TOPICS IN ASIMJEEG DATOOGA VERBAL MORPHOSYNTAX
by
RICHARD T. GRISCOM
A DISSERTATION
Presented to the Department of Linguistics
and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy 
June 2019
DISSERTATION APPROVAL PAGE
Student: Richard T. Griscom
Title: Topics in Asimjeeg Datooga Verbal Morphosyntax
This dissertation has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements 
for the Doctor of Philosophy degree in the Department of Linguistics by:
Doris L. Payne Chairperson
Scott DeLancey Core Member
Spike Gildea Core Member
Stephen Dueppen Institutional Representative
and
Janet Woodruff-Borden Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School 
Original approval signatures are on file with the University of Oregon Graduate School.
Degree awarded June 2019
ii
© 2019 Richard T. Griscom
This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-
ShareAlike 4.0 International License.
iii
DISSERTATION ABSTRACT
Richard T. Griscom
Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Linguistics
June 2019
Title: Topics in Asimjeeg Datooga Verbal Morphosyntax
Asimjeeg Datooga is a Southern Nilotic language spoken by approximately three 
thousand people in Northern Tanzania, and it is grouped together with other language 
varieties in the Datooga family or dialect cluster. Although all of the Datooga varieties are 
known to be related to one another, very little is understood about many of the individual 
varieties, especially those that have few speakers such as Asimjeeg Datooga and Bianjida 
Datooga. This dissertation constitutes not only the first detailed description of Asimjeeg 
Datooga, but also the first detailed description of any single minority Datooga variety. 
One of the most intriguing aspects of the grammatical system of Asimjeeg Datooga, 
and Datooga varieties more generally, is the verbal morphology. Verbs in Asimjeeg 
Datooga are structurally and semantically complex. The elements that serve as the building 
blocks of the verbs include not only individual segmental and tonal morphemes but also 
schematic and word-level structures. The dependent stem structure, a formal component 
common to many verbal constructions in Asimjeeg Datooga as well as other varieties of 
Datooga, is described in detail for the first time in this dissertation. Verbs in Asimjeeg 
Datooga also encode a wide spectrum of functional domains, including tense, aspect, 
negation, pluractionality, polarity, applicatives, conditionality, directionality, associated 
motion, subject and object indexation, and non-polar question formation.
iv
The analysis presented in the dissertation is built upon the foundation of an open-
access audio-visual dataset that is hosted at the Endangered Languages Archive. The 
archive includes approximately 140 hours of audio-visual material and also time-aligned 
annotations and metadata. These documentation materials are the first open-access dataset 
for any variety of Datooga, the only documentation of all extant communities for any 
variety of Datooga, the only dataset that is based on the speech of over 50 speakers for any 
variety of Datooga, and the only dataset that was at least partially collected by members of 
a Datooga speech community. Each natural speech example in the dissertation is labeled 
with a unique identifier that can be used to locate the cited recording segment on ELAR. 
v
CURRICULUM VITAE
NAME OF AUTHOR: Richard T. Griscom
GRADUATE AND UNDERGRADUATE SCHOOLS ATTENDED:
University of Oregon, Eugene
DEGREES AWARDED:
Doctor of Philosophy, Linguistics, 2019, University of Oregon
Bachelor of Arts, Linguistics, 2011, University of Oregon
AREAS OF SPECIAL INTEREST:
Language documentation and description
Linguistic typology
PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE:
Graduate Employee, Department of Linguistics, University of Oregon
Fall 2012 - Spring 2019
GRANTS, AWARDS, AND HONORS:
Firebird Fellowship, Firebird Foundation for Anthropological Research, 2018
Individual Graduate Scholarship, Endangered Languages Documentation 
Programme, 2015-2018
Global Oregon Graduate Summer Research Grant, Institute of Global Studies at 
the University of Oregon, 2013
PUBLICATIONS:
Griscom, R. T. 'Tonal Case in Asimjeeg Datooga'. Submitted.
Griscom, Richard, Harvey, Andrew, & Lindfield, R. (2018, December 31). Report 
of Language Endangerment Workshop: Babati - July 2018 / Ripoti ya Kongamano 
la Lugha: Babati - Julai 2018. Zenodo. http://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.2529349
Griscom, R. T. and Payne, D. L. 2017 'Non-uniform syllable weight in Southern 
Kenyan Maa (Maasai)'. In Newman, P. (ed) Syllable Weight in African Languages. 
Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 
vi
Griscom, R. T. 2015 'The diachronic developments of KI Constructions in the Luo 
and Koman families'. In Mietzner, A. & Storch, A. (eds) Nilo-Saharan: models and 
descriptions. Köln: Rüdiger Köppe Verlag.
vii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This dissertation reflects the contributions of many individuals. I would first like to 
thank my adviser and committee chair, Doris L. Payne, for the countless hours she spent 
helping to revise this dissertation. I would also like to express gratitude for my other 
committee members, Scott DeLancey, Spike Gildea, and Stephen Dueppen, who provided 
valuable feedback during and outside of the defense. 
I would like to thank the many speakers of Asimjeeg Datooga who contributed to this 
project.  I’m very thankful to Yohani Mangi and Mama Jaki, who welcomed me into their 
home, and to Yonah Ndege and Mayco Bacheng for their insight into the grammar of 
Asimjeeg Datooga and the many days they spent away from home collecting data for this 
project. I would also like to thank Gidajur Gitonyod and Eliya Mangi for their assistance 
during early stages of the research. 
I would like to thank Baba and Mama Karo for providing me with a home to stay in, 
countless meals, and lively conversations. I would also like to thank Zablon, Boniface, and 
Marko Mwipopo for their help with travel planning and transportation.  I would like to 
thank Mwalimu Mokaya Bosire, whose unique charisma was the original source of 
inspiration that led to the development of this project. 
This research was supported by the Endangered Languages Documentation 
Programme, the Firebird Foundation for Anthropological Research, and the Institute of 
Global Studies at the University of Oregon. Without the support of these organizations, this 
research would not be possible.
Finally I would like express my appreciation for the love and encouragement I received 
from my family. I thank my parents, Margaret Steele and Richard W. Griscom, for their 
viii
assistance and support throughout my academic studies, and for visiting me in Tanzania. I 
would also like to thank my partner, Nadia Jassim, for her support during the final stages of
my dissertation writing. 
ix
In memory of Daniel H. Schreiber, 
the light that never fades
x
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter Page
I  INTRODUCTION............................................................................................................1
1.1  Orientation and significance of the dissertation.........................................................1
1.2  Language background...............................................................................................4
1.3  Previous linguistics research......................................................................................6
1.4  Anthropological research..........................................................................................9
1.5  Oral histories of the Datooga and Asimjeeg............................................................10
1.6  Present-day Asimjeeg Datooga communities..........................................................12
1.6.1 Mang'ola..........................................................................................................13
1.6.2 Mital (Matala)..................................................................................................19
1.6.3 Dugwamuhosht.................................................................................................22
1.6.4 Law..................................................................................................................23
1.6.5 Social connections between the four communities............................................26
1.7  Language endangerment and multilingualism.........................................................28
1.8  Theoretical background...........................................................................................30
1.9  Typological overview of Asimjeeg Datooga............................................................31
1.10  Data......................................................................................................................32
1.11  Overview of the dissertation.................................................................................33
II  PHONETIC, MORPHOPHONOLOGICAL, AND INTONATIONAL 
BACKGROUND BACKGROUND...................................................................................35
2.1   Phoneme inventory................................................................................................36
xi
Chapter           Page
2.1.1 Consonants.......................................................................................................36
2.1.1.1 Stops.........................................................................................................36
2.1.1.2 Fricatives..................................................................................................45
2.1.1.3 Affricates..................................................................................................46
2.1.1.4 Nasals.......................................................................................................47
2.1.1.5 Lateral and Rhotic....................................................................................48
2.1.1.6 Approximants...........................................................................................49
2.1.2  Vowels.............................................................................................................50
2.1.2.1 The high front vowel /i/............................................................................51
2.1.2.2 The high back vowel /u/............................................................................51
2.1.2.3 The mid front [+ATR] vowel /e/...............................................................52
2.1.2.4 The Mid back [+ATR] vowel /o/..............................................................52
2.1.2.5 The mid front [-ATR] vowel /ɛ/................................................................53
2.1.2.6 The mid back [-ATR] vowel /ɔ/................................................................53
2.1.2.7 Low center vowel /a/.................................................................................54
2.1.2.8 Vowel Length...........................................................................................54
2.2  Phonotactics and segmental morphophonology.......................................................57
2.2.1 Syllable Structure.............................................................................................57
2.2.2 Morphophonological processes.........................................................................60
2.2.2.1 Epenthesis................................................................................................60
2.2.2.2 Gemination...............................................................................................62
2.2.2.3 Palatalization............................................................................................63
xii
Chapter           Page
2.2.3 Advanced Tongue Root (ATR) harmony..........................................................63
2.2.4 Lack of shadow vowels.....................................................................................67
2.3  Tone........................................................................................................................68
2.3.1 Underlying tones..............................................................................................69
2.3.2 Rightward H-spreading.....................................................................................70
2.3.3 Intonational-phrase-final downdrift..................................................................71
2.4  Declarative and polar interrogative intonation.........................................................72
2.4.1 Declarative intonation......................................................................................72
2.4.2 Polar interrogative intonation...........................................................................74
2.5  Comparison with other varieties of Datooga...........................................................76
III  MORPHOSYNTACTIC BACKGROUND.................................................................77
3.1  Noun phrase morphosyntax....................................................................................77
3.1.1 Primary and secondary suffixes........................................................................79
3.1.1.1 Terminological variation...........................................................................83
3.1.2 Possessive suffixes............................................................................................84
3.1.3 Demonstrative enclitics.....................................................................................87
3.1.4 Anaphoric reference forms...............................................................................88
3.1.4.1 Monosyllabic singular nominal stems.......................................................89
3.1.4.2 Multisyllabic singular nominal stems........................................................92
3.1.4.3 Plural nominal stems................................................................................93
3.1.5  Nominal tone classes.......................................................................................94
3.1.6 Structure of the noun phrase............................................................................98
xiii
Chapter           Page
3.2  Morphosyntax of verbal clauses............................................................................100
3.2.1 Intransitive clause syntax................................................................................101
3.2.2 Transitive clause syntax..................................................................................103
3.2.3 Ditransitive clause syntax...............................................................................106
3.2.4 Reflexive and reciprocal constructions............................................................108
3.2.4.1 Reflexive construction.............................................................................108
3.2.4.2 Reciprocal construction..........................................................................110
3.3  Grammatical relations and alignment....................................................................111
3.4  Morphosyntax of non-verbal clauses.....................................................................112
3.4.1 Proper inclusion, equative, and attributive constructions................................113
3.4.2  Existential, locative, and possessive constructions.........................................116
IV  STRUCTURAL OVERVIEW OF VERBAL MORPHOSYNTAX..........................120
4.1  Simplex verbal morphology..................................................................................121
4.1.1 Prefixing morphology.....................................................................................122
4.1.2 Suffixing morphology.....................................................................................125
4.1.3 Final suffix......................................................................................................129
4.2  Dependent-stem constructions..............................................................................133
4.2.1 Future constructions.......................................................................................137
4.2.2 Auxiliary verb constructions without subject indexation.................................137
4.2.3  Dependent-stem constructions with double subject indexation......................140
4.2.3.1  Impersonal subject indexation................................................................140
4.2.3.2  Same subject indexation.........................................................................141
xiv
Chapter           Page
4.2.3.3  Different subject indexation...................................................................143
4.3  Verbal tone............................................................................................................144
4.4  Post-verbal H tone pattern.....................................................................................147
V  VERB STEMS.............................................................................................................153
5.1  Simplex and complex stems..................................................................................154
5.1.1 Simplex stems................................................................................................154
5.1.2 Complex stems...............................................................................................157
5.1.2.1 Stems with reduplicated roots.................................................................158
5.1.2.2 Stems with directional suffixes................................................................159
5.1.2.3 Stems with associated motion and directional suffixes............................162
5.1.2.4 Stems with the pluractional suffix...........................................................163
5.2  Verb classes...........................................................................................................164
5.3  ATR......................................................................................................................169
5.3.1 Affirmative prefix...........................................................................................170
VI  ARGUMENT INDEXATION...................................................................................173
6.1  Subject indexation.................................................................................................173
6.2  Impersonal subject indexation...............................................................................178
6.3  Object indexation..................................................................................................182
VII  POLARITY..............................................................................................................186
7.1  Affirmative polarity...............................................................................................187
7.2  Negative polarity...................................................................................................190
VIII  TENSE....................................................................................................................191
xv
Chapter           Page
8.1  Non-future tense...................................................................................................192
8.2  Future tense..........................................................................................................194
8.3  Sequential tense....................................................................................................200
IX  ASPECT.....................................................................................................................203
9.1  Perfect...................................................................................................................203
9.1.1 Affirmative perfect aspect...............................................................................204
9.1.2 Negative perfect aspect...................................................................................206
9.2  Persistive ad=.......................................................................................................207
9.3  Priority gol=.........................................................................................................211
X  PLURACTIONAL......................................................................................................213
XI  DIRECTIONALITY AND ASSOCIATED MOTION..............................................219
11.1  Non-associated motion directionals.....................................................................221
11.1.1 Ventive.........................................................................................................221
11.1.2 Itive..............................................................................................................222
11.1.3 Verb-stems with obligatory directionals........................................................224
11.1.4 Applicative uses of directionals and interaction with person........................225
11.2  Associated-motion directionals...........................................................................226
11.2.1 Obligatory associated motion.......................................................................226
11.2.2 Non-obligatory associated motion................................................................227
11.2.3 Associated-motion ventive allomorphs.........................................................231
11.2.4 Associated-motion itive allomorphs.............................................................231
11.3  Double directional coding...................................................................................233
xvi
Chapter           Page
XII  APPLICATIVES......................................................................................................235
12.1.1  Terminal......................................................................................................237
12.1.2  Oblique........................................................................................................240
12.1.3  Locative.......................................................................................................241
XIII  CO-HORTATIVE AND IMPERATIVE.................................................................243
13.1   Imperative construction......................................................................................243
13.2  Co-hortative construction....................................................................................245
XIV  DEPENDENT-CLAUSE CONSTRUCTIONS.......................................................246
14.1  Conditional construction.....................................................................................246
14.2  Temporal construction........................................................................................248
14.3  Subjunctive construction.....................................................................................250
XV  CONCLUSION........................................................................................................253
15.1  Distinct linguistic features of Asimjeeg Datooga................................................254
15.1.1 Phonetics and phonology..............................................................................254
15.1.2 Morphology..................................................................................................257
15.1.3 Syntax..........................................................................................................259
15.2  Possibilities for future research...........................................................................260
 APPENDIX A: GLOSSES..............................................................................................262
 APPENDIX Bː SAMPLE TEXTS..................................................................................263
 APPENDIX Cː LEXICON.............................................................................................281
 APPENDIX Dː ELAR BUNDLE NAMES....................................................................338
 REFERENCES CITED...................................................................................................342
xvii
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
Table 1: Consonantal inventory of Asimjeeg Datooga.................................................36
Table 2: Minimal and near minimal pairs demonstrating contrast between the bilabial 
stop phonemes....................................................................................................................37
Table 3: Minimal pairs demonstrating contrast between the alveolar stop phonemes. .37
Table 4: Minimal and near minimal pairs demonstrating contrast between the velar and
uvular stop phonemes.........................................................................................................38
Table 5: VOT and closure values for voiceless and voiced stops..................................43
Table 6: Near minimal pairs demonstrating contrast between the fricative phonemes. 46
Table 7: Minimal pairs demonstrating contrast between the affricate phonemes.........47
Table 8: Near minimal pairs demonstrating contrast between nasal phonemes............48
Table 9: Minimal and near minimal pairs demonstrating contrast between the lateral 
and rhotic phonemes...........................................................................................................49
Table 10: Minimal and near minimal pairs demonstrating contrast between the 
approximant phonemes.......................................................................................................49
Table 11: Vocalic inventory of Asimjeeg Datooga......................................................50
Table 12: Minimal and near minimal pairs distinguishing the high front vowel /i/ from 
other vowel phonemes.........................................................................................................51
Table 13: Minimal and near minimal pairs distinguishing the high back vowel /u/ from 
other vowel phonemes.........................................................................................................51
xviii
Table  Page
Table 14: Minimal and near minimal pairs distinguishing the close-mid front vowel /e/ 
from other vowel phonemes................................................................................................52
Table 15: Minimal and near minimal pairs distinguishing the close-mid back vowel /o/ 
from other vowel phonemes................................................................................................52
Table 16: Minimal and near minimal pairs distinguishing the open-mid front vowel /ɛ/ 
from other vowel phonemes................................................................................................53
Table 17: Minimal and near minimal pairs distinguishing the open-mid back vowel /ɔ/ 
from other vowel phonemes................................................................................................53
Table 18: Minimal and near minimal pairs distinguishing the low center vowel /a/ from
other vowel phonemes.........................................................................................................54
Table 19: High frequency syllable structures, categorized by syllable onset, nucelus, and
coda....................................................................................................................................57
Table 20: Low frequency syllable structures, categorized by syllable onset, nucelus, and
coda....................................................................................................................................58
Table 21: Inventory of syllable templates....................................................................59
Table 21 Continued: Inventory of syllable templates...................................................60
Table 22: Vowel epenthesis in consonant clusters........................................................61
Table 23: Verb roots that contain only High or Low vowels and pattern either as 
[+ATR] or [-ATR]..............................................................................................................67
Table 24: Nominal morphology in Asimjeeg Datooga.................................................78
Table 25: Common primary suffixes in Asimjeeg Datooga..........................................81
Table 26: Examples of possessive suffixes...................................................................85
xix
Table  Page
Table 27: Nominal possessive morphemes (IGS0229_2016-1-15_YN)......................86
Table 28: Examples of tonal alternations for L-tone and H-tone nominals with 
possessive suffixes, as well as ATR alternations (IGS0229_2016-1-15_YN)......................87
Table 29: Demonstrative enclitics................................................................................87
Table 30: Phonologically merged and unmerged demonstrative enclitics with singular 
and plural nominal stems. (IGS0229_2016-1-15_YN).......................................................88
Table 31: Singular monosyllabic nominal stems that exhibit the “/d/ added” citation 
pattern................................................................................................................................90
Table 32: Singular monosyllabic nominal stems that exhibit the /n/ -> /d/ citation 
pattern................................................................................................................................91
Table 33: Singular monosyllabic nominal stems that exhbit the /ɲ,/ -> /d/, /t/ citation 
pattern................................................................................................................................91
Table 34: Singular monosyllabic nominal stems that exhibit the /tʃ/ -> /t/ citation 
pattern................................................................................................................................91
Table 35: Singular monosyllabic nominal stems with irregular citation patterns..........92
Table 36: Multi-syllabic singular nominal stems in anaphoric reference and citation 
form....................................................................................................................................93
Table 37: Plural monosyllabic nominal stems that exhibit the productive /-s/ > /-g/ 
referential and citation pattern............................................................................................94
Table 38: Plural monosyllabic nominal stems that exhibit slight variations on the /-s/ 
and /-g/ referential and citation pattern...............................................................................94
xx
Table  Page
Table 39: Nominal tone classes in Asimjeeg Datooga and their underlying nominative 
forms..................................................................................................................................96
Table 40: Examples of each nominal tone class...........................................................97
Table 41: Permissible intransitive constituent order constructions.............................102
Table 42: Permissible transitive clause constructions.................................................104
Table 43: Ditransitive constructions...........................................................................106
Table 44: Proper inclusion, equative, and attributive constructions............................115
Table 45: Constructions with the copula nd...............................................................119
Table 46: Main verb prefix and proclitic slots, without details of co-occurrence 
restrictions........................................................................................................................122
Table 47: Verbal suffix slots.......................................................................................126
Table 48: Morphophonological patterns of the -C(i) final suffix................................130
Table 49: final suffix patterns.....................................................................................131
Table 50: Non-dependent-stem constructions and dependent-stem constructions......133
Table 51: Position class chart of dependent stem morphology (which may co-occur 
with other morphology)....................................................................................................134
Table 52: Verbal auxiliary structural slots, without details of co-occurrence restrictions
..........................................................................................................................................135
Table 53: General features of tone (Hyman 2008)....................................................145
Table 54: Underlying accusative and nominative tonal forms, together with the surface 
forms................................................................................................................................149
xxi
Table  Page
Table 55: Linguistic variables that condition the distribution of the [V-NP] Floating H 
Tone construction.............................................................................................................151
Table 56: Monosyllabic simplex stems, in 2.SG dependent stem form......................155
Table 57: Class 2 monosyllabic simplex stems with atypical stem-initial consonant 
sequences, presented here in 2.SG dependent stem form..................................................156
Table 58: Disyllabic simplex verb stems, in 2.SG dependent stem form....................157
Table 59: Verb stems with reduplicated roots, in 2.SG dependent stem form............158
Table 60: Pairs of verbal stems with the same verb root and ventive and itive suffixes, 
in 2.SG dependent stem form...........................................................................................159
Table 61: Verbal stems with roots that only occur with the itive suffix, in 2.SG 
dependent stem form........................................................................................................161
Table 62: Verbal stems that have roots that only occur with the ventive suffix, in 2.SG 
dependent stem form........................................................................................................162
Table 63: Verbal stems with roots that occur with either ALM + VEN or ALM + ITV 
forms, in 2.SG dependent stem form................................................................................163
Table 64: Verbal stems with roots that occur only with ALM + ITV, in 2.SG dependent
stem form.........................................................................................................................163
Table 65: Verbal stems with roots that only occur with ALM + VEN, in 2.SG 
dependent stem form........................................................................................................163
Table 66: Verb stems that include the pluractional suffix, in 2.SG dependent stem form
..........................................................................................................................................164
Table 67: Features that differ for Class 1 and Class 2 verbs.......................................165
xxii
Table  Page
Table 68: Intransitive and transitive pairs in Class 1 and Class 2, in 2.SG dependent 
stem form.........................................................................................................................167
Table 69: A selection of tonal patterns for monosyllabic Class 1 and Class 2 verb stems
..........................................................................................................................................168
Table 70: A sample of verb roots categorized by ATR and verb class, in 2.SG 
dependent stem form........................................................................................................170
Table 71: Alternations of the affirmative prefix closest to the verb root, based on the 
ATR value of the verb root, the person and number of the subject indexation, and the 
verbal construction............................................................................................................171
Table 72: The four subject indexation paradigms.......................................................175
Table 73: Class 1 verb stems that co-occur with the two different forms of the 3rd 
person subject indexation in the non-future and dependent stem paradigms.....................177
Table 74: Object indexation suffixes..........................................................................183
Table 75: Object indexation patterns for 2 SG/PL and 1.PL with +ATR and -ATR verb
stems.................................................................................................................................184
Table 76: Patterning of the +ATR and -ATR allomorphs of the affirmative prefix in 
constructions with different subject indexation..................................................................187
Table 77: Schematic morphological structure of future tense constructions..............195
Table 78: Morphological conditions of the various allomorphs of the future tense prefix
..........................................................................................................................................196
Table 79: Tonal patterns for sequential and non-future tense in verbal constructions 
with simplex monosyllabic verb stems..............................................................................200
xxiii
Table  Page
Table 80: The various forms of the pluractional suffix...............................................214
Table 81: Imperative singular pluractional forms.......................................................218
Table 82: Allomorphs of directional and associated-motion directional suffixes........220
Table 83: Applicative constructions...........................................................................236
Table 84: Subject indexation for imperative constructions.........................................244
xxiv
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
Figure 1: Southern Nilotic family tree (without sub-categorization of Kalenjin)...........5
Figure 2: Regional map of the four Asimjeeg Datooga communities, approx. 
