification and class is evident with
Mississippi Records. Mississippi Records is located in Northeast Portland, and this
section of the city has historically been the home to the city's African American
community. Over the years, the neighborhood has been assaulted by rampant
gentrification, where the young, usually "white" hipsters have moved into the area. As a
result, a variety of hip businesses have followed, such as restaurants, coffee shops and
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thrift stores. This caused the rent to increase, thus making it more difficult for those
living in the area to afford their rent. This situation has displaced some long-time
residents to other parts of the city.
When I interviewed Eric Isaacson, the storeowner of Mississippi Records, the
store was flowing with a fashionable hipster clientele, those with the disposable income
and economic means with which to purchase vinyl records. This scenario was
juxtaposed against a member of the underc1ass, an elderly women presumably living in
poverty (or possibly homeless) who entered the store. She was the only minority
observed in the store that day. Ostensibly, she was a regular visitor to the store, and
offered a bag of old cassette tapes, for which Eric kindly gave her a few dollars (even
thought he probably wouldn't sell them). Then she was off and on her way_ In the midst
of talking about how the store is a fonn of community and in opposition to the corporate
structuring of culture, this incident provided an awkward tension.
This incident highlighted the gentrification occurring in the neighborhood, as well
as in-store race dynamics. It begs the question: Who has the money to buy records?
How is record consumption and subcultural capital related to class? If someone has the
disposable income to buy vinyl records, this says something about their class standing,
where leisure can be purchased. However, for the poor and disenfranchised, they likely
don't have the same luxury.
Another irony ofMississippi Records is that they display a giant sign from the
"House of Sound" inside their store. House of Sound was an iconic African American
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run record store in the area that was leveled so a new apartment building could be built,
as a result of said gentrification. This sign can be seen as a symbol of carrying on the
tradition of selling music and fostering local community, much like the House of Sound.
But the signifier is not without its residue of power issues related to class and race in the
neighborhood. An African American business closes due to gentrification, and an all
white record store co-opts their sign, and sells records to a mostly white "hipster"
clientele. This situation is no doubt problematic from a both a semiotic and class
analysis, and is further evidence that the subcultures associated with indie record store
culture are largely un-critical (or maintain a false consciousness) of class dynamics and
the nature of capital.
Similar issues of gentrification were present in the Mission neighborhood located
in San Francisco. The Mission is known for its Latino community, where Aquarius
Records, an independent record store, is based. Storeowner Alan Horrocks claims:
Well, the Mission, there is the Mexican American population here, and we don't
really go out of our way to cater to, have a whole lot of Latin music or anything,
because there are other stores here, because it is the Mission, and they specialize
in that. .. Some people are going to frown upon it, and other people like me who
are part of that wave of gentrification, are like, that's fine. Opening up record
stores and bookstores is cool, but we may think the gentrification isn't so cool
when it's the Starbucks and stufflike that. For some people who share that, it
may be a somewhat self-serving perspective, would think that we're fine because,
we're more part of that independent scene ... And the Mission has a lot of artists
and musicians, and so forth. And it used to, when it was relatively affordable. Of
course now, it's incredibly expensive to live here.
What is interesting here is the belief system that the corporations are the
perpetuators of gentrification, not smaller businesses such as an indie record store. By
being non-corporate, the indie store's participation in the gentrification process is
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somehow more acceptable because it's part of an "independent" scene or brand. Thus,
being "independent" somehow obscures the nature of commodification and capital,
whereas such stores contribute to the gentrification of neighborhoods despite their
"independent" nature. From the indie or subcultural perspective, it is perceived that
gentrification happens outside the indie record store, as opposed to contributing to the
problem.
However, the topic of gentrification and independent record stores can be a
double-edged sword. On the one hand, indie record stores can contribute to the process
of gentrification, as observed with Aquarius Records and Mississippi Records. There are
other instances where longtime independent record stores have been forced out and
closed because of gentrification, as the rise in rent renders business unprofitable. This
was the case with Portland's Music Millennium, whose second downtown location closed
in 2007.
Conclusions
The space and place associated with independent record stores is significant to
those involved in the culture, and their "difference" is an alternative to the McDonaldized
nature of the big box retailers. The unique design of indie stores appeals to the senses
and offers a unique experience. However, the design of space and place is nonetheless a
kind of independent branding. Indie stores rely on the homogenization of dominant
corporate culture, which gives indie stores their unique meaning and sense of difference.
Vinyl records play an important role in tenns of economically sustaining the
independent record store, and provide subcultural meaning and capital. For some, vinyl
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records entail a kind of ceremony in terms of playing records, maintaining them, and
listening to them as a social activity. Their tactile visual design and packaging appeals to
many, and their sound quality is considered to be superior to digital technologies. Vinyl
records on the one hand can signify resistance to the digital discourse and MP3 culture, as
well as mass big box culture and the mainstream music market by allowing for greater
cultural variety. But vinyl is nonetheless a commodity that contributes to the unique and
"independent" brand of indie record stores, as well as their continued economic success.
This can be seen with the commodification of old punk albums, where market scarcity
renders them collectable, which is usually accompanied by an expensive price tag. While
there are notions of resistance in terms of vinyl collecting, this resistance must be
considered in terms of commodification.
Those associated with independent record store culture generally resist and
oppose corporate culture. While I think it's important to have a place where these ideas
can flourish, it is important to note these practices don't undo the fact that indie record
stores are part of a capitalist system. There is no independent record store that exists
completely outside of the dominant music system. An analysis of the musical product in
any indie store would likely yield any number of major label or corporate releases (or
indie bands with corporate distribution), despite the store's unique spatial arrangement
and atmosphere and notions of "independence." Being anti-corporate fits in with the
"independent" brand of the stores, while economic realities connect stores to the
dominant music industry (to varying degrees) and to larger structures of capital.
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It has been concluded that the ideology of independence is out of sync with the
nature of commodification and capital, and that resistant ideologies ultimately reinforce
the economic status quo. The independent record store, in conjunction with operating as
a business, also utilizes subcultural capital to further harvest the commodification of
subcultural taste and style; thus, resistance in this context occurs through consumption
practices.
Lastly, the double-edged sword of gentrification and social class are factors in
terms of looking at how the "scene" associated with an independent record store can be
out of touch with the economic realities and cultural diversity of a given neighborhood.
Indie stores can contribute to processes of gentrification, which can greatly impact the
class dynamic in a given neighborhood. At the same time, indie stores can be pushed out
of a neighborhood due to the expenses associated with increasing rents, as a result of
gentrification. However, having the expendable income to buy records suggests a
relationship to class, a concept that seems to be largely ignored in subcultural scenes and
communities.
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CHAPTER IX
CONCLUSION
This research project examined the independent record store from a political
economic and critical-cultural studies approach. Both approaches have considered how
the economic structuring of the music industry impacts the sustainability of the
independent record store, the availability of musical diversity, and the communities
associated with the stores.
I now return to the theoretical goals and research questions in order to emphasize
the original contributions from the study. I discuss my contributions to the field of
communication and to building upon and extending theory. I also consider suggestions
for further research, future research and recommendations for those affiliated with indie
store culture.