1:17000000 scale (Google 2017)........................................................................................12
Figure 3: Location of the four Asimjeeg Datooga communities, approx. 1:2200000 
scale (Google 2017)............................................................................................................13
Figure 4: Map of some of the villages of Mang'ola (Google 2017), approx. 1:115000 
scale....................................................................................................................................15
Figure 5: Satellite image of Laghangareri, showing dense residential patterns and 
modern household structures (Google 2017)......................................................................17
Figure 6: Map of Lake Eyasi communities (Tomikawa 1970).....................................19
Figure 7: Satellite image of a residential area immediately north of central Mital, 
showing dispersed residential patterns (Google 2017)........................................................21
Figure 8: Satellite image of an area in Dugwamuhosht, showing a dispersed residential 
pattern and no modern household structures (Google 2017)...............................................23
Figure 9: A satellite image of the center of Manawa village, north of Issenye, where 
the largest number of Asimjeeg Datooga live in the area (Google 2017)............................25
 Figure 10: Spectrogram of the word qàqúd 'She/he/it/they breathe(d),' showing stop 
realizations of /q/ in two positions......................................................................................44
 Figure 11: Spectrogram of the word gɛɛ ɛqútʃì 'We breathe(d),' showing a fricative 
realization of /q/.................................................................................................................45
xxv
Figure           Page
Figure 12: Formant plots of two pairs of long and short vowels..................................56
 Figure 13: Waveform and pitch tracking of a declarative clause (gèːbárádʒ ŋàɲ 'They 
were farming,' IGS0229_2016-12-13_#4_073)..................................................................73
 Figure 14: Waveform and pitch tracking of an interrogative clause (gèːbárádʒ ŋáɲ 
'They were farming?' IGS0229_2016-12-13_#4_073).......................................................74
Figure 15: Position class chart of noun phrase syntax..................................................98
Figure 16: Schematic morphological structure of affirmative perfect constructions...205
Figure 17: Schematic syntactic structure of negative perfect constructions................206
Figure 18: Schematic morphological structure of the persistive aspect construction..208
Figure 19: Schematic morphological structure of priority aspect constructions.........211
xxvi
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
1 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Orientation and significance of the dissertation
This dissertation is a grammatical description of aspects of the Asimjeeg Datooga 
language of East Africa, and it is based on archived audio-visual recordings collected and
curated by the author. It is designed to be useful for readers of various backgrounds, not 
the least of which is linguists, but also anthropologists, folklorists, and historians. The 
description contained within the dissertation is rooted in a functional-typological 
theoretical framework that provides a comparative context for the data and enables 
readers to quickly and easily understand the specific grammatical patterns of the language
via references to more general typological, areal, and genetic linguistic patterns.
Asimjeeg Datooga is spoken by approximately three thousand people in Northern 
Tanzania, and it is grouped together with other language varieties in the Datooga family or 
dialect cluster. This dissertation constitutes the first detailed description of any single 
Datooga variety other than Gisamjanga Datooga. The documentation materials upon which 
the dissertation is based constitute the first open-access audio-visual data set for any variety 
of Datooga, the only documentation of all extant communities for any variety of Datooga, 
1
and the first data set that was at least partially collected by members of the speech 
community. 
This dissertation represents a shift in the representation and analysis of variation across
and within Datooga speech communities. While much has been written about Datooga 
varieties in the past few decades, a large percentage of the published data are for only one 
or two varieties: Gisamjanga Datooga and Barabaiga Datooga. Across all of the Datooga 
literature published prior to this dissertation, there were fewer than thirty examples of data 
specifically from Asimjeeg Datooga, appearing in only two publications from the same 
author (Rottland 1982, 1983).
One of the most intriguing aspects of the grammatical system of Asimjeeg Datooga, 
and Datooga varieties more generally, is the verbal morphology. Verbs in Asimjeeg 
Datooga are structurally and semantically complex. The elements that serve as the building 
blocks of the verbs include not only individual segmental and tonal morphemes but also 
schematic and word-level structures. The dependent stem structure, a formal component 
common to many verbal constructions in Asimjeeg Datooga as well as other varieties of 
Datooga, is described in detail for the first time in this dissertation. Verbs in Asimjeeg 
Datooga also encode a wide spectrum of functional domains, including tense, aspect, 
negation, pluractionality, polarity, applicatives, conditionality, directionality, associated 
motion, subject and object indexation, and non-polar question formation.
2
The analysis presented in the dissertation is built upon the foundation of an open-
access audio-visual dataset that is hosted at the Endangered Languages Archive. The 
archive includes approximately 140 hours of audio-visual material and also time-aligned 
annotations and metadata. These documentation materials are the first open-access dataset 
for any variety of Datooga, the only documentation of all extant communities for any 
variety of Datooga, the only dataset that is based on the speech of over 50 speakers for any 
variety of Datooga, and the only dataset that was at least partially collected by members of 
a Datooga speech community. Each natural speech example in the dissertation is labeled 
with a unique identifier that can be used to locate the cited recording segment on ELAR. 
The remaining sections of this chapter are organized as follows: Section 1.2 provides 
background information about the Asimjeeg Datooga language, Section 1.3                          
describes previous linguistics research on Datooga varieties, Section 1.4  reviews the 
anthropological literature on Datooga groups, Section 1.5 details oral accounts of Datooga 
history, Section 1.6 describes extant communities of the Asimjeeg Datooga, Section 1.7 
describes the endangerment status of Asimjeeg Datooga in each extant community, Section
1.8 provides a theoretical orientation for the dissertation, Section 1.9  provides a typological
overview of Asimjeeg Datooga, Section 1.10 describes the data included within the 
dissertation, and Section 1.11 provides a brief overview of the structure of the dissertation.
3
1.2 Language background
Asimjeeg (Glottocode: tsim1256) is a variety of Datooga (Glottocode: dato1239, ISO: 
[tcc]), which itself is considered to be a dialect cluster or group of closely related languages 
(Rottland 1983: 214; Creider & Rottland 1996; Rottland & Creider 1997; Kießling 2007a: 
138; Bruckhaus 2015: 73; Mitchell 2015a: 7). Datooga is itself situated within in the 
Southern Nilotic family and Rottland (1982) groups it together with the moribund language
†Omotik in a primary branch of Southern Nilotic called Omotik-Datooga, parallel to the 
Kalenjin languages of Kenya that form the other primary branch of the family. A simplified
family tree of Southern Nilotic is presented in Figure 1.
4
Southern
Nilotic
Kalenjin Omotik-
Datooga
Kipsigis
Keiyo
Nandi Datooga †Omotik
Terik
Tugen Barabaiga
Kupsabiny Bajuta
Sabaot Bianjida
Markweeta Gisamjanga
Pökoot Rootigenga
Akie Asimjeeg
Okiek Buradiga
(etc.)
Figure 1: Southern Nilotic family tree (without sub-categorization of Kalenjin)
The number of Asimjeeg Datooga speakers is estimated to be no more than 3,000. As 
of early 2017, there are four communities of Asimjeeg Datooga speakers, three of which 
are in the Eyasi Basin, and one of which is far north in the Mara region. These four 
communities have developed through historical migrations, described in detail in Tomikawa
(1979).
5
1.3 Previous linguistics research
The Nilotic languages have been recognized by linguists as constituting a language 
group of some kind since as early as the late 19th century (Lepsius 1880: XIV; Hartmann 
1876)). By the mid 20th century, the Nilotic language family was established and its 
internal structure detailed, with Köhler (1948) initially proposing that the family consisted 
of two primary branches, combining the original Nilotic family with languages that had 
then been regarded as Nilo-Hamitic (Westermann 1940: 398; Bryan & Tucker 1948; 
Greenberg 1950). Later Köhler (1950) proposed that the formerly Nilo-Hamitic languages 
could be further divided into two subgroups, resulting in three primary branches of the 
Nilotic family: Eastern Nilotic, Western Nilotic, and Southern Nilotic . Although these 
three branches are generally assumed to be coordinate top-level branches of the family, 
(Dimmendaal 2008: 41) offers some evidence that Southern Nilotic and Eastern Nilotic 
may constitute a subgroup, parallel with Western Nilotic as one of two primary branches of 
the Nilotic family. öüä
Individual languages of the Southern Nilotic family were first reported in the literature 
in the late 19th century (Thomson 1885; Johnston 1886). The first mention of the Datooga 
is Last's (1885) Polyglotta Africana Orientalis, and next was Baumann (1894). 
Resemblances between the languages were mentioned in von Höhnel (1890) and (Hobley 
1897). Primary debates within the literature on groupings within SN relate to the internal 
structure of Kalenjin and the position of Omotik. Ehret (1971) posits two primary branches
6
of Southern Nilotic, Dadog (Datooga) and Kalenjin, with Omotik presumably included 
within the Kalenjin branch. Heine (1971) from the same year posits two branches, Dadog 
(Datooga) and Proto-Kalenjin-Omotik, elevating Omotik to a sub-sub-branch parallel to the
Kalenjin languages. 
The seminal work on Datooga itself is Rottland (1982), an extensive book including 
grammatical descriptions of languages from both branches of the Southern Nilotic family, 
reconstructions of some aspects of Proto-Kalenjin, Proto-Omotik-Datooga, and Proto-
Southern Nilotic, as well as example data sets. A number of articles and book chapters have
since been published on a range of topics, including: consonantal phonology (Hieda 2000a),
noun classification and number (Rottland and Creider 1997; Kießling 2000a), Advanced 
Tongue Root (ATR) harmony (Creider & Rottland 1996), pluractionality (Kießling 1998), 
verb classes (Kießling 2000b), locational nouns (Bruckhaus 2015), avoidance speech 
(Mitchell 2015a; Mitchell 2015b), allusive reference (Mitchell 2018), the pragmatics of 
kinship terminology (Mitchell 2017), and associated (loco)motion (Kießling & Bruckhaus 
2017).
Rottland (Rottland 1983: 214) states that, "[b]ased somewhat loosely on the criterion 
of mutual intelligibility, and without attaching much importance to the distinction, I shall 
refer here to the...[Datooga] units as dialects." It is worth noting that Rottland's choice to 
label the Datooga varieties as "dialects" may have had a lasting effect on the way that they 
are researched and discussed. Most publications on Datooga since Rottland (1982) rely 
7
primarily on data from the closely related Barabaiga and Gisamjanga varieties, whose 
speakers together form the largest and most accessible community of the Datooga. A 
common practice in Datooga literature is to specify the variety under discussion in a 
footnote or endnote, but to refer to it elsewhere simply as "Datooga". As this dissertation 
should make clear, however, there are significant linguistic differences between the Datooga
varieties. In order to avoid promoting the assumption of linguistic homogeneity across the 
Datooga varieties, this dissertation will consistently use the label "Asimjeeg Datooga," and 
will not make any claims regarding another Datooga variety aside from what has already 
been reported in the literature.  
A dialect survey conducted by the Summer Institute of Linguistics in 1997 (Schubert 
et al. 1997), which includes mutual intellegibility tests and group questionnaires, 
additionally indicates that there are significant perceived and actual differences between 
some of the Datooga varieties. This survey data has not been widely disseminated or 
discussed, and no work since Rottland (1982) has attempted to examine the genetic 
relationships between the Datooga varieties. Many of the Datooga varieties also continue 
to remain more or less undescribed, including Rootigenga, Buradiga, Bianjida, and 
Bajuta. The geographical distribution of Datooga groups at the time of writing differs in 
many significant ways from that of the late 1970s, stretching from north of the Serengeti 
to the south near Mbeya and as far east as Bagamoyo on the coast. Many Datooga groups 
are now isolated from one another and in contact with other language groups that they 
were not exposed to previously. For these reasons, the question of linguistic variation 
8
across Datooga varieties and communities remains largely unanswered, and this 
dissertation aims to take the first step in rectifying the situation. The choice to use the 
label "Asimjeeg Datooga" in this dissertation is also reflective of an intention to both 
acknowledge the similarities across the Datooga varieties and also highlight their 
differences. 
1.4 Anthropological research
Anthropological research focusing on the Datooga largely began in the middle of the 
20th century. Berger (1938) provides a brief ethnographic sketch of the Datooga based on 
his experiences as part of a German expedition in 1934-36, with a focus on physical 
attributes, language, and relationships with other neighboring ethnic groups. Wilson (1952, 
1953) discusses the origins of the Datooga and their relationship to the Nandi of Kenya, the
historical migration of the Datooga from the north, and their contemporary geographic 
distribution, ethnic sub-groupings, lineage and social organization. Klima (1964; 1970) 
describes social relationships between men and women, as well as the cattle complex, 
material culture, and social order among the Barabaiga Datooga. Tomikawa (1966, 1970, 
1972, 1979)provides contemporary demographic information as well as detailed oral 
migration histories. Much recent anthropological work has focused on health, fertility, and 
the social marginalization of Datooga communities (Blystad 2000, 2004, 2005; Young 
2008).
9
1.5 Oral histories of the Datooga and Asimjeeg
According to oral history collected by the author in all four communities from 2015-
2018, the Asimjeeg Datooga originally lived in a single community near a hill called 
Someega, located in the present-day Grumeti Game Reserve, prior to the arrival of 
European colonialists. I found no oral histories among the Asimjeeg Dattoga stating that 
they originally came from a different ethnic group, contrary to reports by Rottland (1982: 
28) and Tomikawa (1970: 17), most likely based on Wilson (Wilson 1952: 41). There are 
also no oral histories of the Asimjeeg Datooga sharing their lineage with any other Datooga 
group, although some claim that prior to arriving in Someega they were living together with
the Nandi. According to Tomikawa (1970: 2), there are place names of Datooga origin in 
southwestern Kenya near Mt. Elgon, suggesting that the Datooga lived in Kenya prior to 
migrating south. Tomikawa estimates that the Datooga first entered Tanzania near the turn 
of the 18th century (ibid. pp. 2-3), and estimates the development of their sub-clans as 
occurring in the mid 18th-century (ibid. p. 9).
The Asimjeeg Datooga have historically been a marginalized group among the Datooga
and have at different times been subservient to other Datooga groups, most notably the 
Bajuta. The name Asimjeeg comes from the root for 'slave' (àsìmdʒánd 'Asimjeeg 
person/slave,' àsìmdʒéːg 'Asimjeeg people/slaves'). Members of other Datooga groups have 
historically avoided intermarriage with the Asimjeeg Datooga. Clan names (e.g. Barabaiga, 
10
Bajuta) are typically used by the Asimjeeg Datooga to refer to other Datooga groups, but 
also use the term dàròràdʒéːg is used to refer to non-Asimjeeg Datooga in general. 
According to Tomikawa (1970), this term refers to a specific clan that resided near the town
of Karatu. 
According to oral traditions, there was reportedly a dispute between the leader of the 
Asimjeeg, named Ewanda, and the leader of the Bajuta at the time, named Saygilo 
("Saigiro" in Tomikawa's publications), when they were living together in Law before the 
arrival of colonialists. Saygilo is said to have used magic to kill Ewanda and convince many 
of the Asimjeeg to relocate with him to Dongobesh. Those that went with him continued to 
follow the Bajuta to various locations east of Lake Eyasi, but eventually some of the 
Asimjeeg left the Bajuta and settled in Laghangareri (Mang'ola), where the Mang'ola river 
offered a consistent water supply for irrigation purposes. More Asimjeeg moved to 
Mang'ola and then by the mid 20th century the first Asimjeeg began arriving in Mital and 
later in the seventies Dugwamuhosht (Schubert et al. 1997). It is also said that some of the 
Asimjeeg living in Law today are direct descendants of the Asimjeeg that remained there 
and did not relocate with Saygilo, while others have since re-migrated north to Law.