Contributions to the Field
As noted in Chapter I, recorded music is neglected in the field of communication
studies. More specifically, political economy and critical cultural studies have paid little
attention to recorded music. As discussed in Chapter III, some key texts, including Attali
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(1977), Chapple (1978), Kelly (2005), Shuker (2008) and Whiteley (1997), offer critical
interpretations ofthe music industry. However, this literature fails to adequately address
the complexities and evolving nature of music retail. There are no theoretical grounding
or empirical studies on the topic. This is surprising as music retail is so thoroughly
integrated with production and distribution, as well as with related media outlets such as
radio broadcasting. For example, the intersection of retail sales (both physical and paid-
for downloads) and radio play ultimately comprise the statistical information by which
the popular Billboard music charts are constructed. Understanding this economic system
is pivotal in order to understand how popular music codes are manufactured by the major
label system. To neglect music retail is to lack a fundamental understanding of how the
music industry currently works.
The project provides an array of empirical evidence suggesting that recorded
music and retail are topics worthy of study, much like new media, film, television and
print. It highlights the social importance of alternative media and the multifarious ways
by which recorded music makes its way (or fails to make its way) onto the shelves of
retail outlets or is strategically placed on online stores such as iTunes. When recorded
music is viewed in terms of commodity fetishism, the meaning of "independence" is
complicated, as music labels and retailers are connected (to varying degrees) to corporate
purse strings. This project reinforces the continued significance of "old" physical media
in a social environment characterized by the digital world. It also highlights the
importance of face-to-face consumption and human interaction, where shopping (and/or
gathering) in a physical record store is deeply significant for those involved.
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This project investigated the implications of the structural makeup of the
dominant music industry and the specific policies and practices of this industry. It also
addressed the ambiguous nature and harvesting of "independence" in terms of
communities, space and place, vinyl record collecting, musical education, anti-corporate
narratives, gentrification and anti-McDonaldization. I will now discuss each of these
contributions in regards to the original research questions.
Structural Implications of the Dominant Music Industry
The dominant music industry is extremely concentrated. This concentration is
evident with the structuring of the major "big four" record labels and the major corporate
retailers. As a result of this concentration, the intersection of economic power between
the major labels and corporate retailers largely determines popular musical taste. This is
accomplished through the economic strength of the major labels, as they have the ability
to manufacture popular artists. The labels essentially buy the fame of their artists. This
occurs through corporate synergies and horizontal and vertical integration. It is
accomplished through their ability to saturate the market with promotions and marketing.
Popular music is heavily promoted on corporate radio, MTV and major music magazines.
It acts as the soundtrack for television programming, video games and movies. Music is
integrated into portable screen devices and MP3 players. Music permeates social media
sites. In conjunction with these various media outlets, the manufacturing of popular
music occurs through a variety of retail policies and practices.
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The various interlocking relationships and powerful backing of multinational
conglomerates cushion the major labels and corporate retailers from downturns in the
economy. Independent record stores and labels do not have the same economic leverage.
"True" independent labels do not have the same financial resources and ability to
promote their artists on a mass scale. Indie artists lack the same amount of cultural
exposure, and as a result, they don't sell as many albums (either digitally or in physical
form). Independent record stores are not connected to the major label system like their
corporate counterparts are (except for larger indie stores and chains), and they can't
compete with the economies of scale, corporate "buy ins," co-op advertising and selling
music as a loss leader. Because of this neo-liberal discourse, multinational corporations
(both labels and retailers) continue to manufacture the dominant music culture.
A major implication of this economic consolidation is that musical choice is
limited and standardized according to corporate interests. The extremely broad range of
music available in a global context is narrowed down to a small cross-section of popular
musical acts (usually Western acts). This pattern is consistent with the tenets of political
economy, where issues related to media standardization and a lack of choice are of
primary concern. If a fundamental aim of political economy is to provide alternatives to
standardized media culture, the independent record store provides this cultural diversity
and richness.
However, many critics and scholars will argue that the dominant industry has lost
its control over the market and that it no longer continues to monopolize music culture as
it has in the past. Illegal downloading allows everyday users access to the means of free
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music distribution. Free digital downloading grants unprecedented agency to users
interested in exploring musical diversity outside the confines of the dominant system.
But even in the face of illegal downloading, the popular music charts continue to be
dominated by major label acts, and the major corporate retailers still continue to sell the
majority of physical recordings in the United States.
As the music industry (both labels and retailers) is characterized by extreme
market concentration and standardization, the independent record store fills an important
cultural gap in regards to musical diversity and cultural pluralism. Indie record stores are
antithetical to cultural standardization. Each store has its own unique musical identity
and character. The musical content is individualized, idiosyncratic and unpredictable.
As a result, indie stores are filling an important cultural void vacated by the corporate
structuring of culture. While indie stores are not completely outside of this dominant
structuring, they nonetheless provide greater musical selection (and service) than the
typical corporate retailer.
Indie record stores, to varying degrees, stock music that is generally not available
at corporate big box stores and on-line retailers. But on-line retailers such as Amazon
and iTunes have a greater musical selection than typical big box stores. In fact, both of
these on-line entities are capable of transcending the music selection of smaller indie
stores. However, although on-line retailers such as Amazon and iTunes can carry a broad
range of "digital" titles, they are more limited in terms of format (only available on MP3
or CD, as opposed to vinyl and other fringe fonnats). And while obscure music can be
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obtained through eBay and other on-line sites, it is the physical experience of shopping at
an indie store that distinguishes it from e-commerce. Consuming music through a
computer (or smartphone) is a mediated experience. In a physical retail store, one can
interact with people, physically browse tangible music, and even smell the musty vinyl
records. These are vastly different experiences. It is this connection to the physical and
tangible that keeps customers of indie stores coming back.
Music in an indie retail context often reinforces the cultural fringes. The music
can be rare, obscure, limited edition and out-of-print. The music can exist outside the
radar of mainstream radio, MTV and the major label system (to varying degrees). There
is often a deep specialization in terms of specific genres such as jazz, hip-hop, punk,
world and indie music. The owners and workers at indie stores "curate" the music
according to their taste and interests. Because of this, each store has its own personality.
The music primarily comes from "indie" labels and distributors (the ambiguous
nature of "independence" is discussed later in this chapter). Indie stores sell local music
and help foster the local music community and music scene (it must be noted, though,
that iTunes and Amazon also sell "local" and self-produced releases). The stores often
sell used music and a broad range of musical formats ranging from vinyl, 45 and 78 rpm
records to hand-made experimental "noise music" cassettes. Indie stores sell music not
available on iTunes and Amazon, thus debunking the myth that "everything" is available
via download. Indie stores focus on back catalog and the releases not commonly
emphasized at the big box stores. Indie stores do not censor music due to its political
content, nor do they typically stock sanitized or edited versions of albums.
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In a neo-liberal epoch marked by extreme media concentration and
standardization, the independent record store provides greater cultural variety in terms of
music titles, various gemes and musical formats. If the selection at an indie store isn't as
encompassing as a corporate retailer (such as, more specifically, on-line retailers like
Amazon and iTunes, not the big boxes), these stores compensate with it personalized
store atmosphere, knowledgeable store employees, the experience of face-to-face
interaction and the communities associated with the stores.
The very existence of the independent record store is symbolic of greater musical
variety and access to the depths of musical history. Indie stores challenge the tenets of
cultural homogenization and provide a vital space where agents can learn about and
consume alternative media. While on-line retailers also have access to musical variety
and musical history, the physicality, atmosphere and human interaction associated with
the indie store is extremely significant for those involved in the culture.
Policies and Practices of the Dominant Music Industry
The policies and practices of the dominant music industry systematically work to
reinforce market dominance and media consolidation, and manufacture popular music
through a variety of corporate channels. As noted, a number of these policies and
practices have not been exposed or thoroughly explored in the political economy
literature.
A key example illustrates this point. While radio-based payola has historically
received much attention, similar retail "payola" tactics are relatively unknown. The
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major labels have a long history of borderline corruption in terms of rigging the music
charts in order to construct popular musical taste. Essentially, storeowners and
employees were bribed (with free music and other lavish items) and label representatives
manipulated sales figures. An album on the popular charts receives more media
attention, which further ignites the sale of music commodities. In this context, audiences
were constructed through an artificial range of music. This extends Smythe's (1977)
notion that media institutions are a "consciousness industry" and form of "psychological
manipulation." Since SoundScan (point of sale scanning device) was introduced in 1991,
this overt corruption has declined. As noted in Chapter VI, however, label
representatives still find ways to manipulate the charts via SoundScan.
The practice of co-op advertising is a relatively unknown topic within the
academic literature. The practice allows record labels (usually major labels) to purchase
space in retail outlets, much like ad space might be purchased in a magazine. Thus, a
very standardized form of music makes it way on the shelves of the corporate big boxes,
space that is paid for. This situation furthers Attali' s (1977) discussion of repeatable
molds and formulas, where mass production leads to the standardization of cultural
molds. Indie labels, on the other hand, don't have the financial power to get their wares
into chain stores (although some larger indies do have this ability). At the same time,
indie stores (except for larger indie stores) don't get paid to sell music by the major
labels; thus the corporate chains have a distinct economic advantage and are able to
perpetuate a system of "repeatable molds." Likewise, music is a "loss leader," where the
big box stores exploit economies of scale by selling CDs for less than they pay for them.
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The stores make their money from selling expensive electronics, whereas indie stores
simply can't compete with these prices and practices. This cutthroat competition has
been a key factor in the demise of some indie record stores.
Buying practices shed much light in terms of the nature of corporate and indie
retail culture. Corporate buying ensures that big boxes contain the same "popular"
music in all of its outlets (although some local variation does occur). Store workers have
no agency in terms of the music buying process, and customers can't obtain music
outside these stores' rigid music selection (such as local and independent music). Music
is ordered from a corporate center, which is out of touch with the ebb and flow of the
local culture. In this context, the major big box retailers construct audiences through its
narrow selection of titles. This is problematic as the big boxes have an inordinate amount
of control over the type of music available in the U.S.
However, indie stores carry local music and "independent" releases, and they can
special-order a broad range of music titles. Indie stores are much more flexible in terms
of obtaining obscure, non-mainstream and independent music, which is far more
representative of a pluralistic society. This is because the buying practices at an indie
store are predicated on providing musical variety, not media standardization.
In terms of the major labels and corporate retail, the dominant industry has been
known for its ability to control and monopolize. Most notably, Wal-Mal1 and its
censorship policies have been thoroughly documented. However, the control of
technology with the introduction of the CD fonnat, and the development of a major label
policy that systematically made vinyl records non-returnable, is more insidious. As a
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result, this example of forced obsolescence effectively guaranteed the financial success of
the CD format, while virtually eliminating vinyl (the fonnat of choice for most indie
stores). Also in the early 1990s, the major distributors wanted to eliminate the sale of
used music in indie retail stores, as the corporate labels were not benefiting economically
from these sales. The sale of used music is a financial cornerstone of the independent
record store and to eliminate these sales would have decimated the stores.
In terms of new media, Apple's iTunes intentionally utilizes practices that
undermine the independent record store by selling music several weeks before "'brick and
mortar" stores can access it. Labels provide bonus material to iTunes in exchange for
better placement and visibility within the virtual store. ITunes then releases the music
weeks before other phys~ca.1 retailers can access it. As a result, the potential sales of an
album at indie retailers are compromised.
Also, if a physical "brick and mortar" store wants to obtain a piece of the digital
download market, the financial barriers to entry make it virtually impossible. This
process entails obtaining intellectual property rights from the major labels, which is
extremely costly and time consuming. It should be reiterated the major labels earn a
large portion of their revenues through the exploitation of copyright and intellectual
property, and thus have a virtual monopoly over the back catalog rights needed to sell
MP3 files via iTunes and Amazon.com. Indie retailers will continue to have a difficult
time entering the download market, as the expenses are simply too substantial. Apple's
market dominance is also reinforced as the company is vertically integrated with the
manufacture of media-based hardware, most notably the iPod, iPhone and iPad. This
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intersection of hardware and retail essentially guarantees continued market dominance for
years to come.
In sum, the policies and practices of the dominant music industry have provided
some key insights into the nature of control, the manufacture of popular taste, and the
standardization of music culture. Ultimately, these policies and practices make it difficult
for the indie store to remain financially sustainable. As a result, many indie stores are
going out of business or subsisting precariously from day to day.
The Ambiguities and Harvesting of "Independence"
Taking a closer look into the economics of indie stores, one must consider how
they are connected to processes of commodification and the logic of capital. The
"independent" brand associated with the independent record store illustrates how they are
connected to commodification and corporate culture. Depending on the type of indie
...., 'M store, the lines separating-independent and corporate culture can be thin.
The true essence of "independence" becomes increasingly ambiguous upon
further investigation. For example, some indie storeowners fostered the sentiment that
indie stores are somehow "external" to corporate culture and capitalism. This belief
system is out of touch with reality, as indie record stores are fundamentally a business
venture. There is a chasm between actual economic independence and the social
perception of "independence" as an ideological construct.
Independent record stores can never be completely autonomous from the
dominant music industry. Larger indie "generalist" stores and some indie chains sell
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major label product, embrace co-op advertising, utilize in-store listening stations, and can
buy directly from the major labels. Such practices are reflective of the major corporate
retailers. The music sold at most indie stores is connected, to varying degrees, to the
major labels, as many "indie" labels are actually distributed by one of the "big four."
Those associated with indie store culture generally lack a shared definition of what
independent music is. "Independent" music distributed by one of the big-four labels
ceases to be independent.
However, I argue that "used only" stores are the most detached from the dominant
music industry. These stores don't rely on the dominant distribution system, as they buy
directly from their customers. In fact, many used only and smaller niche stores outright
resist the corporate promotional machinery (such as buy-ins, co-op advertising and in-
store displays), as the stores only sell secondhand music, or rely solely on independent
distribution. These stores represent the most autonomy from the dominant industry and
are much closer to "true" independence. This is a direct result of the distribution
channels utilized by the independent retail outlet.