11
1.6 Present-day Asimjeeg Datooga communities
The location of the four Asimjeeg Datooga communities is shown in Figure 2 and
Figure 3. The location of each of the four communities is based on GPS data obtained in 
situ, which is available online via Google Maps (Google 2017).
Figure 2: Regional map of the four Asimjeeg Datooga 
communities, approx. 1:17000000 scale (Google 2017)
12
Figure 3: Location of the four Asimjeeg Datooga communities, 
approx. 1:2200000 scale (Google 2017)
1.6.1 Mang'ola 
Mang'ola is a collection of villages located near the southeastern border of Lake Eyasi, 
south of Mt. Oldeani, in the Arusha region and Karatu district. Most of the villages in 
Mang'ola are located on the surrounding edges of a central valley that is used primarily for 
13
agriculture. Mang'ola is well known regionally for the production of red onions and the use 
of irrigation canals. Increasing agricultural activity in the area since the 1990s is reported by
locals to have led to a dramatic increase in the population and reduction in wildlife and 
natural water sources. 
Temporary agricultural workers travel to Mang'ola from neighboring areas, especially 
from the city of Karatu and nearby areas of the Arusha region to the east, as well as from 
Mital and the Manyara, Singida, and Simiyu regions to the south and west. Wholesale 
buyers from Arusha, Dar es Salaam, Kenya, and Uganda are also known to visit the area.
Barazani village acts as the central hub of Mang'ola, but Ghorofani also receives a 
large number of foreign visitors because of the close proximity to camps of non-nilotic 
Hadza (isolate) speakers and the northern tourist circuit in Lake Manyara, Ngorongoro 
Conservation Area, and Serengeti National Park. 
The main road from Karatu turns south at Ghorofani and then west again, circling 
around the valley through a few villages, including Dumbechand, and then continues all the 
way to Mital at the other end of Lake Eyasi (see Figure 4). Plans to pave this road in the 
next decade have been announced as part of an international project linking inland 
countries such as Rwanda, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic of Congo to ports on the 
coast. If completed, this project could drastically increase the amount of agricultural 
14
activity and traffic in the area, and accelerate the loss of minority languages, including 
Asimjeeg Datooga.
Figure 4: Map of some of the villages of Mang'ola (Google 2017), approx. 1:115000 
scale 
Services in the area vary. Potable tap water is available in Ghorofani, Barazani, 
Malekchand, and Laghangareri. As of 2017, electricity has reached Ghorofani, Barazani, 
15
and Malekchand, but not other villages. 3G mobile networks are available in most of the 
northern villages, including Laghangareri, but the adoption of smart phone technology is 
still fairly limited. Each village has at least one primary school, and secondary schools are 
located near Barazani and Ghorofani. 
Most of the Asimjeeg Datooga living in Mang'ola reside in Laghangareri, Malekchand,
and Dumbechand villages. These three villages form the western border of Mang'ola, after 
which there are remote areas sparsely populated by other Datooga speakers and the 
Hadzabe. The total number of Asimjeeg Datooga in these three villages is estimated to be 
between 400 and 600, most of which occupy the western edge of the Laghangareri hills and
Dumbechand. 
Other ethnic groups in the area include non-Asimjeeg Datooga, Iraqw, Hadzabe, and 
some Bantu groups from the west, including Sukuma, Nyiramba, and Isanzu. Swahili is 
widely spoken throughout the area, and mono-lingual Asimjeeg Datooga speakers are rare. 
Many Asimjeeg in this area can also speak some Iraqw due to intermarriage and general 
language contact. 
Mang'ola is the most urban and cosmopolitan of the four Asimjeeg Datooga 
communities, and residential patterns situate homes closely together, separated from 
agricultural work areas (see Figure 5). According to the 2012 nation census, the population 
16
for Mang'ola ward and neighboring Endamaghay ward was 22,354 (Tanzania National 
Bureau of Statistics 2012), with an average population density of 110.9 residents per km2 . 
Figure 5: Satellite image of Laghangareri, showing dense residential patterns and modern
household structures (Google 2017)
Tomikawa (1970: 36) includes a map of Mang'ola and neighboring areas (reproduced 
as Figure 6). Many of these communities still exist as of 2017, but only those centered 
17
around Gorofani (written "Godofani" in Tomikawa 1970) are actually considered to be part 
of Mang'ola. Tomikawa additionally comments that Laghangareri (written "Laghangga 
Ishimijega" in Tomikawa 1970) is known to be the original settlement area of the Asimjeeg
in Mang'ola. 
18
Figure 6: Map of Lake Eyasi communities (Tomikawa 1970)
1.6.2 Mital (Matala)
Mital ("Matala" in Swahili) is located near the southwestern tip of Lake Eyasi, on the 
other side of a large and sparsely inhabited area from Mang'ola. Central Mital is a dense 
19
residential area, but the surrounding areas are sparsely populated. According to the 2012 
national census, the population of the entire Baray ward was 23,554 (Tanzania National 
Bureau of Statistics 2012), with a population density of 20.53 residents per km2.
Despite its size, there are very few services available in the area. There is no tap water, 
little to no cell phone reception (no mobile data services), and no electricity. Many residents
living outside of the center of Mital maintain semi-traditional lifestyles and might not visit 
the village center frequently. See Figure 7 for a satellite image of an area outside of the 
center of Mital, which shows a dispersed residential pattern typical of the area, with some 
agricultural fields located in close proximity to residences and some household structures 
with corrugated metal roofing. 
20
Figure 7: Satellite image of a residential area immediately north of central Mital, 
showing dispersed residential patterns (Google 2017)
Other ethnic groups in Mital include non-Asimjeeg Datooga, Sukuma, Isanzu, and 
Nyiramba. Some of the Sukuma men and women in the area adopt Datooga-style clothing, 
including wearing a black sheet of fabric on the upper torso and metal bangles on the wrists
and ankles, indicating at least some level of local prestige associated with the Datooga. 
Many Asimjeeg Datooga in the area wear completely black shawls, a practice which is not 
as common in Mang'ola. 
21
The number of Asimjeeg Datooga speakers in Mital is estimated to be no more than 
600. Data was collected for this dissertation in Mital over five visits of a few days each in 
2016, 2017, and 2018. 
1.6.3 Dugwamuhosht
Dugwamuhosht is the most remote Asimjeeg Datooga community and is located in the 
Eshkesh district of Mbulu Region, separated from Lake Eyasi by a range of hills. 
Dugwamuhosht consists of some three dozen or so traditional homesteads and small farm 
plots. The only other ethnic groups in the area are non-Asimjeeg Datooga and a small 
number of Hadzabe. The number of Asimjeeg Datooga speakers in Dugwamuhosht is 
estimated to be no more than 200. According to the 2012 national census, the population of
the entire Eshkesh district was 5859 (Tanzania National Bureau of Statistics 2012), with a 
population density of 12.82 residents per km2.
Services are minimal in Dugwamuhosht. There is no electricity, no tap water, and 
minimal cellular reception. There are no primary schools in Dugwamuhosht, but there is 
one located nearby in the village of Yaeda Chini. In late 2016, the first corrugated metal 
roof was installed at a home in Dugwamuhosht. See Figure 8 for a satellite image of an area
of Dugwamuhosht, showing a dispersed residential pattern and no household structures with
metal roofing.   
22
Figure 8: Satellite image of an area in Dugwamuhosht, showing a dispersed 
residential pattern and no modern household structures (Google 2017)
1.6.4 Law
Law is the generic name used to refer to all of the Asimjeeg Datooga communities in 
the Mara region, most of which are in Issenye ward of Serengeti district (as of mid 2017). 
23
Tomikawa refers to Law as "Raho" (1970: 16). Law is of great cultural significance to the 
Asimjeeg Datooga because it is their claimed place of origin, although use of the language 
has declined significantly in the area. The largest community of Asimjeeg Datooga speakers
in Law is the village named Manawa, 10.68 kilometers (6.64 miles) northeast of Issenye 
village. Manawa has a small developed village center, surrounded by areas of sparsely 
distributed residences and agricultural fields (see Figure 9 for satellite imagery). Other areas
where a handful of Asimjeeg Datooga reside include Iharara and Singis, to the south and 
southeast of Issenye village, respectively. Issenye village itself is much more densely 
populated than all of these areas and offers a number of services, including electricity, tap 
water, 2G mobile data connections, and primary and secondary schools. According to the 
2012 national census, the population of Issenye ward was 10,161 (Tanzania National 
Bureau of Statistics 2012), with a population density of 27.26 km2.
Although there is some contact between Law and the three southern communities, it is 
safe to say that the speech patterns used in Law are considered to be distinct from those of 
the other communities. The Asimjeeg Datooga of Law are also culturally distinct in other 
ways: men do not wear the plaid fabric so commonly associated with pastoralists in other 
regions, and some dance and song traditions indicate significant influence from neighboring 
Bantu groups, including the Issenye and Kuria. According to Tomikawa (1970: 9), Datooga 
in the past would travel by foot from southern communities to Law, but this sort of travel is 
24
no longer possible due to the creation of the national parks and recent anti-poaching 
initiatives that dissuade foot traffic within park boundaries.
Figure 9: A satellite image of the center of Manawa village, north of Issenye, where the
largest number of Asimjeeg Datooga live in the area (Google 2017)
Although Law is mentioned extensively by Tomikawa (1966, 1970, 1979) as an area of
significant importance to the Datooga, there is little known about the linguistic status of 
Datooga varieties in the area. Access to the area is additionally made difficult by the 
significant fees required of all foreign passengers traveling through the bordering parks. 
25
There appear to be more Rootigenga Datooga speakers in this region than Asimjeeg 
Datooga, but it remains to be explored how much interaction there has been between these 
two groups. 
The number of Asimjeeg Datooga speakers in Law is estimated to be no more than 
200, and data for this dissertation was collected in Law during two four-day visits in 2017 
and 2018. 
1.6.5 Social connections between the four communities
Most Asimjeeg Datooga speakers have social connections to residents in other 
communities, especially among the three southern communities of the Eyasi Basin. It is 
common for families to be divided among the three communities, although it might not be 
common to visit family in other communities frequently. 
Travel between Laghangareri and Mital is possible by foot (1.5-2 day trip), bicycle, 
motorcycle, and occasionally car. There is an unpaved road between Mang'ola and Mital, 
but it is not very well maintained and during the wet season there is no regular traffic 
between the two villages. It is common for residents of Mital to travel to Mang'ola for work
or for the regional market that is held twice a month. Residents of Mital that require 
services only available in an urban town are most likely to go to Haydom rather than Karatu
via Mang'ola, especially if they are seeking health services.
26
Travel from Mang'ola to Dugwamuhosht is difficult, as there are no good direct routes 
for cars, motorcycles, or even bicycles. It is possible to go by foot within one day, although 
the trip is very long. The only other route from Mang'ola to Dugwamuhosht is to 
circumnavigate the remote areas by taking daladala buses via Karatu, Mbulu, and Haydom,
which is quite expensive for the average Tanzanian living in a rural area. 
Travel to Dugwamuhosht from Mital is possible by foot or motorcycle, and the trip is 
significantly shorter than coming from Mang'ola. In general, however, there appears to be 
more movement between Mang'ola and Mital for economic reasons. 
Connections between the southern Eyasi Basin communities and Law in the north are 
limited. Travel to and from Law is difficult not only due to the long distance but also 
because all non-Maasai travelers must pay additional fees to pass through the Ngorongoro 
Conservation Area and Serengeti National Park. The only other route is to circumnavigate 
the parks - a long and equally expensive three-day trip. Occasionally residents will move to 
or from Law and the Eyasi Basin communities, but it is not a frequent occurrence. On rare 
occasions, respected leaders of the Law community may be invited to visit the Eyasi Basin 
communities, e.g. for the funeral of a respected leader.
Most Asimjeeg Datooga speakers maintain contact with their friends and family 
through the use of mobile phone technology. This is especially useful for the residents of 
Mang'ola and Mital, where socials ties are strong and reception is available. It is common 
27
for Asimjeeg Datooga to have knowledge of residents in one of the other communities even
if they have never visited that community. 
1.7 Language endangerment and multilingualism
The endangerment status of Asimjeeg Datooga varies from community to community. 
Speakers are often fluent in Swahili and other local indigenous languages.
In Law, Asimjeeg Datooga is most clearly endangered, due to Swahili and Bantu 
influence. Traditional cultural events are still practiced, but there is significant exposure to 
neighboring Bantu ethnic groups. On the EGIDS scale (Lewis & Simons 2010), Asimjeeg 
Datooga in Law is perhaps at Level 7. This level is described as "Shifting", i.e. when "...the 
child-bearing generation can use the language among themselves, but it is not being 
transmitted to children" (Simons & Fennig 2017). Most speakers are bilingual in Asimjeeg 
Datooga and Swahili, but fluency in other local languages has not been documented, and a 
thorough analysis of language use by Datooga in the area has yet to be conducted.
In Mang'ola, Asimjeeg Datooga is threatened by the increasing use of Swahili both due
to the language policies of local schools and also through contact with Iraqw and other 
ethnic groups. In the western regions of Laghangareri and Dumbechand villages it is 
perhaps less endangered than in the central areas of Mang'ola, because these are 
predominately inhabited by Asimjeeg Datooga speakers. Swahili words are used regularly 
in daily conversation among speakers and most are bi-lingual in Asimjeeg Datooga and 
Swahili, and occasionally Iraqw. There is also some influence from non-Asimjeeg Datooga 
28
varieties. Traditional dances and other Asimjeeg Datooga cultural events are increasingly 
rare. On the EGIDS scale, Asimjeeg Datooga in Mang'ola probably ranges from 6b, 
"Threatened," to 7, "Shifting". 
In Mital, Asimjeeg Datooga appears to be less threatened than in Mang'ola due to the 
continuation of traditional lifestyles, minimal contact with Iraqw, and limited educational 
facilities. Contact with non-Asimjeeg Datooga is also common in this area. On the EGIDS 
scale, Asimjeeg Datooga in Mital probably ranges from 6a, "Vigorous," to 6b, 
"Threatened". Most speakers are bilingual in Asimjeeg Datooga and Swahili, but fluency in 
other local languages has not been documented.
In Dugwamuhosht, Asimjeeg Datooga is the least threatened but it is also the most 
susceptible to influence from non-Asimjeeg Datooga varieties, because the number of non-
Datooga in the area is very low and residents are perhaps less mobile than those of other 
more urbanized communities. It is also one of the smallest Asimjeeg Datooga communities,
which may make it more susceptible to local influence. On the EGIDS scale, use of 
Asimjeeg Datooga in Dugwamuhosht best matches level 6a, "Vigorous," although it is 
worth noting that even in this remote area Swahili borrowings are present, if not as 
common in other communities.
There are some varieties of Datooga that have been described in the literature as 
having gone extinct, including: Daragwajeega, Ghumbiega, and Mangatiga (Tomikawa 
1970). Bianjida Datooga, spoken in and around Itigi and north of Mbeya, is currently 
29
spoken only by elders in urbanized areas but is reported to be spoken by youth in rural 
communities. In many cases it is difficult to determine whether a given clan or caste name 
may be associated with a distinct speech variety, so the inventory of Datooga varieties 
spoken today remains unknown. 
1.8 Theoretical background 
The analysis included in this dissertation is rooted in a functional-typological 
theoretical orientation which assumes that functional motivations are significant in the 
determination of linguistic patterns, and that functional categorizations of linguistic patterns
reveal insightful commonalities and differences between languages. The primary theoretical 
framework utilized for morphosyntactic analysis in this dissertation is Radical Construction 
Grammar (Croft 2001), which assumes that linguistic symbols can be both schematic and 
abstract. The analysis of particular grammatical constructions is informed by standards of 
functional linguistic typology (Bickel & Song 2010; Song 2012).
This dissertation has been designed to make the contained analysis intuitive and 
accessible for readers from a variety of different theoretical backgrounds, but it also 
provides references to theoretical and typological linguistic literature wherever relevant to 
aid reader comprehension. Additionally, the categorization of constructions is designed to 
reflect commonality in form, function, and paradigmaticity. 
30
1.9 Typological overview of Asimjeeg Datooga
A number of typological properties of Asimjeeg Datooga are shared with other 
described Datooga varieties, including: a residual ATR harmony system, singleton voiced 
stop phonemes and geminate voiceless stop phonemes, contrastive vowel length and 
restricted contrastive consonant length, two tonemes (H)igh and (L), tonal case and other 
grammatical tone constructions, a mixture of agglutinating and fusional morphology, 
suffixal nominal morphology and both prefixal and suffixal verbal morphology, a complex 
system of nominal number marking, and extensive verbal morphology, including encoding 
for tense, aspect, negation, pluractionality, polarity, applicatives, conditionality, 
directionality, associated motion, subject and object indexation, and non-polar question 
formation. Asimjeeg Datooga can be said to generally have Head-Dependent constituent 
order whereby prepositions precede nouns and genitive or possessive modifiers follow 
nouns, but the position of core arguments in the clause is quite flexible. 
Asimjeeg Datooga is also distinct from other described Datooga varieties in a 
number of ways, including: the lack of word-final shadow vowels, the lack of the [+ATR]
vowel /ɛ/ or /æ/, affricates /tʃ/ and /dʒ/ rather than palatal stops /c/ and /ɟ/, widespread 
vowel epenthesis, a clear distinction between short /i/ and long /iː/ in terms of formant 
frequencies, the lack of an indefinite nominal construction, a residual anaphoric reference
nominal construction, frequent use of SV/AVO word order, distinct nominative and 
31
citation tone melodies, and different distributions for the occurrence of [-ATR] vowels in 
nominals and the final suffix -Ci at the end of verbs.
1.10 Data
The analysis included in this dissertation is based on data that was collected over five 
field trips to Tanzania from 2014-2018, funded by the Endangered Languages 
Documentation Programme (ELDP, project IGS0229), the Firebird Foundation for 
Anthropological Research, and the Global Studies Institute of the University of Oregon. 
Each trip consisted of the following time periods: one month from August to September 
2014, three months from March to June 2015, five months from October 2015 to March 
2016, seven months from October 2016 to April 2017, and three months from June to 
September 2018. The primary field site during all three trips was Laghangareri village in 
Mang'ola. Additional trips were made to Mital, Dugwamuhosht, and Law, for only a few 
days at a time. Additional data was collected remotely by consultants trained in audio-visual
data collection and elicitation. All of the data included in this dissertation is deposited in 
the Endangered Language Archive (ELAR) (Griscom 2017). The names of all language 
consultants have been anonymized to protect their privacy. 
The data collected during the ELDP-funded project include over 140 hours of audio 
and over 20 hours of video from over 60 different speakers living in each of the four 
contemporary Asimjeeg Datooga communities. A wide variety of speech genres were 
32
recorded, including personal life histories, food preparation, traditional medicine, 
hunting, historical accounts of conflict, migration histories, respect for elders, cultural 
changes among the youth, marriage and divorce, household structures and items, musical 
instruments, fictional tales, songs, riddles, dances, and poems.
All of the natural speech data used in this dissertation can be easily accessed from the 
Endangered Languages Archive. Each example of natural speech data has a unique 
reference ID which can be used to find the particular audio segment that has been cited. See
APPENDIX Dː ELAR BUNDLE NAMES for a list of the bundle names in the ELAR 
deposit that correspond to the natural speech data cited in the dissertation. 