Contradictions in tenns of "independence" are also evident with independent
labels. Indie labels, even those with a staunch anti-corporate stance such as Kill Rock
Stars and K Records, will sell and distribute music to anyone willing to pay. Thus, there
are ostensible contradictions when conceptualizing independence, especially in tenns of
the logic of the market. This includes selling music to corporate sponsors of censorship
(Wal-Mart), big box stores that systemically undermine the competition with loss leaders
and co-op advertising (Best Buy), and on-line merchants who exclusively sell music
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before indie stores can obtain it (iTunes). Indie labels follow the logic of the market,
even if it's antithetical to their image and independent brand. When indie labels and
distributors sell to the corporate retailers, it effectively undermines the economic
sustainability of the independent record store.
"Independence" is usually a state of mind, not an economic reality. From a
cultural framework, the ideology of "independence" is out of sync with processes of
commodification. The independent record store thrives on subcultural capital, and the
stores ultimately harvest the commodification of "oppositional" taste and style.
Subcultural resistance occurs through consumption practices. Difference is bought and
sold in the form of obscure vinyl records, punk t-shirts, hair dye and paraphernalia
associated with rave culture. Consumption of these objects reinforces the subcultural
group identity. In order to perpetuate this group identity, the subculture needs to
consume its style and taste.
While the subcultures associated with indie stores are often resistant to corporate
culture, indie culture needs corporate culture in order to define its own sense of
difference. Without corporate culture, what would those associated with the indie record
store be opposing? And as we have seen, resistance is rigorously co-opted by the culture
industries, and subcultural style and taste is simply another commodity to be massified
and marketed. However, I would argue that the narratives and content associated with
punk, hardcore, and hip-hop music in particular can foster critical and counter-hegemonic
belief systems, albeit in a capitalist framework of commodity exchange.
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Community, Subcultural Connections and Gentrification
Indie record stores serve a social function. They offer more than the buying and
selling of commodities. Indie stores foster a very particular community interested in
face-to-face interaction and interpersonal communication. The stores provide an
important social outlet for music enthusiasts, where they can openly discuss music
culture with other likeminded individuals and collectors. Relationships and bonds form
between customers and workers. These relationships are solidified as musical knowledge
is exchanged, and a personable camaraderie permeates. For some customers, shopping in
an indie store is a weekly ritual. Others venture into the stores simply to chat and "hang
out," without buying anything at all.
But like most communities, indie store culture can be exclusive. Outsiders, or
those who lack a subcultural vernacular, might feel intimidated by indie stores. Women
in particular are somewhat of a minority in this context, as the stores lean heavily towards
a male clientele. Thus, for those who are insiders, indie stores are very much a
community oriented gathering space. However, this community trait is not universal.
I extended subcultural literature by developing the concept of the subcultural
connecter. This is a concept where the physical space of an indie record store actively
connects subcultures to other scenes and localized communities (it must be noted that
various social spaces can serve as a connecter). Connections occur by posting flyers,
selling localized fanzines and music, and engaging and networking with other people in
the stores. This networking can lead to various social gatherings and activities such as
forming bands; putting on shows (or live music events); creating zines; organizing music
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listening parties; and coordinating other various social gatherings. These interactions
reinforce a community both inside and outside the stores.
Both Calvin Johnson ofK Records and Marc Hossler of the music group
Negativland noted the cultural significance of being introduced or connected to punk
culture by way of the independent record store. In both situations, punk music reinforced
the do-it-yourself ideology of creating and maintaining localized music scenes, as
opposed to having culture manufactured from the top down. The punk subculture
reinforces human agency, where anyone can be an active producer of culture, as opposed
to a passive consumer of media. The subcultural connecter - in this case discovering
punk and obscure music in indie stores - perpetuated a localized scene or community
where subcultural members reinforced a group identity. The subcultural connector also
builds on Straw (2005), who notes, "As punk scenes stabilized, they developed
infrastructures (record labels, performance venues, lines of communication, and record
stores) within which a variety of other musical activities unfolded" (p. 471). These local
scenes often exist outside the dominant music industry, yet are susceptible to being co-
opted into the larger economic system. These tensions are perpetually at the heart of
"independent" music culture.
The independent record store has been considered in terms of how communities
and subcultures cultivate subcultural capital, where the stores facilitate subcultural
connections. However, the "battlefield," as Hall (2002) refers to it, between subcultures
and corporate culture ultimately constitutes and reinforces the economic status quo.
Resistance is shaped and constituted by the dominant culture. Independent record stores
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and their related cultures need corporate culture to conceive of "difference" and to
solidify their own "independent" brand.
There is a chasm between distorted notions of "independence" amongst those
affiliated with indie record stores and the economic realities of how musical commodities
circulate under late capitalism. Ultimately, the subcultural capital associated with indie
stores is harvested to further the commodification of an "independent" brand. Being part
of a scene or subcultural community means consuming a particular style, as well as other
tangible commodities (vinyl records, CDs, record player, clothing, etc.). As a result, this
exchange of commodities is very much part of consumer culture and the nature of late
capitalism.
Gentrification and social class are factors in terms of examining how the
subcultures associated with the indie stores can be out of touch with the economic
realities and cultural diversity of a given neighborhood. As noted with Mississippi
Records (Portland) and Aquarius Records (San Francisco), indie stores can contribute to
processes of gentrification. Rents become unaffordable to the local residents, as a more
economically privileged population inhabits the area. Having the ability to freely buy
music suggests a privileged class position, and my sense is that music based subcultures
are relatively uncritical of their own class position. This builds upon Bourdieu (2004),
who provides insight as to how "taste" (for example, in the form of buying vinyl records)
is impacted by one's social class. This study indicates that false-consciousness and
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commodity fetishism permeate the subcultures involved in the indie record store, and as a
result, they are largely uncritical of their class status.
Post-subcultural studies (Hollands and Greener, 2006) build upon the earlier
subcultural foundations, as does this study, which confirms that subcultures in this
context do little to foster any meaningful or large-scale social change. Subcultures in the
indie record store context have little potential for social change, and are largely defined
by their consumption practices and fragmentation from the mainstream mass culture.
This builds on Duncombe's (2001) work on zines, a culture in which individuals can be
radicalized through underground culture, but who have to make the step to political
action themselves.
However, there are examples where indie store culture and civic engagement have
intermingled. Terry Currier of Portland's Music Millennium described a situation where
the local community surrounding Waterloo Music and Video in Austin, Texas,
effectively banded together and thwarted the construction of a Borders bookstore, which
was to be built in close proximity to the iconic indie record store. This example is
evidence that culture is a contested space, and that localized culture is worth fighting for.
It is evidence that corporate culture can be resisted through civic engagement and local
business can persevere in the face of the corporate structuring of culture. To do so
reinforces locality and a society predicated on media pluralism.
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Anti-McDonaldization
Lastly, I extended Ritzer's (1996, 2006) notion of McDonaldization by coining
the phrase anti-McDonaldization. This phrase is highlighted by a series of cultural
moments where the practices associated with the independent record store resists or
challenges the rationalization of society. For example, the fact that every record store is
unique and different in terms of space and vernacular design (with the exception of some
indie chains), coupled with their unpredictable music selection, challenges the
standardization brought about by the McDonaldization of corporate retail. This is
accomplished by selling used music, where the selection can shift depending on the
music coming in from customers, or by the way music is "curated" by storeowners and
employees. Processes of anti-McDonaldization in the indie store context foster an
atmosphere that is more "humanizing" and breeds more "patient" people, as opposed to
the rapidly normalizing process of obtaining music instantaneously via a computer or in
the context of an anonymous big box chain.
The buying practices at indie stores are a form of anti-McDonaldization. Because
inventory is not standardized, the music buyers can conduct special orders and can obtain
obscure and non-mainstream music. The corporate buying of music is highly
"irrational," where employees don't have the agency to order music demanded by store
customers. The music is imposed upon the store from a distant buyer. Special ordering
more nuanced music outside this "irrational" ordering system is an impossibility.
Centralized buying practices embody standardization, efficiency and control. This
perpetuates the McDonaldization of society.
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The concept of anti-McDonaldization builds upon Kellner's (1999) critique of
McDonaldization, in which the author contends that Ritzer (1996, 2006) needs to
integrate aspects of production, commodification and capitalism to his theoretical
framework. In this case, practices of anti-McDonaldization contribute to the independent
brand associated with indie stores. This brand is created through the unique space of the
stores, the sales of used music and vinyl records, as well as the fostering of an anti-
corporate sensibility amongst the store participants. However, as Harold (2007) notes,
corporate and anti-corporate rhetorics do not oppose each other so much as feed off and
respond to one another. As a result, oppositionality provides the conditions for novelty
and difference in which global markets thrive. As Leblanc (1999) states, "Resisters, after
all, remain in the social system they contest" (p. 17). As indie stores resist the
rationalization of society, they are still part of commodification and capitalism. Their
very resistance and "independent" brand fosters further commodification.
In sum, the independent record store is located in a complex web of economic
structuring, and the related communities and social aspects of the stores have a deep
significance for those involved. The often-contradictory intersection of counter-culture
and commodification in indie stores presented here lays the groundwork for future
research on the music industry, music retail, "independent" media and media-based
subcultures.
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Suggestions for Future Research
Despite the scope of this project, there are several gaps still to be filled in terms of
the scholarship related to music retail and independent record stores. What follows is a
listing of theoretical gaps and suggestions for further research.
From a critical cultural studies approach, an entire study investigating women and
gender in the context of the independent record store would provide a rich insight into
how gender dynamics and politics are at play. Straw (1997) examines gender and record
collecting, but his theoretical insights could be advanced through empirical fieldwork
such as interviewing and ethnography. Several of the females I interviewed had not
noticed the gender imbalance in indie stores and, upon further reflection, agreed that the
situation was unbalanced and rather unusual. This suggests that gender imbalance is
hegemonic in scope, and such an analysis could reveal other gender-based inequalities
associated with the larger music industry.
It was very apparent, as I conducted my fieldwork, that an overwhelming majority
of indie storeowners were white males. This pattem is no doubt emblematic of the racial
structuring ofthe dominant music industry, wherein white males own the means of
production. This particular situation could build upon Kelley's (2005) collection of
essays, which examine the political economy of black music but which contains no
mention of music retail. While my project briefly addressed gentrification and class
issues, an analysis synthesizing race, class and music retail could deepen theoretical
insight into the structuring of music retail and the dominant music industry.
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In terms of the political economy of music industry, there has been virtually no
research conducted on music distribution, especially in terms of independent distributors
and one-stops, both physical and digital, which is unusual given the significance of music
in our culture. Because distribution channels are evolving so rapidly, studies on this topic
would be particularly relevant.
In terms of specific retail issues, a political economic analysis of in-store listening
stations, co-op advertising and "buy ins," as well as the manufactured nature of the music
charts and buying practices should be explored in more detail. There is next to no
literature on these topics. Likewise, a political economic history of music retail is
relatively non-existent. More specifically, there is next to nothing on the history of
music retail and the independent record store. The history of music retail in terms of
consolidation, integration, and corporatization is another gap to be filled.
While the history of the punk subculture has been thoroughly researched, there is
no literature examining the role the independent record store has played in fostering the
movement. Arguably, any subcultural scene could be accompanied by a similar analysis,
such as hip-hop and jazz.
Moving into the digital realm, there are a host of issues to be explored,
particularly with regard to indie stores gaining entry to the digital download market. The
exploration of the barriers associated with intellectual property rights is pivotal, as Apple
dominates the digital market. Apple's iTunes store and its synergistic relationship with
the iPod, iPhone and iPad could spawn some fascinating research in tenns of how new
media is altering the music industry and giving birth to new forms of commodification
384
and market control. For example, the major labels are shifting their synergistic energies
towards cross-platfonn, portable screens and players, where recorded music is
increasingly ubiquitous and commonplace in everyday life.
The fetishization of new media technologies and their relationship to the history
of political economy is a trajectory that needs to be mapped. Commodification is nothing
new, but the myriad ways that cross-platfonn and converged media facilitates the
branding of musical commodities invites further investigation. It is vital for critical
scholars to consider how new media is spawniu.gcnew forms of commodification more
broadly, and specifically in terms of recorded music.
New media is not only altering the physical nature of music retail. Other media
outlets such as video and bookstores have encountered similar issues in terms of staying
relevant. As a result, we need to consider how technological change is altering the nature
of human communication (both positively and negatively), as well as our relationship to
physical space and place.
Recommendations for Those Associated with Indie Record Stores
What follows are some suggestions for indie storeowners, record labels, bands
and music consumers in terms of sustaining the independent record store.
Indie storeowners, or those interested in opening an independent record store,
could benefit from the following observations. In order for indie record stores to
succeed, they need to be flexible and adapt to technological change. Many stores are
already "hybrid" stores, with both a physical and on-line presence. However, some
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storeowners are reluctant to make this change, which perhaps adds to their subcultural
capital and independent brand. However, this doesn't make sense economically for most
stores. Flexibility means embracing on-line sales, and perhaps diversifying in terms of
products, such as selling DVDs, t-shirts, video games and toys. However, doing so steers
the orientation away from music, and this can be unappealing and less "authentic" for
some customers. Being sustainable also means creating an on-line presence with social
networking sites such as Facebook, Myspace and YouTube. It is vital to catch the
attention of the younger generation by introducing them to the cultural and social value of
"brick and mortar" record stores. A small minority of youth today shop at record stores,
but they do not constitute the majority. If this intersection doesn't occur, who will
sustain the independent record store in the future?
Continuing this new media thread, indie stores must find a way to tap into the on-
line digital download market, which could work in conjunction with a physical store. As
noted, obtaining intellectual property rights from the major labels is prohibitively
expensive. Amoeba Music is currently in the process of creating an on-line store to
compete with iTunes, at a cost of $15 million. Obviously, most indie stores don't have
this financial strength and, as a result, indie stores are excluded from the download
market. As of this writing, the US Department of Justice is investigating the legality of
Apple's iTunes operation in terms of potential anticompetitive tactics.
For a select number of indie stores, resisting new media and on-line retail can be
part of their appeal, or independent brand. For example, Mississippi Records in Portland
mostly sells vinyl (mostly used), and they do not sell products on-line, nor do they
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advertise or have any promotional materials in their store such as posters (or "buy ins")
or listening stations. They also have various unorthodox business practices, such as not
using a cash register, writing down sales by hand, memorizing the inventory, and not
having a web-page. These practices are part of the store's "independent" brand and,
however unorthodox, and their business appears to be thriving.