Phonological transcription data follow the International Phonetic Alphabet, with tone 
and segment length marked using diacritics (i.e. H marked with the acute accent á, and L 
marked with the grave accent à, and long segments marked aː). Morphological glossing 
and interlinearization in example data follows the Leipzig Glossing Rules, with some 
additions. See APPENDIX A: GLOSSES for a list of all glosses used in the dissertation. 
Verb stems that are cited in prose always appear in the singular imperative form.
1.11 Overview of the dissertation
The structure of the remaining portions of the dissertation are as follows. Chapter 2 
provides a description of phonetic, phonological, and morphophonological aspects of 
33
Asimjeeg Datooga that are necessary for understanding verbal morphosyntax. These 
include the inventory of consonantal and vocalic phonemes, phonotactics, segmental 
morphophonology, and tone. Chapter 3 describes the basics of Asimjeeg Datooga syntactic 
structures on the clausal and phrasal levels. Chapter 4 introduces a broad structural 
overview of verbal morphology, including position class charts and the description of 
common structural patterns. Chapter 5 describes the categorization of verb stems based on 
verb class, ATR, transitivity, and lexical aspect. The subsequent chapters cover various 
functional domains of verbal morphosyntax: argument indexation in Chapter 6, polarity in 
Chapter 7, tense in Chapter 8, aspect in Chapter 9, the pluractional in Chapter 10, 
directionality and associated motion in Chapter 11, applicatives in Chapter 12, co-hortative 
and imperative constructions in Chapter 13, and dependent-clause constructions in Chapter
14.
Following the chapters there are four appendices. APPENDIX A: GLOSSES is a list 
of all of the glosses used in the dissertation, APPENDIX Bː SAMPLE TEXTS is a set of 
two parsed and glossed natural speech texts, APPENDIX Cː LEXICON is a lexicon with 
approximately 2000 entries, and APPENDIX Dː ELAR BUNDLE NAMES is a list of the 
bundle names used in the ELAR deposit for each of the natural speech files cited in the 
dissertation.
34
CHAPTER II
PHONETIC, MORPHOPHONOLOGICAL, AND INTONATIONAL
BACKGROUND
2 PHONETIC, MORPHOPHONOLOGICAL, AND INTONATIONAL BACKGROUND
BACKGROUND
In this chapter an outline of the sound system of Asimjeeg Datooga is presented. The 
inventory of vocalic and consonantal phonemes is first introduced in Section 2.1, followed 
by phonotactic patterns and morphophonology in Section 2.2, tone and tonological 
processes in Section 2.3,  intonational patterns of declarative and polar interrogative 
constructions in Section 2.4, and a comparison with other Datooga varieties in Section 2.5.
Very little has been written about Datooga phonetics and phonology. Hieda (2000) and 
Creider and Rottland (1996) are perhaps the only publications to specifically address issues 
in Datooga phonology, and there are no phonetics studies. The information contained 
within this section thus constitutes the first attempt to describe the phonetics of any 
Datooga variety. There is also evidence provided below that demonstrates how Asimjeeg 
Datooga may differ from other Datooga varieties in terms of its sound structures. 
35
2.1 Phoneme inventory
2.1.1 Consonants
This section presents the consonantal inventory of Asimjeeg Datooga, which includes 
20 contrastive phonemes. The following sections describe stops (Section 2.1.1.1), fricatives 
(Section 2.1.1.2), affricates (Section 2.1.1.3), nasals (Section 2.1.1.4), lateral and rhotic 
(Section 2.1.1.5), and approximants (Section 2.1.1.6). 
Bilabial Alveolar Palatal Post- Velar Uvular
alveolar
Stops /p/ /b/ /t/ /d/ /k/ /g/ /q/
/kʷ/ /gʷ/ /qʷ/
Fricatives /f/ /s/ /ʃ/
Affricates /tʃ/ /dʒ/
Nasals /m/ /n/ /ɲ/ /ŋ/
/ŋʷ/
Lateral /l/
Rhotic /r/ 
Approximant /j/ /w/
Table 1: Consonantal inventory of Asimjeeg Datooga
2.1.1.1 Stops
Tables 2 through 4 provide minimal and near minimal pairs demonstrating contrast 
between the stop phonemes. 
36
Voiceless bilabial stop /p/ Voiced  bilabial stop /b/
àpúŋnì 'beat grain' àbúŋnì 'return (ITV)
àpàrá 'widen' àbár 'hit (2.PL)'
làpìjàdʒánd 'piece.of.money' qàbìːdànéːd 'leader'
sáp 'deceive' sàbsáb 'caress'
Table 2: Minimal and near minimal pairs demonstrating contrast between the bilabial 
stop phonemes
Voiceless alveolar stop /t/ Voiced  alveolar stop /d/
àtíŋdà 'raise something (ITV)' àdíŋdà 'ascend (ITV)'
àtárnì 'spread something (VEN)' àdárnì 'spread (VEN)'
àséːt 'sun, God' àséːd 'today'
ʃàgát 'hunting' ʃàgád 'be careful'
Table 3: Minimal pairs demonstrating contrast between the alveolar stop phonemes
37
Voiceless velar stop /k/ Voiced velar stop /g/ Voiceless uvular stop /q/
- gàw 'go (3.SG)' qáw 'milk an animal'
- gàjd 'giraffe' qáj 'old times'
kèmbùràdʒánd 'wild cat' gèndàrdʒánd 'baobab tree' -
àkújèn 'mix s.th.' àgújèn 'join' àqúdàn 'swell'
gàlàkáléːd 'butterfly' àgál 'try, head towards' àqád 'say goodbye'
àkés 'vomit (v)' gàdàgèːd 'animal trap' nàqèːd 'oil/fat'
sàrèːnúk̫  'bodies' dúgʷ 'cattle' -
- míŋgʷ 'stars' lːábàŋqʷ  'monkey'
géːk 'shoes' béːg 'water' lɛɛ ːqlɛɛ ːq 'be loose'
Table 4: Minimal and near minimal pairs demonstrating contrast between the velar and 
uvular stop phonemes
The phonemic status of stops in Datooga has puzzled researchers for decades (Rottland
1982; Rottland 1983; Hieda 2000a; Mitchell 2015a). Voiceless stops are significantly longer
in duration than voiced stops and the former are often the result of the merger of two 
homorganic voiced stops. These facts lead Hieda (2000: 290) to claim that only one series 
of phonemic stops is necessary for Bajuta Datooga, because all voiceless stops are the result
of gemination. Mitchell (2015a: 43) includes the voiceless stops in a table of consonant 
phonemes, but marks them in parentheses, indicating in prose that they are not true 
phonemes. 
It is rare for a language to include voiced stops but not voiceless stops in its phoneme 
inventory (Maddieson 1984: 27), and other Southern Nilotic languages only have voiceless 
38
stops, so Datooga certainly stands out in this regard. The contrast between voiced and 
voiceless stops is more widely distributed in Asimjeeg Datooga than in some other reported
Datooga varieties. Hieda (2000: 286) describes the distribution of voiced and voiceless 
stops in Bajuta Datooga using the following rules:
1. Oral stops are always pronounced [+ voiced] in word-initial position.
2. Oral stops are pronounced [+ voiced] after nasals, laterals, or trills.
3. Oral stops are pronounced [-voiced] when a fricative or an oral stop precedes or 
follows them.
4. Oral stops are always pronounced [- voiced] in word-final position.
5. Oral stops are sometimes pronounced [- voiced] and sometimes [+ voiced] at 
intervocalic position.
In Asimjeeg Datooga, only rules 1, 2, and 5 fully apply. Contra rule 3, oral stops in 
Asimjeeg Datooga may be voiced or voiceless when preceded or followed by a stop as in
(1) and (2), and they may be voiced when followed by a fricative, as in (3).
(1) gád-g
arrow-SS.PL
'arrows'
(2) a-dɛɛ ːpta
2.SG-translate
'translateǃ'
(3) g-ʷà-rúg-sa
AFF-3-tell-TERM
'She/he/it tells (to someone)'
39
Occasionally sequences of stops with different place of articulation features can be 
produced either with or without voicing (without a change in meaning), as in (4). This 
appears to be restricted to certain morphemes/lexemes, as not all stop sequences follow the 
same pattern, as seen in (5).
(4) húg-d (~ húk-t)
cow.hump-SS.SG
'cow hump'
(5) g-ò-jíb-d (*gòjípt)
AFF-3-drown-ITV
'She/he/it/they make someone drown'
Contra rule 4, In Asimjeeg Datooga voiced and voiceless stops both occur in word-final
position, as in (6) and (7). 
(6) àséː-d
today-SS.SG
'today'
(7) àséːt
sun:SS.SS
'Sun/God/time'
Voiceless stops in Asimjeeg Datooga appear to be closer to meeting the criteria for full
phonemic status than those of other varieties of Datooga, although there are numerous 
cases where voiceless stops are the result of the merger of two homo-organic voiced stops. 
In (8), for example, the root bíd 'enter' appears without any overt suffixing morphology, 
because the ventive suffix is a zero morph in this context, whereas in (9), bíd 'enter' merges 
40
with the itive suffix -d, resulting in a voiceless stop /t/. Additionally, in (10) the 1.SG subject
indexation prefix da- features a voiced stop, but when the persistive prefix gàd- precedes it, 
as in (11), the result is a voiceless stop /t/.
(8) q-ɔɛ -bíd-ø
AFF-3-enter-VEN
'She/he/it/they enter (coming hither)'
(9) q-ɔɛ -bít (from q-ɔɛ -bíd-d)
AFF-3-enter:ITV
'She/he/it/they enter (going thither)'
(10) gòl-dà-dá
PRIOR-1.SG-see
'I have already seen (it)'
(11) g-átá-dá (from g-ád-dá-dá)
AFF-PERS:1.SG-see
'I still see (it)'
The voiceless uvular stop /q/ is distinct from the other voiceless stops in a number of 
ways. It does not exhibit lengthened periods of closure like the other voiceless stops, does 
not occur as the result of gemination, and does occur word-initially where other voiceless 
stops do not. /q/ also participates in a restricted morphophonological alternation with /g/ 
that is sensitive to ATR vowel harmony. The affirmative prefix g- ~ q- exhibits this 
alternation clearly (see Section 2.2.3).
 A similar alternation between  /g/ and /q/ can be observed in the patterning of singular
and plural adjectives, whereby the singular adjectives pattern as [-ATR] and occur with /q/, 
as in (12), and plural adjectives pattern as [+ATR] and occur with /g/, as in (13). 
41
(12) àː=qàdʒáːm
COP=dry
'She/he/it is dry'
(13) àː=gàdʒáːm-ì
COP=dry-PL
'They are dry'
In summary, there are aspects of the phonotactic and morphophonological distributions
of the voiceless stops in Asimjeeg Datooga that call into question their status as full 
phonemes. Despite this, there are also numerous cases in which they contrast with voiced 
stops and cannot simply be reduced to the output of some sort of processing of a voiced 
stop phoneme. In this dissertation, the voiceless stops will be treated as full phonemes, but 
with the caveat that their phonemic status is not unambiguous and their distributional 
properties differ in substantial ways from all of the other consonant phonemes. 
Phonetically, voiced and voiceless stops are distinct from each other in Asimjeeg 
Datooga in terms of voice onset time (VOT) and closure. The VOT and closure 
measurements of 10 tokens of each phoneme in word-medial position are provided in Table
5. Voiceless stops feature longer VOT and closure measurements.  
42
Stop Average Aspiration Average Closure
Phoneme Aspiration Range (ms) Closure (ms) Range (ms)
(ms)
/p/ 10 8-13 128 102-165
Voiceless /t/ 24 11-46 145 115-187
/k/ 42 29-56 135 106-180
/q/ 3 0-16 80 55-121
/b/ 0 0-0 72 52-91
Voiced /d/ 1 0-3 75 49-101
/g/ 6 0-13 56 41-78
Table 5: VOT and closure values for voiceless and voiced stops
The articulatory features of the /q/ phoneme additionally differ from other those of 
other stop phonemes. Spirantization occasionally results in the phoneme being realized as a 
voiceless uvular fricative [χ], and the variation between [χ] and [q] appears to be free and 
unconditioned (see Figure 10 and 11).  
43
Figure 10: Spectrogram of the word qàqúd 'She/he/it/they 
breathe(d),' showing stop realizations of /q/ in two positions
44
Figure 11: Spectrogram of the word gɛɛ ɛ qútʃì 'We 
breathe(d),' showing a fricative realization of /q/
2.1.1.2 Fricatives
The fricative series consists of the three voiceless phonemes /f/, /s/, and /ʃ/, which are 
distinguished only by their place of articulation. Table 6 lists a number of near-minimal 
triplets that demonstrate contrast between the fricative phonemes. 
45
Voiceless labio-dental Voiceless alveolar Voiceless palatal
fricative /f/ fricative /s/ fricative /ʃ/
fádʒ 'run' sádʒ 'shake something' ʃá 'buy'
fòdʒánd 'blood' sòstʃánd 'date tree' ʃòmànd 'hole'
róft 'rain' àróst 'smoke' lìlìʃt 'sprout'
fúf 'relax' wúswus 'cheap' múːʃ 'strain'
Table 6: Near minimal pairs demonstrating contrast between the fricative phonemes
There is evidence of fricatives acting as the source of devoicing in fricative-stop 
sequences (see e.g. 'rain,' 'smoke,' and 'sprout' in Table 6 above), and there is no context in 
which fricatives are produced with voicing. Lexical borrowings that have voiced fricatives 
in the source language (e.g. from Swahili) are produced without voicing in Asimjeeg 
Datooga.
2.1.1.3 Affricates
The affricate series consists of two phonemes, /tʃ/ and /dʒ/.  Table 7 lists a number of 
minimal pairs demonstrating contrast between these two phonemes. 
46
Voiceless post-alveolar affricate /tʃ/ Voiced post-alveolar affricate /dʒ/
àtʃágdà 'send (ITV)' àdʒágdà 'throw (PL ITV)'
àtʃáw 'threaten' àdʒáw 'be afraid (PL)'
látʃ 'divide' ládʒ 'cut'
gùrwàtʃánd 'dream' gùrwàdʒánd 'wild pig'
Table 7: Minimal pairs demonstrating contrast between the affricate phonemes
As noted above in above in Section 2.1, the corresponding phonemes in other Datooga 
varieties have been described as palatal stops. In Asimjeeg Datooga, they do indeed 
resemble stops with regard to their phonotactic distribution and the length contrast 
associated with voicing. For example, /tʃ/ does not occur word-initially and typically 
features a longer period of closure and frication than /dʒ/ in the same way that voiceless 
stops feature longer closure than voiced stops. Both of the affricate phonemes exhibit 
significantly higher levels of frication than stop phonemes, however. Ladefoged and 
Maddieson (1996) note that the distinction between stop and affricate is continuous rather 
than discrete, which is well represented by the dual nature of the /tʃ/ and /dʒ/ phonemes in 
Asimjeeg Datooga. 
2.1.1.4 Nasals
The nasal series consists of four phonemes, /m/, /n/, /ɲ/, and /ŋ/, differentiated by their
place of articulation. Nasals occur in word-initial, word-medial, and word-final positions, 
47
and may undergo place assimilation in some contexts. Table 8 lists near minimal pairs 
demonstrating contrast between the nasal phonemes.
Bilabial nasal /m/ Alveolar nasal /n/ Palatal nasal /ɲ/ Velar nasal /ŋ/
más 'agree' náb 'sew' ɲás 'find/get' ŋàɲ 'down, below'
èːmèːd 'group of ànéːdà 'which?' dèɲéːn 'be equal' bùŋéːd 'grave'
people'
àrɛɛ ːm 'fetch (PL)' sàrɛɛ ːn 'carry' rɛɛ ːɲ 'jump' -
mám 'maternal uncle' gàbán 'always' máɲ 'gossip' mánàŋ 'small'
Table 8: Near minimal pairs demonstrating contrast between nasal phonemes
2.1.1.5 Lateral and Rhotic
Despite the widespread merger of laterals and rhotics in many Bantu languages of East 
Africa (Schmied 2006), the two are clearly distinguished in Datooga varieties. The alveolar 
lateral /l/ is contrasted with the rhotic /r/, which has both trill and tap allophones in free 
variation. Table 9 lists minimal and near-minimal pairs demonstrating contrast between the 
lateral and rhotic phonemes. 
48
Lateral /l/ Rhotic /r/
làwóːd 'oath' ràwòːd 'dew'
dàsèlàdʒéːg 'large hawk' gèrèràdʒéːg 'crocodiles'
àbál 'possess' àbár 'hit (PL)'
Table 9: Minimal and near minimal pairs demonstrating contrast between the lateral 
and rhotic phonemes
2.1.1.6 Approximants
The inventory of approximants consists of a palatal approximant /j/ and labio-velar 
approximant /w/. These consonants differ from the others in that they do not undergo any 
gemination processes. Table 10 lists minimal and near-minimal pairs demonstrating 
contrast between the approximant phonemes. 
Palatal approximant /j/ Labio-velar approximant /w/
jám 'turn over' wàtát 'never'
àjíbdà 'drown' àwìdánì 'come from behind (PL)'
qáj 'old times' qáw 'milk an animal'
Table 10: Minimal and near minimal pairs demonstrating contrast between the 
approximant phonemes
49
2.1.2 Vowels
This section presents a summary of the inventory of vowel phonemes in Asimjeeg 
Datooga. All of the Asimjeeg Datooga vowel phonemes may be formally distinguished 
from one another through the specification of three properties: height (High, Mid, Low), 
backness (Front, Center, Back), and tongue root (+ATR, [-ATR]). Table 11 lists all of the 
vowel phonemes. 
Front Center Back
High /i/ /u/
Mid [+ATR] /e/ /o/
Mid [-ATR] (/ɛː/) (/ɔː/)
Low /a/
Table 11: Vocalic inventory of Asimjeeg Datooga
Within the morphophonological system there are remnants of a full 10 vowel ATR 
system (Rottland 1983: 217), but the [-ATR] high vowels and [+ATR] low vowel have been
lost. Barabaiga and Gisamjanga Datooga feature a [+ATR] low vowel /ɛ/ or /æ/ that is not 
present in Asimjeeg Datooga (Rottland 1982; Creider & Rottland 1996).
50
2.1.2.1 The high front vowel /i/
High front vowel /i/ Contrast with other vowel phonemes
hìnːí 'arrive (VEN)' hènːí 'grow up'
níb 'time, period' náb 'sew'
àlíl 'sleep (PL)' àlúl 'invite s.o. (PL)'
sís 'eight' sósk 'date trees'
bìlbílàːn 'be scarce' àpɛɛ lbɛɛ l 'loosen'
fìríɲ 'scratch s.th.' àpàrɔɛɲ 'peel s.th.'
Table 12: Minimal and near minimal pairs distinguishing the high front vowel /i/ from 
other vowel phonemes
2.1.2.2 The high back vowel /u/
High back vowel /u/ Contrast with other vowel phonemes
àlúl 'invite (PL)' àlíl 'sleep (PL)'
bùʃáŋg 'destroyed things' béʃt 'elephant'
búr 'be tired' bár 'hit'
mɛ ʃàbúk 'tongues' bàbók 'father's younger brother'
qùjéːg 'tamarind trees' qɔɛ jéːg 'fish (PL)' 
Table 13: Minimal and near minimal pairs distinguishing the high back vowel /u/ from 
other vowel phonemes
51
2.1.2.3 The mid front [+ATR] vowel /e/
Mid front [+ATR] vowel /e/ Contrast with other vowel phonemes
hènːí 'grow up' hìnːí 'arrive (VEN)'
béʃt 'elephant' bùʃáŋg 'destroyed things'
hésì 'big (PL)' hósì 'old (PL)'
béʃt 'elephant' báʃ 'dig'
wéːʃ 'white' wɛɛ ːd 'help s.o.'