As noted throughout this project, there is no shared meaning regarding what
constitutes "independence." Many "indie" labels are distributed by the major label
system, and thus they are not "truly" independent. Many indie artists distribute digitally
through iTunes. Are they still independent? Without a shared meaning, the word
"independent" becomes virtually useless. It's simply too arbitrary. However, a shared
definition of the term would enable artists, labels, distributors and retailers to better
strategize around promoting "true" forms of independent media. The definition of "true"
independence embodies the following characteristics: The record label is free from
corporate financial backing and the music is distributed independently. However, this
definition is just a starting point and can be modified. But in the end, "true" independent
music is a political endeavor and a critical stance against corporate culture. To be non-
corporate is to embrace a do-it-yourself approach, and to explore alternative models for
conducting business more equitably. The definition must entail vigor and integrity, as
well as an understanding of the political economy of the music industry. Otherwise,
"indie" is just another corporate brand.
In terms of storeowners, focusing on used music is key for success due to the
large markup, and the ever-changing range of diverse product coming into the store.
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Focusing on new and used vinyl records, if the local market can sustain it, is key for
future success. Regardless of what digital format comes our way, vinyl is the backbone
of the indie store, as it is too niche and specialized for a mainstream market. The big
boxes, despite their various policies and practices, simply can't compete with the range of
musical diversity in an indie store. Indie stores will always have this advantage.
I recommend fostering the local music scene by selling local music, and allowing
local bands to post flyers in the store, which allows the store to act as a subcultural
connecter to other local scenes and communities. Likewise, only a few independent
record stores currently sell independent fanzines (unlike the number of zines sold in indie
record stores in the 1990s), and all indie stores could benefit by dedicating a small
amount of store space for zines and independent publishing. This would reinforce a
localized vernacular culture in the stores and the do-it-yourself community. As a result, a
more active public sphere can emerge.
In terms of labor, I would encourage hiring female workers, as it would alter the
male gaze ofthe stores, thus making it more inclusive for female customers. Also, there
are cooperative models and strategies in terms of running a business; thus the typical
owner/worker model can be challenged.
Indie stores should be better connected and organized with each other. While the
Coalition of Independent Music Stores (CIMS) is a start towards this direction, this
organization's practices are somewhat exclusive and mimic corporate culture (selling
music exclusively, only allowing one store per market to partake, dealing with major
388
label product, etc.). A strong network between indie stores could create more solidarity
amongst independent retailers.
In terms of major record labels, a key recommendation would be to lower CD
prices. While this advice was extremely pertinent 15 years ago, high CD prices today
only encourage illegal downloading. The greed associated with inflated prices reinforces
animosity towards the major labels. The major labels are still slow (if not too late) in
making this change, which no doubt contributes to their continued financial difficulties.
Indie labels must be cognizant of how their dealings with on-line distributors such as
iTunes are highly problematic, particularly in tenns of iTunes' practice of selling music
weeks before brick and mortar indie stores can access it. Also, indie labels need to
consider how selling music to the big boxes economically undermines the indie store.
Indie labels will continue to profit from the popularity of vinyl records, and the
independent record stores will continue to harness a majority of these sales - thus
reinforcing the store's niche nature and brand.
In tenns of musicians and bands, many need to become more literate in terms of
how music retail functions and how music is bought and sold in the marketplace. Artists
need to consider how their music is distributed and where the product is sold. They
should be aware of how the practices and policies of the dominant retailers ultimately
undermine the indie store. Artists and record labels can control where their product is
sold. If they feel the practices of a larger chain are unscrupulous or engaging in unfair
business practices, they can refuse to sell to them. Most bands want to get their music
out there, regardless of who sells it. However, bands and labels need to be aware of how
389
the major "big four" labels and corporate retailers conduct business, and what the
consequences are for the independent record store. I would recommend that bands
consider independent labels such as Dischord, Kill Rock Stars and K Records, and
explore the business model of these labels in terms of salsa contracts, greater creative
freedom, and use of independent dist11bution.
Lastly, I urge consumers of music to support their local independent record store,
even if the price is slightly higher than various corporate and on-line outlets. Customers
can learn about musical history and the workers can guide you into interesting musical
ten-ains. This can no doubt evoke a more complex understanding of music history and
culture. Not only does supporting an independent record store keep money in the local
community, but it also supports musical diversity and cultural diversity, which is
fundamental for a healthy pluralistic society to survive. It promotes anti-
McDonaldization, where the standardization of culture is met with unique difference and
nuance. This is not something with which corporate big box retailers are concerned.
And if there is no independent record store in your town, many independent record stores
have an on-line presence.
As mentioned throughout this project, the stores are gathering spaces. While
communities do exist on-line, they are nonetheless mediated through technology. I
believe there is still something to be said about face-to-face interaction, gathering in a
physical store, and embracing old media. To me, indie record stores promote these very
ideals of community and interaction. In a world characterized by rapid technological and
social change, the slow pace typical of indie record store culture represents stability and
390
continuity. As a result, I think we could all benefit by spending a leisurely afternoon
browsing through records, chatting with others, and leaming more about the depths of
music culture and history.
Further Research
In the future, I will produce a 30-minute documentary video case study on the
House of Records in Eugene. This video will feature ethnographic interviews regarding
the store and culture, as well as ethnographic video footage of the participant's behavior
and actions in the store. This means visually documenting the architecture and exploring
the social meanings of the store. I am interested in exploring how those affiliated with
the store identify with and behave in the space, and how the humanizing nature of the
store contributes to this relationship.
According to Berg (2007), action research is a highly collaborative, reflective,
experiential and participatory mode of research in which all individuals are involved in a
study. Action research can be defined as "the integration of some practical outcomes
related to the actual lives of participants in a research project" (Berg, 2007, p. 222).
Upon completion of the video, I will host a public event in Eugene at which the
documentary video will be screened. The participants of the video - mainly the workers
at the House of Records and myself - will form a panel to discuss record store culture
and the nature of independent business. Thus, this research project, and particularly the
video portion, is meant to benefit independent record store culture and raise awareness in
terms of the social importance of alternative media. I plan to screen the film at a variety
391
of film and video festivals, and perhaps construct a multi-media web page devoted to
indie record stores, where a much broader audience can access the project.
Concluding Thoughts
A common question emerged during this research project. What happens
culturally and socially when independent record stores close or disappear?
According to Gracon (2009), the overall social effects of closing an independent
record store are difficult to accurately gauge. When asked what it would be like ifHouse
of Records in Eugene were to close, a store employee named Fred touched upon the
complexities of the human condition and its precarious relationship within a standardized,
or McDonaldized world. He said, "It's suffocating. It would be like a whole organ of
your body has died. And I think everybody feels it in some way or another. They may
not know what's causing their discomfort, but they feel it."
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APPENDIX A
FIGURES: PHOTOS AND DOCUMENTS
Figure 1. The former Home of the Hits located in Buffalo, New York. This store was the
inspiration for this project after its closure in the winter of 2006.