àhénːì 'grow up (PL)' àhɔɛ n 'drive s.th. away (PL)'
Table 14: Minimal and near minimal pairs distinguishing the close-mid front vowel /e/ 
from other vowel phonemes
2.1.2.4 The Mid back [+ATR] vowel /o/
Mid back [+ATR] vowel /o/ Contrast with other vowel phonemes
sósk 'date trees' sís 'eight'
hósì 'old (PL)' hésì 'big (PL)'
mònánd 'well' mànánd 'waist'
bàbók 'father's younger brother' mɛ ʃàbúk 'tongues'
bòlbólːèːk 'spherical objects' àpɛɛ lbɛɛ l 'loosen'
Table 15: Minimal and near minimal pairs distinguishing the close-mid back vowel /o/ 
from other vowel phonemes
52
2.1.2.5 The mid front [-ATR] vowel /ɛ/
Mid front [-ATR] vowel /ɛ/ Contrast with other vowel phonemes
àpɛɛ lbɛɛ l 'loosen' bìlbílàːn 'be scarce'
bòlbólːèːk 'spherical objects'
wɛɛ ːd 'help s.o.' wéːʃ 'white'
lɛɛ  'drink' lá 'six'
Table 16: Minimal and near minimal pairs distinguishing the open-mid front vowel /ɛ/ 
from other vowel phonemes
2.1.2.6 The mid back [-ATR] vowel /ɔ/
Mid back [-ATR] vowel /ɔ/ Contrast with other vowel phonemes
àhɔɛ n 'drive s.th. away (PL)' àhénːì 'grow up (PL)'
qɔɛ jánd 'fish' qáj 'old times'
Table 17: Minimal and near minimal pairs distinguishing the open-mid back vowel /ɔ/ 
from other vowel phonemes
53
2.1.2.7 Low center vowel /a/
Low center vowel /a/ Contrast with other vowel phonemes
náb 'sew' níb 'time, period'
bár 'hit' búr 'be tired'
báʃ 'dig' béʃt 'elephant'
mànánd 'waist' mònánd 'well'
lá 'six' lɛɛ  'drink'
qáj 'old times' qɔɛ jánd 'fish'
Table 18: Minimal and near minimal pairs distinguishing the low center vowel /a/ from 
other vowel phonemes
2.1.2.8 Vowel Length
Vowels additionally may be distinguished in terms of length. (14) through (17) 
provide minimal pairs demonstrating length contrast for /i/ vs. /iː/ and /a/ vs. /aː/. 
Mitchell (2015a: 42) posits that the Mid [-ATR] vowels are only ever long in Gisamjanga
Datooga. 
(14) ø-báʃ
2.SG-dig
'Digǃ'
(15) ø-báːʃ
2.SG-tear
'Tear (it)ǃ'
54
(16) ø-síd
2.SG-hate
'Hate (something)ǃ'
(17) síː-d
person-SS.SG
'(a/the) person'
For the vowels that do have clear length contrasts, the vowel quality is typically 
somewhat more centralized for short vowels, and the short high front vowel /i/ in particular 
is significantly more centralized when compared to the long high front vowel /iː/, resulting 
in a distinction somewhat similar to the English words bit and beat. The short /i/ also 
resembles the quality of epenthetic vowels (see Section 2.2.2.1). Figure 12 illustrates the 
overlap between the F1 and F2 frequencies of short /a/ and long /aː/ and the separation 
between the formant frequencies of short /i/ and long /iː/. It should be noted that, even 
despite the examples listed above, vowel length is rarely the sole distinguishing feature that 
distinguishes lexical items or other constructions, so it can be said to have a relatively low 
functional load. 
55
Long vs. short vowels
2400
2200
2000
1800 /iː/
/i/
/aː/
/a/
1600
1400
1200
1000
200 300 400 500 600 700 800
F1
Figure 12: Formant plots of two pairs of long and short vowels
56
F2
2.2 Phonotactics and segmental morphophonology
2.2.1 Syllable Structure
Asimjeeg Datooga permits a wide variety of syllable structures and there is little 
evidence of sensitivity to syllable weight in the phonological system. Table 19 lists the 
common structures contained within the following phonological categories: onset, nucleus, 
and coda. These structures indicate that the majority of syllables in Asimjeeg Datooga have 
a vocalic nucleus, which may be short or long, an onset that may consist of a consonant and 
labio-velar approximant, and a coda that may consist of up to two consonants followed by a 
labio-velar approximant. Some coda consonant clusters may result in the insertion of 
epenthetic vowels, while others may not (see Section 2.2.2.1). 
Syllable Onset Syllable Nucleus Syllable Coda
(C)(G[labio-velar]) V(ː) (C)(C)(G[labiovelar])
Table 19: High frequency syllable structures, categorized by syllable onset, nucelus, and 
coda
Table 20 lists some of the less frequent structures contained within these categories. 
These structures include syllables with an onset that consists of a geminate stop or a 
consonant cluster where the second consonant is [+rhotic],  a nucleus that consists of a nasal
57
rather than a vowel, and a coda that consists of a geminate consonant. Table 21 additionally 
provides examples of each attested syllable type and notes on their distributional 
restrictions.
Syllable Onset Syllable Nucleus Syllable Coda
Cː, CC[+rhotic] N Cː
Table 20: Low frequency syllable structures, categorized by syllable onset, nucelus, and 
coda
58
Table 21: Inventory of syllable templates 
Syllable Shape Examples Notes
V àlím 'pick up,' údòm Word-initial position only
'hippopotamus' 
N mɛ bójd 'goat,' mɛ ʃàràdʒánd Word-initial position only
'sugarcane,' ŋɛ qàqàdʒéːg 
'chicken (PL)'
Vː àː 'and,' ìːnánd 'small Word-initial position only
intestines,' 
CV gùɲòːd 'mortar,' bànáŋg Unrestricted
'orphan (PL)'
(CːV) lːábàŋqʷ 'monkey,' lːùftóːd Unrestricted
'spider species'
VC àb 'for, to,' ák 'one' Unrestricted
VːC ìːt 'ear,' ùːd 'head' Unrestricted
CG[labio-velar]V mɛ bàqʷàdʒéːg 'stork (PL),' Unrestricted
gʷàdʒííl 's/he/it gives birth'
CVG qáj 'old times,' gàw 's/he/it Unrestricted
goes'
CVC nìɲ 'she/he/it,' qùt 'mouth,' Unrestricted
bár 'hit' 
CVCG[labio-velar] dúgʷ 'cow (PL)' Unrestricted
CG[labio-velar]VC àsk̫ ár 'afternoon' Unrestricted
CVCC[stop] ɲàʃt 'voice, thunder,' háŋd Unrestricted
'clothing,' héwg 'bull (PL),' 
gálg 'house (PL),' búrd 
'cooking pot,' gádg 'arrow 
(PL)'
CG[labio-velar]VCC[stop] gʷàjd 'giraffe,' mwúʃk 'skin Unrestricted
(PL),' qʷéŋg 'piece of 
firewood (PL),' dàqʷáld 
'beehive'
CVː àbíːdàn 'dwell, stay' Unrestricted
59
Table 21 Continued: Inventory of syllable templates 
Syllable Shape Examples Notes
CVːC síːd 'person' Unrestricted
CG[labio-velar]VːC bàsk̫ éːg 'ocean (PL),' ùk̫ èːd Unrestricted
'field'
CVCCG lːábàŋqʷ 'monkey,' Unrestricted
CVːCCG míːŋgʷ 'star (PL)' Unrestricted
(CVCː) rámː 'Fetch (many times)ǃ' Word-final position only, low
frequency
(CVːCː) àŋgíːrː 'Drag (many times)ǃ' Word-final position only, low
frequency
2.2.2 Morphophonological processes
2.2.2.1 Epenthesis
Epenthesis is a regular process in Asimjeeg Datooga, resulting in the insertion of 
vowels into consonant clusters and also the insertion of /h/ or /j/ between vowels at some 
morpheme boundaries. In consonant clusters where the second consonant is voiced and the 
consonants have different place of articulation features, an epenthetic vowel is inserted. See
Table 22 for examples of consonant clusters in which vowel epenthesis does and does not 
occur. 
60
Epenthesis Phonological Broad phonetic Meaning
structure form
/qàŋd/ [qàŋᶦd] 'eye'
Yes /garm/ [gàrᶦm] 'woman'
/gádg/ [gádᶦg] 'arrow (PL)'
/qàːbárdʒ/ [qàːbárᶦdʒ] 'I hit (something)'
/gìʃt/ [gɪʃɛ tː] 'leg'
No /mùnd/ [mùnd] 'skin'
/qʷéŋg/ [qʷéŋg] 'piece of firewood
(PL)'
/àbàlásk/ [àbàláskː] 'cockroach (PL)'
Table 22: Vowel epenthesis in consonant clusters
Consonant epenthesis is much more restricted and appears to exhibit free variation 
between the insertion of /h/ and /j/ at morpheme boundaries. See (18) and (19) for an 
example of consonant epenthesis, where the boundary between the verb root da 'see' and 
the perfect suffix -a results in the insertion of /h/.
(18) ø-dá
2.SG-see
'See (it)!'
(19) q-ɔɛ -dá-hà
AFF-3-see-FS/PERF
'She/he/it/they has/have seen (it)'
61
2.2.2.2 Gemination
Geminate consonants are not common in Asimjeeg Datooga, aside from the creation of
voiceless stops through gemination (see Section 2.1.1.1 above), but they do occur in a 
systematic fashion in a residual pluractional imperative construction. This construction does
not occur with high frequency and is in the process of being replaced by the pluractional 
imperative suffix -aj. See (20) through (23) for examples of gemination in the pluractional 
imperative construction. Some lexemes appear to include geminate non-stop consonants at 
morpheme boundaries, such as bàlːánd 'youth,' which consists of the nominal root bàl 
followed by the primary suffix -Can and secondary suffix -d.   
(20) ø-rám
2.SG-fetch
'Fetch (it)!'
(21) ø-rámː
2.SG-fetch:PLUR
'Fetch (it) many times!'
(22) à-ngíːr
2.SG-drag
'Drag (it)!'
(23) à-ngíːrː
2.SG-drag:PLUR
'Drag (it) many times!'
62
2.2.2.3 Palatalization
Palatalization of /n/ occurs at morpheme boundaries involving two specific suffixes: the
nominal Primary Suffix -Can (see Section 3.1.1) and the verbal final suffix -C(i) (see 
Section 4.1.3). See (24) through (26) for examples of the palatalization of /n/ in the context
of the Final Suffix -C(i).
(24) ø-sín 
2.SG-do
'Do (it)!'
(25) g-àː-síɲ
AFF-1.SG-do:FS
'I am doing/did (it)'
(26) g-èː-síɲì
AFF-1.PL-do:FS
'We are doing/did (it)'
2.2.3 Advanced Tongue Root (ATR) harmony
In Asimjeeg Datooga there are remnants of an ATR harmony system that originally 
consisted of ten vowel phonemes (four High vowels, four Mid vowels, and two Low 
vowels). The system has broken down in a number of ways, resulting not only in a reduction
in the inventory of vowel phonemes but also in the application of ATR harmony processes. 
Acoustically, there is no distinction between [+ATR] and [-ATR] High vowels or Low 
vowels. Rottland (1983: 217) reports that even in other varieties of Datooga there are 
63
lexemes that exhibit a merger between the [+ATR] and [-ATR] low vowels.  No minimal 
pairs demonstrating the phonemic contrast between [+ATR] and [-ATR] vowel phonemes 
have been reported for any variety of Datooga. Mitchell (2015a: 42) proposes that the [-
ATR] Mid vowels /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ might not exhibit a length contrast like the other vowels in 
Gisamjanga and Barabaiga Datooga, and this appears to be the case for Asimjeeg Datooga, 
as well. Despite these restrictions, the [-ATR] Mid vowels are tentatively included in the 
phoneme chart in Table 11 because of their distinct acoustic properties and native speaker 
judgments regarding their distinction from the [+ATR] Mid vowels.
ATR harmony in Datooga is perhaps best viewed as an abstraction, consisting of a 
single binary feature [+/-ATR] that is associated with specific morphological constructions 
and lexemes rather than vowel phonemes. Not all morphological constructions or lexemes 
are specified for [ATR], but those that do can be easily identified by observing the 
following patterns:
1. Nominal roots and stems are generally never specified for ATR, but appear in 
[+ATR] and [-ATR] forms depending on the morphological construction in which 
they are contained. For example, in citation form, nearly all nominal stems are in 
[+ATR] form, but with certain possessive suffixes all nominal stems appear in [-
ATR] form (Creider & Rottland 1996).
64
2. Verbal roots are always specified for ATR, with distinctions between [+ATR] and [-
ATR] visible in verbal morphology even for roots that feature only the fully merged 
High or Low vowels. Some verbal morphology overrides the ATR values associated 
with roots (Rottland 1983: 217)
3. Adjectival roots ARE specified for ATR, but always occur in [+ATR] form in the 
plural. Other members of closed lexical classes may be specified for ATR. 
See (28) to (32) for examples of  ATR alternations in nominal stems, whereby they 
are [+ATR] in unmodified citation form and also with the 1.SG possessive suffix -éɲ, but 
[-ATR] with the 2.SG possessive suffix -áŋʷ. 
(27) mòl-éː-d
finger-PS.SG-SS.SG
'finger'
(28) mòl-èː-d-éɲ
finger-PS.SG-SS.SG-POSS.1.SG
'my finger'
(29) mɔɛ l-ɛɛ ː-d-áŋʷ
finger-PS.SG-SS.SG-POSS.2.SG
'your finger'
(30) sàs-éː-d
body-PS.SG-SS.SG
'body'
(31) sàs-èː-d-éɲ
body-PS.SG-SS.SG-POSS.1.SG
'my body'
65
(32) sàs-ɛɛ ː-d-áŋʷ
body-PS.SG-SS.SG-POSS.2.SG
'your body'
One of the most salient correlates of ATR harmony in Datooga is the patterning of the 
phonemes /g/ and /k/ with [+ATR] and /q/ with [-ATR]. This is especially productive in 
verbal morphology, where the affirmative morpheme g- ~ q- alternates between /g/ and /q/ 
when combined with [+ATR] and [-ATR] verbal roots, respectively, for 1.SG, 2.PL, and 3rd
person subjects. /g/ and /q/ are also restricted root-internally to [+ATR] and [-ATR] roots. 
Another correlate of ATR harmony is the distribution of [+ATR] and [-ATR] allomorphs 
in indexation morphology, including 1.PL subject indexation (eː ~ ɛː-), 2.PL subject 
indexation (oː- ~ ɔː-), Class 2 3rd person subject indexation (o- ~ ɔ-), 2.SG object 
indexation (-eːɲ ~ -ɛːɲ), and 2.PL object indexation(-eːgʷ ~ -ɛːgʷ). 
See Table 23 for examples of verb roots that contain only High/Low vowels and are 
categorized by the type of ATR morphology that they occur with1.  
1 See section 5.2 for discussion of verb classes.
66
Meaning Verb Class and Imperative Singular Affirmative 3
ATR Form Subject Form
'sleep' 1.A, [+ATR] líl gʷàlíl
'relax' 1.B, [+ATR] fúf gàfúf
'try' 1.B, [+ATR] gál gàgál
'extinguish' 1.A, [-ATR] nús qʷànús
'look' 1.A, [-ATR] dá qʷàdá
'see' 1.B, [-ATR] ŋúl qàŋúl
'invite, announce' 2, [+ATR] àlúl gòlúl
'wear clothing' 2, [+ATR] àk̫ ál gòk̫ ál
'finish' 2, [-ATR] àhíːd qɔɛhíːt
Table 23: Verb roots that contain only High or Low vowels and pattern either as 
[+ATR] or [-ATR]
2.2.4 Lack of shadow vowels
One feature of Asimjeeg Datooga that distinguishes it from other varieties is the 
complete loss of the so-called "shadow vowels" at the end of many word forms (Rottland 
1983: 218). In Barabaiga and Gisamjanga Datooga these short vowels have been described 
as undergoing a word-final devoicing process. In Asimjeeg Datooga the vowels have been 
completely lost, although they do surface as fully voiced vowels at the end of nominal stems
in equative constructions, as shown in (33) through (36).
(33) màj-d
calf-SS.SG
'calf'
67
(34) nì màj-dá
PROX.DEM.PRO calf-SS.SG/COP
'This is a/the calf'
(35) déː-d
cow-SS.SG
'cow'
(36) nì dèː-dá
PROX.DEM.PRO cow-SS.SG/COP
'This is a/the cow'
2.3 Tone
This section briefly outlines the tonal system of Asimjeeg Datooga. Tone in Asimjeeg 
Datooga is a critical component of the grammatical system, and some constructions employ
the use of tone as the sole or primary formal coding mechanism (see Griscom, submitted). 
No thorough analysis of tone in any Datooga variety has ever been completed, although 
transcriptions of tone are a common feature in the Datooga literature and tone is recognized
to play an important role in the grammatical systems of Datooga varieties  (Rottland and 
Creider 1997; Kießling 2007b; Bruckhaus 2015; Mitchell 2015a). Here discussion will be 
limited to the inventory of tones and productive tonological processes that are relevant for 
verbal morphophonolgy.
68
2.3.1 Underlying tones
In Asimjeeg Datooga there are two underlying tones: low (L) and high (H). Some 
minimal pairs exist, such as (37) and (38). The tone-bearing unit (TBU) in Asimjeeg 
Datooga is the syllable, rather than the mora. This means that syllable shape or weight does 
not impact the tone-bearing properties of a syllable. Nasals can bear tones in word-initial 
position only, when they are fully syllabic. See (39) and (40) for examples of nasals bearing 
tone. 
(37) sàːw
3.PL.PRO
'they'
(38) ø-sáːw
2.SG-pierce
'Pierce (it)!'
(39) mɛ ʃàrà-dʒán-d 
sugarcane-PS.SG-SS.SG
'sugarcane' 
(40) ŋɛ qàq-àdʒéː-g 
chicken-PS.PL-SS.PL
'chickens'
Contour tones, such as falling (F) and rising (R), occur regularly but are not contrastive
and do not interact with tonal constructions in any way (c.f. Akinlabi & Liberman 2001: 3).
In this way surface contours represent a delayed transition between two different tones (i.e. 
surface F is the result of a transition between H and L that occurs during the second 
syllable), or an initial resting state and a tone (i.e. surface R is the result of a transition from
69
resting state to H tone). F occurs on the second syllable of all HL transitions and the 
duration of the contour is lengthened when the second syllable features a long vowel. R 
occurs only at the beginning of intonational phrases when the first syllable bears a H tone. 
Contours are not marked in the data in this paper, but may be inferred from the patterns 
stated above. 
2.3.2 Rightward H-spreading
Two tonological patterns that have been observed in Asimjeeg Datooga include 
rightward H-spreading and intonational-phrase-final downstep. H-spreading is a highly 
productive pattern that is conditioned by word boundaries and floating tone constructions. 
The three conditions that must be met for the pattern to occur are: 1) a HL sequence that is 
2) either distributed across a word boundary or is situated word-initially in conjunction with
a  floating H construction, and 3) is not word-final. When these conditions are met, the 
second tone of all HL sequences is H rather than L, as formalized in (41).