393
_..~,;';;+}i:<i
Figure 2. House of Records based in Eugene, Oregon. The store has been in operation
since 1971.
Figure 3. Interior of House of Records.
394
Figure 4. Music Millennium in Portland, Oregon. The store has been in operation since
1969.
Figure 5. Interior ofMusic Millennium.
395
Figure 6. Amoeba Music in San Francisco, California. This location has been in
operation since 1997.
Figure 7. Interior ofAmoeba Music.
396
Figure 8. An example of do-it-yourselffanzine culture at Green Noise Records in
Portland, Oregon. Fanzines are currently a rarity in indie record store culture.
Figure 9. The "weird wall" consists oflimited edition hand-made cassettes and CDR
releases of noise and experimental music. Anthem Records, Portland, Oregon.
397
Figure 10. Hand written personal "fanzine" style album recommendation in the CD racks
of Music Millennium.
Figure 11. Flyer advertising the noise band "Hany Pussy" for an in-store performance at
Exiled Records in Portland, Oregon.
398
Figure 12. Subcultural Connecter. A place for flyers to be posted and seen at the
entrance to the House of Records in Eugene, Oregon.
Figure 13. A flyer advertising "Radical Film Night" hosted at a Eugene housing
cooperative. House of Records, Eugene, Oregon.
399
Figure 14. An example of participatory culture at Rasputin Music, Berkeley, California.
Figure 15. Locally made DJ mixes are emblematic of hip-hop culture. B-Sides Records,
Berkeley, California.
400
Figure 16. Labels pay for placement in listening stations. Everyday Music, Portland,
Oregon.
Figure 17. "Keep Portland Weird!" supports local business, but is also an example of the
commodification of dissent. Music Millennium, Portland, Oregon.
401
Figure 18. Branded band. In-store performance by the Mae-Shi blurs the lines between
community and commodification. Amoeba Music, Berkeley, California.
Figure 19. Customers gather to share memories about the Beatles, eat snacks, and
purchase the latest Beatles re-issue box-set. Music Millennium, Portland, Oregon.
402
Figure 20. Terry Currier, owner of Music Millennium, fights the major label policy
against the sale of used CDs, permanently banning Garth Brooks from his store (photo
courtesy ofMM).
Figure 21. Modest Mouse "DIY" advertisement outside Music Millennium paid for by
the band's record label.
....... ;
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Figure 22. WEA, a subsidiary of Warner Music Group. Major label product for sale at
Music Millennium.
Figure 23. Commodification of counterculture. The infamous punk band Minor Threat
vinyl LP sells for $75.99. Force of Habit Records, San Francisco, California.
404
Figure 24. Co-option of counterculture. Punk fashion for sale at the now-defunct Virgin
Megastore, San Francisco, California.
Figure 25. Harvesting commodification/representing history. Mural outside of Amoeba
Music on Telegraph Avenue, Berkeley, California.
405
Figure 26. The Museum of Unfine Art in Eugene, Oregon, doubles as an art gallery for
local artists.
Figure 27. A "Must Die" sticker parodies Best Buy. Anti-corporate sentiment at Music
Millennium, Portland, Oregon.
406
Figure 28. The last days of Virgin Megastore in San Francisco, California.
Figure 29. "1 Loved You Guys!" post-it note left on the door of Streetlight Records, an
indie store that went out of business. San Francisco, California.
407
Figure 30. This flyer (2010) for the House of Records embodies the hand-drawn do-it-
yourself aesthetic associated with punk culture. Eugene, Oregon.
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Figure 31. "Portland Guide to 1~dependent Records, Tapes and CD Stores" (2009). Free
pamphlet distributed at indie stores in Portland, Oregon.
APPENDIXB
LIST OF STORES AND OTHER INDUSTRY PARTICIPANTS
Three Primary Field Sites
House ofRecords, Eugene, Oregon
Music Millennium, Portland Oregon
Amoeba Music, San Francisco, California
Other Stores (Eugene, Oregon)
CD World
CD and Game Exchange
Museum of Unfine Art
Other Stores (Portland, Oregon)
Mississippi Records
Anthem Records
Exiled Records
Timbucktunes
360 Vinyl
Everyday Music
Platinum Records Light and Sound
2nd Avenue Records
Green Noise Records
Crossroads Music
Other Stores (San Francisco, California)
Grooves
Jack's Record Cellar
Aquarius Records
Force of Habit
Rooky Ricardo's Records
Shaxul Records
Recycled Records
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Other Stores (Berkeley, California)
Amoeba Music
Skills DJ Workshop
Musical Offering
B-Side
Record Labels
Kill Rock Stars
K Records
Alternative Tentacles
Marriage Records
Music Distribution
Revolver/Midheaven
Universal Music Group
SuperD
Aliists/Musicians
Yeltsin
Telepathic Dumpster
Explode into Colors
Calvin Johnson
Deerhoof
Negativland
Portugal the Man
Other Stores (in general)
Home of the Hits (Buffalo, NY)
Record Theatre (Buffalo, NY)
New World Records (Buffalo, NY)
Harvest Records (Salem, Oregon)
Chain Stores
Target
Best Buy
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APPENDIXC
-..
SAMPLE INTERVIEW INSTRUMENTS
Store Employees/Owners Interview Questions
"CULTURAL" QUESTIONS
1. (Wann-up.) Could you tell me some basic infonnation about yourself (name,
where you're from, occupation, age, duration of store being in business, etc.)?
2. Could you tell me about the history of this store?
3. How did you initially become involved in record store culture?
4. Any comments about what this store means to you?
5. When you walk in here, how would you describe the atmosphere of the store?
6. Does this store have any meaning in tenns of the local community?
7. Does this store have a social value beyond the buying and selling of music?
8. Does this store and related culture have any counter-cultural values?
9. How would you describe your customers?
10. Who is shopping in this store?
11. What is the best selling item at your store?
12. Is this store a fonn of community?
13. If so, could you provide some examples of community?
14. Any story or experience that you would like to share from working here?
411
412
"POLITICAL ECONOMY" QUESTIONS
15. Is it important to you that you work at/own an "independent" record store?
16. What characterizes or defines this store as being independent?
17. Could you talk about the variety of records and products you sell?
18. Why do you sell these particular products?
19. What distinguishes this store from a corporate or chain store?
20. Is new technology impacting your store in any way?
19. Why shop at a brink and mortar store when one can download music for free, or
obtain it from Internet stores?
20. What is the current economic outlook of this store?
21. How do your current sales compare with your sales in the past?
22. What were your peaks and low points in terms of past record sales?
23. What is your relationship with independent record labels?
24. What is your relationship with corporate record labels?
25. How do you obtain your music in tenns of distribution?
26. Are there any differences in tenns of dealing with indie/corporate distribution?
27. What are your views or opinions on the mainstream music industry?
28. Do you have any thoughts in terms of the relationship between the independent
record store and mainstream/dominant music industry?
29. Is the mainstream music industry in any way controlling in tenns of their business
practices regarding your store?
30. Do you believe independent record stores are closing?
31. Is the closure of the independent record store related to the practices of the
mainstream music industry?