(41) H-spreading
σ σ
H L
70
 In examples (42) and (43), the H tone of qáj ‘old times’ and the non-word-final 
position of the initial L tones of gìsìlg 'sheep' and màlééd 'honey' provide the necessary 
conditions for H-spreading to occur. In (44), however, the single tone of the word màjd 
'calf' is word-final, which means that the non-word-final condition for H-spreading is not 
met, despite the fact that the conditions of a HL sequence and distribution across a word 
boundary are satisfied.
(42) a. gìsìl-g
sheep-SS.PL
'sheep (plural)'
b. qáj gísìl-g
old.times sheep-SS.PL
'In the old times, sheep...'
(43) a. màl-éː-d
honey-PS.SG-SS.SG
'(a/the) honey'
b. qáj mál-éː-d
old.times honey-PS.SG-SS.SG
'In the old times, (the) honey...'
(44) a. màj-d
calf-SG
'(a/the) calf'
b. qáj màj-d
old.times calf-SG
'In the old times, (a/the) calf…'
2.3.3 Intonational-phrase-final downdrift
In addition to H-spreading, intonational-phrase-final H tones at the end of HLH 
sequences occur as downstepped high (!H), except in interrogative constructions. In 
71
example (45) the intonational-phrase-final HLH tones that result from the combination of
H spreading with the LLH tone class nominal horgadʒeːg ‘chairs’ provide the necessary 
conditions of intonational-phrase-final downdrift to occur (i.e. H + LLH = H HL!H). One
notable feature of Gisamjanga Datooga, a declarative floating low tone at the end of the 
intonational phrase (Kießling 2007b), is absent in Asimjeeg Datooga.
(45) q-àː-bàr-dʒ ár hórg-àdʒ!éː-g
AFF-1.SG-hit-FS even chair-PS.PL-SS.PL
'I hit even the chairs'
2.4 Declarative and polar interrogative intonation
This section describes two related utterance-level constructions that are coded through 
the use of intonation. The declarative construction (Section 2.4.1) features intonational 
downdrift at the end of the intonational phrase, and the polar interrogative construction 
(Section 2.4.2) features rising (or non-falling) intonation at the end of the intonational 
phrase.
2.4.1 Declarative intonation
The declarative construction in Asimjeeg Datooga codes the assertion of the truth 
value of a proposition. The declarative construction is always specified for either affirmative
or negative polarity, and it can be distinguished from the interrogative construction by the 
presence of intonational-phrase-final downdrift (see Section 2.3.3). See Figure 13 for an 
72
illustration of the pitch tracking of a declarative construction gèːbárádʒ ŋàɲ 'They were 
farming'. 
Figure 13: Waveform and pitch tracking of a declarative clause (gèːbárádʒ ŋàɲ 
'They were farming,' IGS0229_2016-12-13_#4_073)
73
2.4.2 Polar interrogative intonation
Polar interrogatives are "used to inquire about the truth or falsity of the proposition 
they express" (König & Siemund 2007: 291). The primary coding mechanism for the polar 
interrogative construction is rising (or non-falling) intonation at the end of the intonational 
phrase. Figure 14 shows the pitch tracking of an example interrogative construction 
gèːbárádʒ ŋáɲ 'They were farming?'. Interrogative constructions that are cited in this 
dissertation are easily identifiable by the presence of a question mark "?" in the free 
translation. 
Figure 14: Waveform and pitch tracking of an interrogative clause (gèːbárádʒ ŋáɲ 
'They were farming?' IGS0229_2016-12-13_#4_073)
74
Examples  (46) and (47) show the interrogative construction with affirmative and 
negative polarity. In these examples, the truth value of a proposition is questioned, and 
affirmative and negative polarity are coded by their respective prefixes. In (46), the lexical 
verb mas 'agree' occurs with two instances of the affirmative and persistive aspect. In (47), 
the verbal copula nd occurs with the negative prefix m-.
(46) g-àd-q-à-más
AFF-PERS-AFF-3-agree
'They still agree?'
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#04_079)
(47) m-èː-nd gídábúgéér=ó
NEG-1.PL-COP Gidabugeer=DISC
'Aren't we in Gidabugeer?'
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#4_083)
Example (48) shows the interrogative construction coding the questioning of an 
obligation, with the lexical verb baloːl 'speak' in a dependent stem construction with 1.SG 
subject indexation (see Section 4.2).
(48) dà-bàlóːl
1.SG-speak
'Should I speak?'
(2017-3-10_#2_01)
75
2.5 Comparison with other varieties of Datooga
The phoneme inventory of Asimjeeg Datooga closely resembles that of other Datooga 
varieties, with two notable exceptions: Asimjeeg Datooga features post-alveolar affricates 
rather than palatal stops, and the [+ATR] low vowel is absent in the vowel inventory. The 
affricates in Asimjeeg Datooga are distinct from the stops because they feature prolonged 
periods of frication following closure (see Section 2.1.1.3), but they are similar to stops in 
terms of the phonotactic patterns they exhibit. As for the “missing” low vowel, in other 
varieties of Datooga the [-ATR] vowel /a/ alternates with the [+ATR] vowel /ɛ/ or /æ/, but 
in Asimjeeg Datooga the surface distinction is neutralized (remnants of harmony patterns 
still exist, as with the high vowels). Some issues in the phonemic analysis remain, such as 
the length of -ATR vowels /ɛː/ and /ɔː/ (see Section 2.1.2). See Rottland (1982, 1983) for 
relationships to the phoneme inventories of other Southern Nilotic languages outside of 
Datooga. 
76
CHAPTER III
MORPHOSYNTACTIC BACKGROUND
3 MORPHOSYNTACTIC BACKGROUND
This section offers a brief introduction to the morphosyntax of noun phrases and basic 
independent clauses in Asimjeeg Datooga, in order to aid understanding of example data 
throughout the remaining sections of the dissertation. Section 3.1 introduces the 
morphology of nouns, including primary and secondary suffixes, possessive suffixes, 
demonstrative enclitics, anaphoric reference forms, and nominal tone classes, as well as the 
syntax of noun phrases. Section 3.2 covers clause-level syntactic constructions, including 
intransitive, transitive, and ditransitive clause constructions.
3.1 Noun phrase morphosyntax
The grammatical category of noun (or nominal)2 in Asimjeeg Datooga includes words 
that fill the same syntactic slot in a variety of grammatical constructions, such as the 
nominal head slot in noun phrases, or either the head or dependent slots in the associative 
construction (see Section 3.1.6). These words also have similar semantic properties 
(generally referring to time-stable entities or objects) and similar morphological properties. 
2 The terms noun and nominal will be used here more or less interchangeably.
77
The basic structure of nouns in Asimjeeg Datooga is presented in Table 24, with optional 
morphology contained within parentheses.
 
Nominal root Suffixes and enclitics
root -(primary suffix) -(primary suffix) -(secondary -(possessive
suffix) suffix
/=demonstrative
enclitic)
Table 24: Nominal morphology in Asimjeeg Datooga
The nominal root is the lexical component of the noun, which carries the core 
conceptual meaning of the word. Roots may vary in length from a single syllable to multiple
syllables. A small number of monosyllabic nominal roots can occur without additional 
morphology in the anaphoric reference form (see Section 3.1.4), while all others must occur
together with some kind of suffixing or encliticizing morphology. 
Asimjeeg Datooga nominal morphology can be divided into four categories: primary 
suffixes, secondary suffixes, possessive suffixes, and demonstrative enclitics. The terms 
“primary suffix” and “secondary suffix” refer to two different categories of productive 
nominal suffixes that are common to Southern Nilotic languages (Tucker and Bryan 1962; 
Tucker and Bryan 1964). The two terms will be used in a manner roughly corresponding to 
that of Kießling (2000a), whereby the term “secondary suffix” refers to a closed set of 
78
morphemes that code singular or plural grammatical number, and the term “primary suffix” 
refers to any regularly occurring morphological form that directly follows the nominal root 
and is not a secondary suffix. Nouns may feature one or two primary suffixes, or none at all. 
Possessive suffixes always co-occur with a secondary suffix, and demonstrative enclitics 
either co-occur with, phonologically merge with, or replace the secondary suffix. 
Some additional terminology is required to capture the full range of possible nominal 
structures. The terms "citation form" or "accusative-citation form" are used here to describe
the structure that nouns exhibit when elicited or produced in isolation. The tonal pattern of 
the citation form often contrasts with that of the nominative form (see Section 3.1.5), which
is used when the nominal functions as a subject argument in the immediate post-verbal 
position. Both the citation and the nominative forms feature secondary suffixes within the 
nominal stem. The term "anaphoric reference form" is used here to describe the structure 
that nouns exhibit when used to refer to participants that have been mentioned previously in
discourse (see Section 3.1.4), and these nouns do not feature secondary suffixes. 
3.1.1 Primary and secondary suffixes
As reported for other varieties of Datooga and Southern Nilotic languages (Tucker & 
Bryan 1962, 1964; Creider & Creider 1989; Creider & Rottland 1997), the inventory of 
primary suffixes in Asimjeeg Datooga is large and individual primary suffixes often cannot 
79
be reliably associated with any particular meaning or function.  Table 25 lists some of the 
most common primary suffixes in Asimjeeg Datooga. Some primary suffix forms only 
appear in singular or plural stems, while others appear in both. The primary suffixes of 
singular stem and plural stem pairs sometimes correlate with one another in such a way that
the primary suffix(es) of one stem can be determined by the primary suffix(es) of the other. 
It is also occasionally possible for two or even three distinct primary suffixes to be deemed 
acceptable by speakers and used regularly with the same nominal root, especially if the root
is borrowed from another language. Kießling (2000a) lists a number of correlations 
between the distribution of singular and plural primary suffixes in Gisamjanga Datooga, but
it may be observed that even for Gisamjanga Datooga there is no one-to-one relationship 
between any singular or plural primary suffix.
80
Form SG/PL Examples
-(C)an SG àbàlàstʃánd 'cockroach,' 
lèkèɲánd 'lizard species,' 
mɛ bàràrdʒánd 'stem, stalk,' 
màsàmbàjánd 'bangle'
-iː SG ŋàdìːd 'lion,' dʒàːdʒíːd 
'grandfather,' gèréríːd 
'crocodile'
-i(d) SG bìlàŋgíd 'herding stick,' 
hàmít 'ugali,' qʷàɲìt 'brain'
-eː SG mòléːd 'finger,' nàwéːd 'path,'
ùrmèːd 'color,' 
-oː SG/PL bàsòːd 'ocean,' fràjòːd 
'jackal,' mùhóːg 'calf (PL),' 
sàlàhóːg 'twin (PL)'
-(a)C[+palatal] SG/PL ʃùlàdʒánd ‘school,’ 
àsìmdʒéːg ‘Asimjeeg (PL)’
-ag PL bànàwák 'knife (PL),' 
mùwák 'african buffalo (PL),'
rùqák 'arrow quiver (PL)'
-eː(g) PL àbùrwéːg 'flea (PL),' bàɲéːg 
'meat (PL),' àgìːràdʒéːg 
'monitor lizard (PL),' 
bùrdʒéːk 'cooking pot (PL),' 
ŋàɲéék
'lion (PL)'
-(oː)dʒi PL àbìjòdʒíg 'hyena (PL),' 
bàlːòdʒíg
'boy (PL),' sàŋqàjòdʒíg 
'earring (PL)'
Table 25: Common primary suffixes in Asimjeeg Datooga
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Secondary suffixes occur  directly after primary suffixes and code distinctions in 
grammatical number, with -d restricted to singular nominals and -g restricted to plural 
nominals. Kießling (2000a) and Mitchell (Mitchell 2015a) distinguish between unit 
reference and multiple reference rather than singular and plural, because the secondary suffix
-d is used for some collectives, as in bùnéːd 'people' in Asimjeeg Datooga. Here these forms
will simply be called singular and plural, with the understanding that they code grammatical
number in a similar fashion to other number-sensitive morphology such as possessive and 
demonstrative enclitics. The ternary opposition between singulative, collective, and plural 
forms that has been observed in Gisamjanga Datooga  (Kießling 2000a: 350) has not been 
observed in Asimjeeg Datooga.
Some instances of phonological fusion between primary and secondary suffixes do 
occur. A small number of the primary suffixes appear to include underlying voiced stops in 
morpheme-final position. These stops match those of the secondary suffixes, resulting in 
word-final voiceless stops when combined (see Section 2.1.1.1 and 2.2.2.2). The plural 
primary suffix -ag is consistent in this pattern, always resulting in a word-final /k/ when 
combined with the plural secondary suffix -g (e.g. banawák 'knife (PL),' mùwák 'african 
buffalo (PL),' rùqák 'arrow quiver (PL)'). The singular primary suffix -i(d) and the plural 
primary suffix eː(g) vary in this regard and when combined with a secondary suffix may 
result in either a voiced or voiceless stop (e.g. bìlàŋgíd 'herding stick,' hàmít 'ugali,' 
agiːradʒeːg 'monitor lizard (PL),' bùrdʒeːk 'cooking pot (PL)'). 
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3.1.1.1 Terminological variation 
It should be noted that the terms primary suffix and secondary suffix have been used in 
various ways in the literature on Datooga. Creider and Rottland (1997) organize 
Gisamjanga and Barabaiga Datooga nominals into categories based on a similar scheme 
used by Tucker and Bryan (1962, 1964) for Kalenjin languages. Tucker and Bryan divide 
nominal stem suffixes into three categories: “number suffixes”, “formative suffixes”, and 
“secondary suffixes”. Number suffixes and formative suffixes always directly follow the 
nominal root, whereas secondary suffixes follow the number or formative suffix if there is 
one. Number suffixes were labeled as such due to correlations with grammatical number, 
whereas formative suffixes were labeled as such due to evidence that they function to derive 
nouns from other parts of speech. Based on these, Creider and Rottland  (1997: 76) posit 
two basic nominal stem forms: the primary form, which does not include the secondary 
suffix but does include a number/formative suffix, and the secondary form, which includes 
both. They note that the primary form is uncommon and restricted to certain specific 
morphological contexts. 
Kießling (2000a: 1) groups the number suffixes and formative suffixes of Creider and 
Rottland (1997) together as primary suffixes for Gisamjanga Datooga, and so some nominal
structures are described as featuring multiple primary suffixes. Kießling does distinguish 
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between “formative suffixes” and “number suffixes” but does not specify the criteria on 
which this distinction is made. 
Mitchell  (2015a: 163) lists a single formative suffix -an for Gisamjanga Datooga, 
which can occur in both singular and plural nominal stems and creates nominal stems using 
roots from other lexical classes. Mitchell additionally specifies a small set of singulative 
suffixes (2015a: 47), and argues that more evidence is needed before categorizing the 
formative and singulative suffixes together as primary suffixes (p.c.).
3.1.2 Possessive suffixes
Possessive nominal suffixes code the possession of the nominal stem referent by a 
distinct pronominal referent. These suffixes immediately follow the secondary suffix and do 
not co-occur with demonstrative enclitics. Possessive suffix forms reflect the person and 
number of the possessor, as well as the grammatical number of the possessed nominal stem
(see Table 26 for examples).
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Meaning Citation Number of 1st Person 2nd Person 3rd Person
Possessor Possessor Possessor Possessor
‘leg’ gìʃt Singular gíʃt-èɲ gíʃt-àŋʷ gíʃt-àɲ
Possessor
(SG) Plural gìʃt-áːɲ gìʃt-áːŋʷ gìʃt ɲɛɛ ːwà
Possessor
‘legs’ gèːʃàŋg Singular gèːʃàŋg-és gɛɛ ːʃàŋg-ágʷ gɛɛ ːʃàŋg-ástʃ
Possessor
(PL) Plural gɛɛ ːʃàŋg-áːs gɛɛ ːʃàŋg-áːgʷ gèːʃàŋg
Possessor ɲɛɛ ːwà
Table 26: Examples of possessive suffixes
The 3.PL possessive construction appears to utilize an independent phonological word, 
as ɲɛɛ ːwà does not interact with nominal tonal patterns or affect ATR in the way that other 
possessives do.  See Table 27 for a list of all possessive suffix forms. Nominals marked with
the 1.PL, 2.SG/PL, and 3.SG possessive suffixes have [-ATR] vowels, whereas others have 
[+ATR] vowels (cf. Creider & Rottland 1996).
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Possessor Singular Stem Plural Stem
1.SG -eɲ -és
2.SG -aŋʷ -ágʷ
3.SG -aɲ -ástʃ
1.PL -áːɲ -áːs
2.PL -áːŋʷ -áːgʷ
3.PL ɲɛɛ ːwà ɲɛɛ ːwà
Table 27: Nominal possessive morphemes (IGS0229_2016-1-15_YN) 
The tonal patterns of singular possessive constructions are determined by the tone class
of the nominal stem (see Section 3.1.5 for further discussion of tone classes), whereas 
plural possessive constructions appear to have fixed tonal patterns. In monosyllabic nominal 
stems, L tone class nominal stems occur with a HL melody in singular possessive 
constructions. H tone class nominal stems, however, occur with a LH melody in singular 
possessive constructions. In plural possessive constructions, both tone classes occur with a 
LH(L) melody. See Table 28 for examples of the L-tone nominal 'moon' and the H-tone 
nominal 'cow' exhibiting tonal alternations with singular and plural possessive suffixes, as 
well as ATR alternations.  
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Citation 1.SG Possessive 1.PL Possessive
L-tone nominal ʃèː-d ʃéː-d-èɲ ʃɛɛ ː-d-áːɲ
'(a/the) moon' 'my moon' 'our moon'
H-tone nominal déː-d dèː-d-éɲ dɛɛ ː-d-áːɲ
'(a/the) cow' 'my cow' 'our cow'
Table 28: Examples of tonal alternations for L-tone and H-tone nominals with 
possessive suffixes, as well as ATR alternations (IGS0229_2016-1-15_YN) 
3.1.3 Demonstrative enclitics
Demonstrative enclitics situate nominal referents within spatial and discourse deictic 
frames. They immediately follow or merge with the secondary suffix and do not co-occur 
with possessive suffixes. All demonstrative enclitics can also occur independently as 
demonstrative pronouns. The enclitics can be categorized using three levels of deixis: 
proximate, distal, and remote. The remote demonstrative enclitic occurs at a low frequency 
in texts, whereas the proximate and distal forms are common. A list of the proximate, 
distal, and remote demonstrative enclitic forms is provided in Table 29. 
Demonstrative Singular Root Plural Root
Proximate =nì =s(ù)
Distal =díːtá =gíːká
Remote =díːtándʒ =gíːkándʒ
Table 29: Demonstrative enclitics
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It should also be noted here that in Asimjeeg Datooga there is no "indefinite" suffix as 
reported by Rottland (1982) for Gisamjanga Datooga. Also, all of the demonstrative 
enclitic forms exhibit varying degrees of morphophonological merger with the nominal 
stem, possibly related to speech rate. See Table 30 for examples of the nominals  mòléːd 
'finger' and ʃéːg 'moons' with phonologically merged and unmerged proximal and distal 
demonstrative enclitics. 