413
32. Are you doing anything in particular to keep this store in business?
34. What does the future look like in terms of the independent record store in general?
36. What happens to a community or culture when independent record stores close or
disappear?
37. Any final thoughts or comments?
Store Customers Interview Questions
L. (Warm-up.) Could you tell me some basic information about yourself (name,
where you're from, occupation, age etc.)?
2. Why did you come to this (store name) today?
3. Do you regularly come to this store?
4. When did you start coming to this store?
5. Is it important to you that you shop at an "independent" record store?
6. What characterizes this store as being independent?
7. Any thoughts or comments about what this store means to you?
8. Do you have any thoughts about the atmosphere or space of the store?
9. Any story or experience that you would like to share from shopping here?
10. What type of music do you usually buy here?
11. Do you primarily buy CDs or vinyl records (tangible musical objects)?
12. Do you download music or purchase music through the Internet?
13. Do you ever buy music at a corporate chain store?
14. How would you compare this store to a corporate chain store?
15. Does this store connect you to other people?
L6. Do you feel like you are part of a community at this store?
17. Does this store have a social importance to you?
18. Do you ever verbally interact with other people within the store?
19. What kind of conversations do you have with people in this store?
20. Does this store have a meaning in terms of the Berkeley/San Francisco
community?
21. Do you learn about music within this store?
22. What are your thoughts about the workers at the store?
23. Many independent record stores seem to be closing around the country. How
would you react if this store were to close?
24. Any final thoughts or comments?
414
415
APPENDIXD
CONSENT FORMSNERBAL SCRIPT
CONSENT FORM:
You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by David Gracon, from the
University of Oregon, School of Journalism and Communication. I hope to learn about
the various cultural meanings that employees and customers apply to the independent
record store and/or how such stores are related to the larger music industry. You were
selected as a possible participant in this study because you either work at the store, or are
a customer who frequents the store, or are in some way affiliated with the music industry.
If you decide to participate, you will partake in an interview that will be documented by a
video camera (which will result in video recordings) or will be recorded via a digital
audio recorder (which will result in audio recordings). I'll also be interested in
documenting the daily activities of the store (with both video and/or photography, and
through audio recordings), such as interactions between shoppers and employees, and
shopping patterns etc. This information will be used as a tool for research, and possibly
in a documentary film about independent record store culture. This research will take
place on a weekly basis, probably every Friday, and on the weekends, for a several hour
span. Some activities will be videotaped, recorded via an audio recorder or
photographed, unless the subject doesn't want some aspects of the store or activity to be
filmed, photographed, or recorded by audio. Most filming and audio recording will take
place within various independent record stores located in Eugene and Portland, Oregon,
and well as within San Francisco, California. Specific interviews with the store
employees will be recorded with either video or will be recorded via audio. Each
interview will be approximately one hour in length, for each subject. Interviews with the
customers will be approximately 20 minutes in length, for each subject.
Should the interview entail any discomforts or inconveniences, please notify me and
actions will be taken to remedy the situation, or your materials (video and audio files) and
information can be removed from the study. This research is designed to explore the
various cultures of the independent record store, and how this culture may be
disappearing due to changing technologies, and because of economic reasons. I want to
learn about the community associated with independent record stores, and the cultural
value of this community. However, I cannot guarantee that you personally will receive
416
any benefits from this research, and they're will be no monetary compensation for taking
part in this research.
For purposes of this project, your confidentiality will not be maintained, as the video
footage (and audio recordings) might appear in the documentary video project (voice and
image will be recorded and possibly shown publicly). You name may also appear within
the written portion of my dissertation, and later a book on the topic. Your participation is
voluntary. If you decide to participate, you are free to withdraw your consent and
discontinue participation at any time without penalty.
If you have any questions, please feel free to contact David Gracon, 541-914-7113 (cell),
SOlC, University of Oregon, 1275 University of Oregon. Eugene, OR 97403-1275, or
my advisor, Carl Bybee at 541-346-4175 (same address).
If you have questions regarding your rights as a research subject, contact the Office for
Protection of Human Subjects, University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403, (541) 346-
251 O. You have been given a copy of this form to keep.
Your signature indicates that you have read and understand the information provided
above, that you willingly agree to participate, that you may withdraw your consent at any
time and discontinue participation without penalty, that you have received a copy of this
form (if you want one), and that you are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies.
Print Name
----------------------
Signature
-----------------------
Date
------------
How to contact the Office for Protection of Human Subjects.
Phone:
(541) 346-2510
FAX:
(541) 346-6224
Address:
Riverfront Research Park
1600 Millrace Drive, Suite 105
5237 University of Oregon
Eugene, OR 97403-5237
417
Consent Agreement for "Observational" Video Taping/PhotographY!Audio Recording:
You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by David Gracon, a doctoral
student at the University of Oregon, School of Journalism and Communication. I hope to
learn about the various cultural meanings that employees and customers apply to a
variety of independent records stores located in Eugene and Portland Oregon, and within
San Francisco, California, as well as learn about individuals associated with the larger
music industry. This project is my doctoral dissertation topic at the University of
Oregon.
I have received an adequate description ofthe purpose and procedures for videotaping,
photographing and audio-recording sessions during the course of the proposed research
study. I give my consent to be videotaped, photographed, and recorded via an audio-
recorder during participation of the study, and for those videotapes, photographic images
and audio recordings to be used by those involved in the study, as well as for other
professional purposes, such as a tool for academic research, screenings at academic
conferences and presentations, and the eventual compiling of a documentary film which
will eventually be screened publicly (this doesn't mean your images will necessarily be
included in the final version of the film). I understand that all information may be used
for future research related to a doctoral thesis. For purposes of this project, your
confidentiality will not be maintained, as the footage (and/or audio recordings) may
appear in a documentary video project (voice and image will be recorded and possibly
shown publicly). This footage (both video, and audio recordings) will capture
observations and activities within the store, but will not include any video interview
recordings. Your participation is voluntary, and you can refuse to partake in this project
at anytime.
The researcher, David Gracon, can be reached at 541-914-7113, or at
dgracon@uoregon.edu for further information about the project. As a participant, you
will obtain a copy of this document for your records.
I further understand that I may withdraw my consent at any time.
Print Name
---
Signature ofparticipant _
Date
How to contact the Office for Protection of Human Subjects.
Phone: 541-346-2510
Fax: 541-346-6224
Address: Riverfront Research Park, 1600 Millrace Dl;ve, Suite 105,5237 University of
Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403-5237
418
Verbal Script
My name is David Gracon, a doctoral student at the University of Oregon, in the School
of Journalism and Communication. I'm currently conducting research on the various
cultural meanings of the independent record store, and its relationship with the larger
music industry. This research will eventually become the data for my dissertation, and
eventually a book on the topic. I'm exploring the culture of stores located in Eugene and
Portland, Oregon, and San Francisco, California. I want to learn what these stores mean
to the customers and workers involved, and what the future of such stores might look like
in terms of their ability to survive (while others are failing). I'm also interested in how
such stores are linked to the larger music industry as a whole. Do you have any further
questions, or would you like more infonnation about the project or research? In
addition, you must be over 17 years old, and there will be no compensation for your
participation.
419
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