Citation Unmerged Merged Unmerged Merged 
Proximate Proximate Distal Distal
Singular mòl-éː-d mòl-éː-d=nì mòl-éː-nːì mòl-éː- mòl-éː-títá
stem '(a/the) finger' 'this finger' 'this finger' d=dítá 'that finger'
'that finger'
Plural stem ʃéː-g ʃéː-g=sù ʃéː-s ʃéː-g gíká ʃéː-kíká
'moons' 'these moons' 'these moons' 'those moons' 'those moons'
Table 30: Phonologically merged and unmerged demonstrative enclitics with singular 
and plural nominal stems. (IGS0229_2016-1-15_YN)
3.1.4 Anaphoric reference forms
Some nominal stems in Asimjeeg Datooga have distinct anaphoric reference forms that
are used to refer to participants that have been mentioned previously in discourse. For 
monosyllabic singular nominal stems, i.e. those without primary suffixes, the anaphoric 
reference form is the bare nominal root. For singular stems with primary suffixes, the 
anaphoric reference form may include the same primary suffixes as the citation form, or it 
may include other primary suffixes that correlate with the primary suffixes of the citation 
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form according to one or more patterns, each of which is detailed below. Example (49) 
shows an instance of the singular anaphoric referential form bùnáːn ‘those people (we were 
talking about)’ (corresponding to the citation form bùnéːd ‘people’), in the context of a 
discussion about youth of today who no longer have age-set leaders to instruct them. 
(49) bùn-áːn g-ó-báːl gíjɛɛ ːt 
people-REF AFF-3-protect REFL.PRO.PL
‘Those people are protecting themselves.’
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#17_086)
For plural nominal stems, the anaphoric reference form is identical to the citation form 
of the nominal stem, but with -s instead of the secondary suffix -g. Each of these patterns is 
discussed in detail in the following subsections.
3.1.4.1 Monosyllabic singular nominal stems
There are four regular patterns that define the relationship between the anaphoric 
reference form and the citation form of monosyllabic singular nominals. These relationships
are best stated in terms of deriving the citation form from the anaphoric reference form: 
(a) /d/ is added to the bare nominal root to make the citation form and the vowel is 
shortened (Table 31),  
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(b) /d/ replaces /n/ at the end of the nominal root to make the citation form and the 
vowel is shortened (Table 32), 
(c) /d/ or -t replaces /ɲ/ at the end of the nominal root to make the citation form and 
the vowel is shortened (Table 33)
(d) /t/ replaces /tʃ/ at the end of the nominal root to make the citation form (Table 34). 
(e) The relationship between the citation and anaphoric reference forms follow irregular
patterns. (Table 35). 
Meaning Anaphoric Reference Form Citation Form
'giraffe' gàːj gàjd
'bulb (of a plant)' gùːm gùmd
'skin' mùːn mùnd
'eye' qàːŋ qàŋd
'rain' róːb róft
'clan' dóːʃ dóʃt
'cooking pot' búːr búrd
'goat' mɛ bóːj mɛ bójd
Table 31: Singular monosyllabic nominal stems that exhibit the “/d/ added” citation 
pattern
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Meaning Anaphoric Reference Form Citation Form
'stomach' dʒèːn dʒèːd
'head' ùːn ùːd
'bull' héjn héjd
'girl, daughter' húːn húd
'moon/month' ʃèːn ʃèːd
Table 32: Singular monosyllabic nominal stems that exhibit the /n/ -> /d/ citation pattern
Meaning Anaphoric Reference Form Citation Form
'year' gʷàːɲ gʷàjd
'cow' dáɲ déːd
'tree' gèːɲ gèːt
Table 33: Singular monosyllabic nominal stems that exhbit the /ɲ,/ -> /d/, /t/ citation 
pattern
Meaning Anaphoric Reference Form Citation Form
'ear, language' ìːtʃ ìːt
'mouth' qùːtʃ qùt
'neck' qáːtʃ qáːt
'speed' bátʃ bát
'spear' ŋútʃ ŋút
Table 34: Singular monosyllabic nominal stems that exhibit the /tʃ/ -> /t/ citation pattern
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Meaning Anaphoric Reference Form Citation Form
'calf' màːw màjd
'river' éːndʒ éːnd
'person' síːs síːd
'child' dʒeːb dʒaft
Table 35: Singular monosyllabic nominal stems with irregular citation patterns
3.1.4.2 Multisyllabic singular nominal stems
Multisyllabic singular nominal stems display a wide variety of patterns concerning the 
relationship between anaphoric reference forms and citation forms. Most singular multi-
syllabic anaphoric reference forms feature an alveolar nasal /n/ or a post-alveolar 
affricate /dʒ/ in the same position as the secondary suffix of the citation form, and some 
anaphoric reference forms include primary suffixes different from those of their 
corresponding citation forms (e.g. -aː in the reference form consistently corresponds to -eː 
in the citation form, but not the other way around). See Table 36 for examples of these 
patterns. 
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Meaning Anaphoric Reference Form Citation Form
'honey' màláːn màléːd
'dog' gùdáːn gùdéːd
'God' àséːtʃ àséːt
'chest' dàqátʃ daqát
'smoke' àróːs aróːst
'warthog' bìtʃándʒ bìtʃánd
'hole' ʃòmàndʒ ʃòmànd
'branch' dàmàlːándʒ dàmàlːánd
'cattle kraal' sàjmòːn sàjmòːd
'club' gùlùf gùlùft
Table 36: Multi-syllabic singular nominal stems in anaphoric reference and citation 
form
3.1.4.3 Plural nominal stems
For plural nominal stems, the most common pattern for anaphoric reference forms is a 
suffix -s in the same position as the secondary suffix -g (or -k) of the citation form. Unlike 
singular nominal stems, the plural stems use the same primary suffixes for both reference 
and citation forms. See Table 37 for examples of this regular pattern. Some plural stems 
exhibit irregular patterns however, including vowel changes within the root (Table 38). 
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Meaning Anaphoric Reference Form Citation Form
'moon/month (PL)' ʃéːs ʃéːg
'cow (PL)' dús dúgʷ
'bull (PL)' héws héwg
'skin (PL)' mwúʃs mwúʃk
'(piece of) charcoal (PL)' qúrs qúrg
'devil/spirit (PL)' máŋs máŋg
'elephant (PL)' bèːʃás bèːʃák
'donkey (PL)' dìgéns digéng
'chair (PL)' hòrgàdʒéːs hòrgàdʒéːg
Table 37: Plural monosyllabic nominal stems that exhibit the productive /-s/ > /-g/ 
referential and citation pattern 
Meaning Anaphoric Reference Form Citation Form
"(piece of) firewood (PL)" qʷéːs qʷéŋg
"people (PL)" fíːs fúg
Table 38: Plural monosyllabic nominal stems that exhibit slight variations on the /-s/ 
and /-g/ referential and citation pattern
3.1.5 Nominal tone classes
Nouns in Asimjeeg Datooga can be divided into various underlying tone classes based 
on the tonal melody of the citation form, which here is considered to be the nominal root 
together with any primary and secondary suffixes that occur in the citation form of the noun
94
(listed in Table 39). Not all classes are equally productive. Notably the L tone class consists 
of singular nominals only, and the HL tone class is restricted to a small set of animal 
names. Of the multisyllabic tone classes, those with a single word-final H tone tend to be 
the most common (i.e. LH, LLH, LLLH, and LLLLH). 
The tone classes represent the citation forms and are generally unpredictable based on 
the segmental form. Like Gisamjanga Datooga, Asimjeeg Datooga features a "marked 
nominative" alignment (Kießling 2007b), whereby the nominative case forms are formally 
marked by tone and distinct from the citation forms. Table 39 lists all of the Asimjeeg 
Datooga nominal tone classes, including their citation and nominative melodies, and Table
40 lists examples of each nominal tone class (see Section 3.2 for discussion of the syntactic 
conditions for nominative case).  
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Number of Syllables Tone Class Nominative
(Citation)
One syllable L H
H L
Two Syllables LH LH
LL LH
HL HL
HH HH
Three Syllables LLH LHL
LHH LHL / LHH
LLL LHL
LHL LHL
Four Syllables LLLH LHHL
LLHH LHHL
LLHL LHHL
HHLH LHHL
Five Syllables LLLLH LHHLL
LHLLH LHLLL
Table 39: Nominal tone classes in Asimjeeg Datooga and their underlying nominative 
forms
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Tone Examples 
Class 
L ʃèːd 'month,' gìʃt 'leg,' qàŋd 'eye,' gàrm 'woman'
H déːd 'cow,' qáːt 'neck,' wéŋg 'head (PL),' gádg 'arrow (PL)'
LH màléːd 'honey,' bàdájd 'back,' bèːʃák 'elephant (PL),' ànóːg 'milk (PL)'
LL sàjmòːd 'cattle kraal,' dìjàjd 'animal,' gèːʃàŋg 'leg (PL),' gìsìlg 'sheep (PL)'
HL díŋgà 'anteater,' údòm 'hippopotamus,' lːábàŋqʷ 'monkey,' ɲáwùːd 'cat'
HH dówáŋg 'bird species'
LLH àbìjéːd 'hyena,' àbùrwánd 'flea,' hòrgàdʒéːg 'chair (PL),' àbàlásk 'cockroach 
(PL)'
LHH gʷàŋgʷálóːd 'millipede,' gèréríd 'crocodile,' dìgáháɲ 'sister,' dìrátgéw 'bat'
LLL dàgàlèːd 'dewlap,' ìtʃìbòd 'snake,' dʒàwàràr 'pepper'
LHL dìhíhì 'owl,' ìtʃábùndʒ 'kigger,' ŋʷànííɲèːk 'pain (PL)'
LLLH ŋàdʒòːbàdʒánd 'frog,' bàmbàlːàdʒánd 'waterfall,' àgìràdʒéːg 'monitor lizard 
(PL),' dàràbèdák 'wilderness (PL)'
LLHH dàwìʃádéːd 'molar tooth,' gàlàkáléːd 'butterfly,' màsàmbájánd 'bangle,' 
bùdʒàbúlːéːd 'hoof'
LLHL bùrdʒàjáɲèːk 'dust (PL),' àbùsk̫ áɲèːk 'thorny branch (PL),' màrèháɲèːk 
'mucus (PL),' dàqàdúnàdg 'chest (PL)'
HHLH dówáŋàdʒánd 'bird species,' dówáŋàdʒéːg 'bird species (PL)'
LLLLH dìmàmàndàdʒéːg 'lightning (PL),' gàlàkàlàdʒéːg 'butterfly (PL)'
LHLLH dìhíhìjàdʒéːg 'owl (PL),' dìrátgèwàdʒéːg 'bat (PL)'
Table 40: Examples of each nominal tone class
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3.1.6 Structure of the noun phrase
The noun phrase in Asimjeeg Datooga, like the noun, is a category that is defined by its
ability to fill certain syntactic slots in various grammatical constructions. Noun phrases can 
be syntactically complex and can consist of multiple words. The noun phrase minimally 
consists of a nominal or pronominal head. If the head is a noun, then additional dependents 
(3.PL possessive pronoun, adjective phrase, quantifier, numeral or another noun) can also 
co-occur with the noun within the noun-phrase. A basic outline of noun phrase syntax is 
presented in Figure 15. 
Noun Phrase
Dependents
Nominal Head (Noun)
(3.PL POSS (Adjective (Quantifier) / (Numeral)
PRO) Phrase)
Figure 15: Position class chart of noun phrase syntax
Adjective phrases consist of adjectives and any following adverbial modifiers. The 
adjective of a dependent adjective phrase agrees in grammatical number with the nominal 
head of the noun phrase. The singular is unmarked on adjectives, and the plural is marked 
with the suffix -i. There are also occasionally morphophonological interactions between the 
98
adjectival root and the plural suffix. See (50) through (53) for elicited examples of noun 
phrases with adjective phrase dependents.
(50) bèʃ-t núwàs
 elephant-SS.SG short
'(a/the) short elephant'
(51) bèːʃ-àk núwág-ì
 elephant-PS.PL:SS.PLshort-PL
'short elephants'
(52) mùn-d ʃàbát
 skin-SS.SG wet.SG
'(a/the) wet skin'
(53) mùʃ-k ʃàbád-ì
skin-SS.PL wet-PL
'wet skins'
The term associative construction is used here to describe a head-dependent 
relationship between two consecutive nouns within a noun phrase. This construction is 
used to code possession and relative location through use of relational nouns. The 
syntactic structure and tonal properties of the associative construction are shown in (54). 
The nominal head bears L tones on each syllable, regardless of the tone class, and the 
dependent nominal features citation tone but also receives a floating H tone at the first 
syllable, conditioning H-spreading (see Section 2.3.2). See (55) for two elicited examples
showing the tonal structure of the associative construction, and (56) for examples from 
natural speech.
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(54) Associative Construction
  [N]Head  [N]Dependent
L H
L-tone nominal stem H-tone nominal stem
(55)  a. màj-d déː-d
calf-SS.SG/ASSOC cow-SS.SG
'(a/the) calf of (a/the) cow'
H-tone nominal stem L-tone nominal stem
b. dèː-d máj-d
cow-SS.SG/ASSOC calf-SS.SG
'(a/the) cow of (a/the) calf'
(56) ìːj-áː-jít dʒèː-d dúm-d
COND-1.SG-arrive stomach-SS.SG/ASSOC dance-SS.SG
'If I arrive in the dance...' (IGS0229_2017-1-25_MM #1_08)
(57) q-à-máɲ qù-t 
AFF-3-relocate mouth-SS.SG/ASSOC
fàrèdʒ-éː-d-áɲ
stream-PS.SG-SS.SG-3.SG.POSS/SW
'...[he] moved near his stream' (IGS0229_2015-12-21_GG_01_046)
3.2 Morphosyntax of verbal clauses
Constituent order is generally flexible in Asimjeeg Datooga, but not all constituent-
order constructions are equally frequent nor do they code the same pragmatic 
information. Verbal-clause constructions are divided into three categories based on the 
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number of arguments in the clause: intransitive clauses include a single argument 
(Section 3.2.1), transitive clauses include two arguments (Section 3.2.2), ditransitive 
clauses include three arguments (Section 3.2.3). The various constructions that fall into 
these three categories are differentiated by using grammatical relations, which are 
“equivalence sets of arguments, treated the same by some construction” (Bickel and Song
2010). Additionally, reflexive and reciprocal constructions (Section 3.2.4) feature two 
grammatical relations that are co-referential. The following terms for argument roles will 
be used to describe the grammatical relations of clause-level constructions in the 
following subsections: 
• S (single argument of a intransitive clause)
• A (more active participant in a transitive or ditransitive clause)
• P (less active participant in a transitive clause)
• T (participant undergoing movement in a ditransitive clause)
• R (the goal of movement in a ditransitive clause)
• V (verb)
3.2.1 Intransitive clause syntax
Intransitive clauses are those which include only a single argument, and that argument 
is labeled S. Indexation of the S argument is required on all verbs in all non-conditional 
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independent clauses (including the impersonal construction, see Section 6.2). The S 
argument may additionally be coded by a lexical NP or pronoun, and the word order may 
be either SV or VS, with the S argument appearing in citation case in the former and 
nominative case in the latter. All three permissible intransitive clause constructions are 
listed in Table 41. See examples (58) through (60) for elicited examples of each of these 
constructions with the nominal bànànéːd ‘orphan’ and the verb sì:bá:dà ‘move’, as well as
(61) and (62) for examples of intransitive clauses from texts. "S" is indicated above the S 
argument in each example and marked with ".NOM" when the argument occurs with the 
nominative tonal case. "s-" is used to indicated subject indexation on the verb. 
SACC S-V
S-V SNOM
s-V
Table 41: Permissible intransitive constituent order constructions.
S s-V
(58) bànàn-éː-d g-ó-síːb-áːd
orphan-PS.SG-SS.SG AFF-3-move-AM.ITV
'(A/The) orphan moves.'
s-V S.NOM
(59) g-ò-síːb-áːd bánán-èː-d 
AFF-3-move-AM.ITVorphan-PS.SG-SS.SG/NOM
'(A/The) orphan moves.'
102
V
(60) g-ò-síːb-áːd
AFF-3-move-AM.ITV
'She/he/it/they move(s).'
S s-V
(61) bùn-éː-d g-ʷáːgístʃ
people-PS.SG-SS.SG AFF-3ːeat
‘...people are eating...’ (IGS0229_2015-12-29_AM_022)
s-V S.NOM
(62) q-à-ŋɛɛ ːt sájgíló
AFF-3-wake Saygilo/NOM
‘Saygilo awoke...” (IGS0229_2015-12-29_AM_021)
3.2.2 Transitive clause syntax
Transitive clauses are those that include two arguments, A and P. The most common 
transitive clause constructions in Asimjeeg Datooga are AVP, VA, and VP. The A 
argument appears in accusative citation case in the AVP construction, and nominative case 
in the VA construction. PVA constructions are permissible but infrequent. VAP and VPA 
constructions also do occur in natural speech with low frequency, but it remains to be seen 
if they have additional special pragmatic features. Indexation of the A argument on the verb
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is required in non-conditional transitive clause constructions, and P argument indexation is 
also required for 1st/2nd person P arguments (see Section 6). A list of permissible transitive
clause constructions is provided in Table 42. 
 Examples (63) and (64) show the contrasting tonal patterns of the AVP and PVA 
clausal constructions using the same nominals, déːd 'cow' and síːd 'person', and the verb bar 
'hit, kill'. Examples (65) through (67) show AVP, VA, and VP constructions from natural 
speech data.
Transitive Constituent Order Comments
Constructions
A A-V-P P   Most common in elicitation, pragmatically 
neutral.
A-V-P ANOM
A-V-P P
P A-V-P ANOM Permissible but low frequency, translated  
into Swahili using the Swahili passive 
construction.
A-V-O ANOM P Permissible but low frequency and 
A-V-P P A undetermined pragmatics.
Table 42: Permissible transitive clause constructions.
A A-V P
(63) déː-d q-à-bár síː-d
 cow-SS.SG AFF-3-hit person-SS.SG
“The cow hits the person.”
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P A-V A
(64) déː-d qà-bár sìː-d
cow-SS.SG AFF-3-hit person-SS.SG/NOM
“The person hits the cow / the cow is hit by the person.”
A A-V P
(65) nìɲ ɲíːs g-ó-tʃág-d síː-d
3.SG.PRO often AFF-3-send-ITV person-SS.SG
‘Often he sent someone’ 
(IGS0229_2015-12-29_AM_021)
V-P
(66) qáj íːs íː-bálòːl-síːn-éːɲ 
old.times often COND-discuss-TERM-2.SG
A.NOM
qámá-t-àŋʷ
mother-SS.SG-2.SG.PL/NOM
‘In the old times, often, if your mother criticized you...’ 
(IGS0229_2017-3-16_#12_26)
V P
(67) íː-ø-ŋúl-àj qámn ŋáʃ-ánːi
COND-2.SG-see-PLUR now word-PS.SG:PROX.DEM
‘Now, if you look at this thing...’ 
(IGS0229_2017-3-16_#12_16)
105
3.2.3 Ditransitive clause syntax
Ditransitive clauses are those that include three arguments: A, R, and T. Some verbs 
take three arguments without any additional morphology, such as gón or táw, both of which 
translate to English  'give'. gón is used with 1/2 person R arguments and táw is used with 
3rd person R arguments. A argument indexation is required for non-conditional clauses 
with both verbs, and any 1st or 2nd person R or T arguments are indexed on the verb (see 
Section 6.3). gón may be followed by the T argument in citation form, and táw may be 
followed by the R argument and the T argument, both in citation form and with restricted 
word order. The morphosyntax of ditransitive clauses can be summarized as shown in Table
43. See (68) and (69) for elicited examples using the verbs gón and táw, and (70) for an 
example of T argument indexation from natural speech. 
Ditransitive Constructions Comments
(A) A-V-R (R) (T) Word order restricted. 
Table 43: Ditransitive constructions
A-V R T
(68) q-ɔɛ -táwdéː-d màj-d
AFF-3-give cow-SG calf-SG
'She/he/it is giving the calf to the cow'.
(IGS0229_2016-2-17_YM)
106
A-V-R T
(69)   g-à-gón-áːn máj-d 
AFF-3-give-1.SG.R calf-SG
'S/he is giving me the calf'. (IGS0229_2016-2-17_YM)
A-V-T
(70) àː mútʃ g-ɛɛ ː-tàw-àːn
COORD.CONJ tomorrow AFF-IMPERS-give-1.SG
'And then he got me.'
(IGS0229_2017-1-25_MM #4_25)
Some applicative constructions permit three arguments as well (see Chapter 12 for 
discussion of applicative constructions), and these constructions pattern similarly to the 
previously mentioned ditransitive constructions. See (71) and (72) for two examples of 
applicative constructions from texts. 
A A-V-R
(71) qámá-t-àŋʷ g-íː-g-ʷá-rúŋ-n-òːɲ
mother-SS.SG-2.PL.POSS AFF-FUT-AFF-3-say-OBL-2.SG
T
ŋàʃ-ǃán-d
word-PS.SG-SS.SG
‘...your mother will tell you something...’ 
(IGS0229_2017-3-16_#12_09)
107
A-V R T
(72) íːs g-èː-rùg-s síː-d ŋáʃ-án-d
often AFF-IMPERS-tell-TERM person-SS.SG word-PS.SG-SS.SG
‘Often a person is told something...’ 
(IGS0229_2017-3-16_#12_40)
3.2.4 Reflexive and reciprocal constructions
This section describes two closely related constructions, both of which feature reflexive
pronouns and express co-reference of some kind. The reflexive construction (Section
3.2.4.1) "indicates that the agent/experiencer and the patient ... are in fact the same 
referent" (Faltz 1977: 4). The reciprocal construction (Section 3.2.4.2) codes events in 
which the Agent of one instantiation of the event is also the Patient of another 
instantiation of the same event and vice versa (Gaby 2008: 259)
3.2.4.1 Reflexive construction
In Asimjeeg Datooga, reflexive constructions consist of a verb followed by either the 
singular reflexive pronoun gɛːw or the plural reflexive pronoun gíjɛːt ~ gájɛɛ ːt.  Example (73) 
shows a singular reflexive construction with the verb root rùg ‘tell’. Example (74)  shows the
verb root fuɲ 'hide s.th.' without a reflexive pronoun,  and example (75) shows the same 
root with the plural reflexive pronoun. Example (76) shows an idiomatic reflexive 
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construction with the verb root baːl 'desire s.th.' and the plural reflexive pronoun with the 
meaning 'protect themselves'. 
(73) g-ìː-ø-rùg-d gɛɛ́w
AFF-FUT-2.SG-tell-ITV REFL.PRO.SG
‘You will introduce yourself...’
(IGS0229_2017-3-10_#7_086)
(74) g-èː-wá-j eːɛ-fúɲ-áːd déːbù-g
AFF-IMPERS-go-FS IMPERS-hide-AM.ITV child-SS.PL
'They came to hide the children (away in the wilderness)'
(IGS0229_2017-3-1 #5_081)
(75) g-ɛɛ ː-fúɲ gíjɛɛ̀ːt
AFF-IMPERS-hide REFL.PRO.PL
‘They hide themselves.’
(IGS0229_2017-3-14_#20_057)
(76) bùn-áːn g-ó-báːl gíjɛɛ̀ːt 
people-REF AFF-3-protect REFL.PRO.PL
‘Those people are protecting themselves.’
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#17_086)
When used with intransitive verbs, the reflexive pronouns express the meaning of 
'alone,' as in example (77) with the intransitive verb àftáːdà ‘sit.’
(77) g-àː-ft-àːd áː gɛɛ̀ːw
AFF-1.SG-sit-AM.ITV COORD.CONJ REFL.PRO.SG
‘I live, and on my own.’
(IGS0229_2017-3-3 #11_42)
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3.2.4.2 Reciprocal construction
Reciprocal constructions have the same structure as plural reflexive constructions, but 
the verb also often occurs with the associated-motion itive suffix -aːd, which appears to add 
semantics of concurrent action (see Section 11.2). Examples (78) through (81) show the 
plural reflexive pronoun with reciprocal semantics in constructions with the associated-
motion itive, and example (82) shows the plural reflexive pronoun with reciprocal semantics
in a construction that does not include the associated-motion itive.
(78) bás g-ɛɛ ː-wɛɛ ːd-àːd gíjɛɛ̀ːt àr 
well/SW AFF-1.PL-help-AM.ITV REFL.PRO.PL even
gàdìjòdʒ-í-g àb qùwàrí
work-PS.PL-SS.PL PREP home
‘We helped each other for household work.’
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#2_128)
(79) g-ɛɛ ː-rɔɛ ːb-àːd gájɛɛ́ːt
AFF-1.PL-follow-AM.ITV REFL.PRO.PL
'We follow each other.'
(IGS0229_2017-1-25_MM #4_36)
(80) g-èː-ŋúd-áːd-áj gíjɛɛ̀ːt
AFF-1.PL-burn-AM.ITV-PLUR REFL.PRO.PL
'We criticize each other.'
(IGS0229_2015-12-21_GG_01_032)
110
(81) g-èː-fòːl-àːd-áj gíjɛɛ̀ːt 
AFF-IMPERS-be.angry.with-AM.ITV-PLUR REFL.PRO.PL
ásím-dʒ-éː-g àː 
asimjeeg-PS.PL-PS.PL-SS.PL COORD.CONJ
dàròr-àdʒ-éː-g
non.asimjeeg-PS.PL-PS.PL-SS.PL
'The Asimjeeg and other Datooga are angry with each other'
(IGS0229_2015-12-21_GG_01_032)
(82) g-à-gùr-síːn gájɛɛ́ːt
AFF-3-call-TERM REFL.PRO.PL
'They call each other.'
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#1_166)
3.3 Grammatical relations and alignment
A full analysis of the grammatical relations in Asimjeeg Datooga it outside the scope 
of this dissertation, but a brief summary will be provided of some of the patterns presented 
in this section. If the properties of the arguments of intransitive, transitive, and ditransitive 
clauses are compared, it becomes clear that S and A argument roles pattern similarly in all 
clause types with regard to nominative case marking (only immediately after the verb) and 
indexation in the form of a prefix on the verb. These similarities warrant the use of the 
grammatical relation "subject" to describe these arguments together. The patterning of P, T,
and R arguments is somewhat more complex. Morphologically, a hierarchical system 
requires the indexation of SAP arguments on the verb if they fulfill P, T, or R argument 
roles, and all of these arguments occur with accusative-citation case.  Syntactically, there do
111
not appear to be any properties that support a division between P, T, and R argument roles 
into separate categories of object. For this reason, the term "subject" will be used in 
remaining portions of the dissertation to refer to A and S arguments of all clause types, and 
the term "object" be used with reference to P, T, and R arguments. This alignment of 
grammatical relations follows can be described as nominative-accusative, and the special 
tonal marking of subjects in immediate post-verbal position is typically described as a 
"marked nominative" alignment (see Section 3.1.5).  
3.4 Morphosyntax of non-verbal clauses
Non-verbal predicate constructions code a proposition of some kind and either 
include a copular or "linking" verb, or feature no verb at all (Clark 1978; Hengeveld 
1992: 26; Dryer 2007). These constructions are often used to express "proper inclusions, 
equation, attribution, location, existence, and possession" (Payne 1997: 111). In Asimjeeg
Datooga, the constructions that express these meanings can be grouped into two broad 
categories based on their structure: proper inclusion, equative, and attributive 
constructions (Section 3.4.1), and existential, locative, and possession constructions 
(Section 3.4.2). 
112
3.4.1 Proper inclusion, equative, and attributive constructions
There is one construction in Asimjeeg Datooga that is used to express proper inclusion,
equation, and attribution for 1st person and 2nd person subject arguments. This construction 
features the copula wás, which is inflected in the same manner as other verbs and is 
followed by either a noun phrase (proper inclusion, equation) or an adjective phrase 
(attribution). Example (83) shows a 1st person equative construction with the copula was 
followed by a noun phrase (NP), and example (84) shows a 1st person attributive 
construction with the copula was followed by an adjective phrase (ADJP). 
COP [ NP ]
(83) àníːn q-à:-wàs-tʃ bálː-àn-d máhéŋg
1.SG.PRO AFF-1.SG-COP-FS son-PS.SG-SS.SG Mahenga
'I am the son of Mahenga.'
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#6_04)
COP [ ADJP ]
(84) g-ɛɛ ː-wàs-tʃ míjá-s dìjá
AFF-1.PL-COP-FS good-PL very
'We are very beautiful.'
(IGS0229_2017-1-25_MM #8_27)
There are two additional constructions used for 3rd person subject arguments. The first 
of these constructions codes proper inclusion and equation for 3rd person subject arguments 
and features two NPs, the first of which is the argument and the second of which is a 
113
nominal predicate. If the final constituent of the predicate NP is a noun, then the final 
"shadow vowel" of the noun is fully realized with a H tone (see Section 2.2.4). The most 
common shadow vowel is /a/, but the actual vowel that is realized depends on the individual
lexical item and cannot be determined solely by segmental features. The copular proclitic 
aː= can optionally be added to the beginning of the predicate nominal in this construction. 
Example (85) shows a 3rd person proper inclusion construction with a H tone and fully 
realized shadow vowel on the nominal àsìmdʒéːg 'Asimjeeg people' in a polar interrogative 
construction (see Section 2.4.2). Example (86) shows a 3rd person proper-inclusion 
construction with the copular proclitic aː= and a H tone on the NP-final shadow vowel. 
[ NP ]/COP
(85) ròtìgéŋ-g qáj àsìm-dʒ-èː-gá
rotigenga-SS.PL old.times asimjeeg-PS.PL-PS.PL-SS.PL/COP
'Were the Rotigenga in the old days Asimjeeg?'
(IGS0229_2016-2-6_20_164)
COP=[NP ]
(86) gíl àː=qàd-èː-dá
thing COP=gourd-PS.SG-SS.SG
'The thing is a gourd.'
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#7_36)
The second construction used with 3rd person subject arguments codes attribution and 
consists of an argument NP followed by a predicative adjective with the aː= copular 
114
proclitic.  Examples (87) and (88) show 3rd person attributive constructions with the copular
proclitic aː= followed by an adjective phrase (ADJP). A summary of all three proper 
inclusion, equative, and attributive constructions is presented in Table 44.
COP=[ADJP]
(87) háŋ-d áː=jéːsh
shawl-SS.SG COP=white.SG
'The shawl was white.'
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#1_058)
COP=[ ADJP ]
(88) gálg áː=íːjèːɲ gìtʃàj
house-SS.PL COP=two only
'The houses were only two.'
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#1_008)
 
Person Singular Plural
1st Person qàːwàstʃ [NP]/[ADJP] gɛɛ ːwàstʃ [NP]/[ADJP]
2nd Person gùwàs [NP][ADJP] qɔɛ ːwàstʃ [NP]/[ADJP]
3rd Person ([NP]) (àː=)[NP]-VH
[NP] à:=[ADJP]
Table 44: Proper inclusion, equative, and attributive constructions 
115
3.4.2 Existential, locative, and possessive constructions
Three constructions are used in Asimjeeg Datooga to express the existence of a 
referent, the location of a referent, and possession of a referent.The existential construction 
consists of the copula nd followed by a noun phrase (NP), the locative construction consists 
of the copula nd followed by an adverbial phrase (ADVP), and the possessive construction 
consists of the copula nd with the suffix -aw followed by a noun phrase. Example (89) 
shows the copula nd with 3rd person subject indexation, coding the existence of the referent
represented by the following NP. 
COP [ NP ]
(89) g-ʷá-nd dáwúná-s sù-gúr sùrb-íː-dá
AFF-3-COP pot-REF IMPERS-call cooking.pot-PS.SG-SS.SG
'There are those pots that are called surbiida.'
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#1_111)
Example (90) shows the copula nd with 3rd person subject indexation, coding the 
physical location of the Theme specified by the preceding NP at the location specified by 
the following ADVP. 
COP [ADVP]
(90) ásím-dʒ-éː-g g-ʷá-nd sòm-éː-g
asimjeeg-PS.PL-PS.PL-SS.PL AFF-3-COP someega-PS.PL-SS.PL
 hìdʒì
PROX.LOC.PRO
'The Asimjeeg were in Someega then.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#10_146)
116
Similar to other verbs, the copula nd can co-occur with a variety of tense and aspect 
constructions. Example (91) shows the copula nd in a future tense construction. Example
(92) shows the copula nd co-occuring with the persistive prefix -ad, and affirmative 
polarity, and example (93) shows the copula nd co-occurring with the persistive prefix -ad 
and negative polarity.  
COP
(91) g-ìː-g-ʷá-nd qámn
AFF-FUT-AFF-3-COP now
'Will there be some now?'
(IGS0229_2016-2-6_06_08)
COP
(92) dú-gʷ másùdʒ g-àd-g-ʷá-nd 
cow-SS.PL Masuja AFF-PERS-AFF-3-COP
[ADVP]
dàràb-èː-t
wilderness-PS.SG-SS.SG
'Masuja's cattle were still in the forest.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-9_#2_032)
117
COP [ NP ]
(93) m-àd-g-ʷá-nd èː-d à-ft-áːd
NEG-PERS-AFF-3-COP place-SS.SG 2.SG-sit-AM.ITVE
'There isn't anywhere to live anymore.'
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#3_090)
The copula nd can also co-occur with a special verbal suffix -aw to code possession of 
the P argument by the subject argument, as shown in example (94). This suffix is not used 
for coding accompaniment (i.e. comitative). 
COP [NP]
(94) sáːw g-ʷá-nd-àw mùr-éː-d
3.PL.PRO AFF-3-COP-POSS respect-PS.SG-SS.SG
'They had respect.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#10_08)
In non-future negative constructions that are unmarked for aspect, the copula nd 
typically co-occurs with the oblique applicative suffix (see Section 12.1.2), but it 
infrequently also occurs without the suffix. Further study is required to determine if there 
are semantic or pragmatic differences between the two constructions. Example (95) shows 
the copula nd in a negative construction with the oblique applicative suffix, and example
(96) shows the copula nd in a negative construction without the suffix. A summary of the 
constructions involving the copula nd is presented in Table 45.
118
COP
(95) ŋàʃ-òːd máʃíːn hídʒ m-à-nd-án
grind-NMLZ machine/SW LOC.DEM.PRO NEG-3-COP-OBL
[ADVP]
 dàràb-èː-t
wilderness-PS.SG-SS.SG
'There was no grinding with a machine in the wilderness at that time.'
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#3_045)
COP
(96) qáj àː m-à-nd àŋʷá-k 
old.times COORD.CONJ NEG-3-COP clothing-SS.PL
'In the old times there weren't any clothes...'
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#1_052)
Construction Morphosyntactic Structure
Affirmative Existential AFF-SUBJ-nd  + NP
Negative Existential NEG-SUBJ-nd(-an) + NP
Locative POLARITY-SUBJ-nd + ADVP
Possessive POLARITY-SUBJ-nd-aw + NP
Table 45: Constructions with the copula nd
119
CHAPTER IV
STRUCTURAL OVERVIEW OF VERBAL MORPHOSYNTAX
4 STRUCTURAL OVERVIEW OF VERBAL MORPHOSYNTAX
This chapter provides a brief overview of the formal structure of verbal constructions
in Asimjeeg Datooga.  The verbal morphology is complex and includes both individual 
prefixes, suffixes, proclitics and tones, as well as compositional and schematic patterns 
that often cannot be explained as the simple addition of their respective components. The 
spectrum of grammatical functions coded by verbal constructions in Asimjeeg Datooga is
also wide, encompassing tense, aspect,polarity, associated motion, directionality, 
argument indexation, and applicatives. It is often easy to determine the grammatical 
function coded by a given structure, but for some structures the situation is more opaque. 
Two such structures that have no clear grammatical function or semantic mapping, the 
final suffix and post-verbal H tone pattern, are described in this chapter in Sections 4.1.3 
and 4.4, respectively. 
All verbal constructions can additionally be grouped into two structural categories 
based on the presence or absence of a verbal stem structure called the dependent stem. This 
structure can occur as an independent phonological word or together with other 
morphology, and it can function as a verbal complement to other verbs. Constructions that 
do not include a dependent stem are labeled simplex verbal constructions, and those that 
include the dependent stem are labeled dependent-stem constructions. 
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This chapter is organized as follows: Section 4.1 offers a description of the 
morphology of simplex verbal constructions, Section 4.2 introduces the dependent stem 
and covers the various structures in which the dependent-stem occurs, Section 4.3 
presents some broad generalizations that can be drawn from the tonal patterns of verbal 
constructions, and, finally, Section 4.4 provides a description of the post-verbal H tone 
pattern, a feature common to many verbal constructions. The structural focus of this 
chapter is designed to give the reader a broad view of the full range of verbal 
constructions in Asimjeeg Datooga, and then the remaining chapters delve deeper into 
specific functional domains.
4.1 Simplex verbal morphology
This section outlines the morphology of simplex verbal constructions, which do no 
include the dependent stem. In Sections 4.1.1 and 4.1.2 the prefixing and suffixing 
morphology will be presented in position class charts and a basic outline of each 
construction will be provided. Within the position class charts, members of the same 
position class or slot represent a structural paradigm and cannot co-occur. The co-
occurrence of members of different position classes may also differ for each construction.
121
4.1.1 Prefixing morphology
There are three primary prefix slots in simplex verbal constructions. The first of these 
consists of the conditional ìː(j)-, the second consists of the affirmative g- ~ q-, negative m-, 
and temporal am-, and the third consists of subject indexation prefixes. The conditional may
co-occur with the affirmative or negative prefixes of the second slot, but not the temporal. 
Subject indexation is required in all constructions, although some forms are zero morphs 
(see Chapter 6). 
(Conditional) (Affirmative/Negative/Temporal) Subject Indexation Verb root
ìː(j)- g- ~ q- / m- / am- - -
Table 46: Main verb prefix and proclitic slots, without details of co-occurrence 
restrictions
(97) shows an example of the conditional prefix ìː(j)-, which occupies the first prefix 
slot and co-occurs with a special subject indexation paradigm (see Section 6.1). This prefix 
can co-occur with the affirmative prefix in perfect constructions and the negative prefix. See
Section 14.1 for more discussion of conditional constructions.
(97)  àníːn   ìːj-áː-rùgʷ   
  1.SG.PRO COND-1.SG-say 
 'If I say...' 
(IGS0229_2017-3-10_#7_004, 005)
122
(98) and (99) show examples of the two allomorphs of the affirmative g- ~ q-, which is 
a member of the second prefix slot. In (98), the g- allomorph occurs with the verb ʃa ‘buy,’ 
and in (99) the q- allomorph occurs with the verb ŋɛːd ‘wake, begin.’ Variation between the 
two allomorphs is determined by the ATR value of the verb stem (see Section 5.3.1). See 
Section 7.1 for more discussion of affirmative constructions.
(98)  áb   hìdʒ há g-í-ʃà    
PREP LOC.DEM.PRO well AFF-2.SG-buy 
màrw-éː-g
alcohol-PS.PL-SS.PL
‘At this time, well, you buy alcohol...’
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#1_206)
(99)  àníːn   qáj   q-áː-ŋɛɛ ːd-ɛɛ ːw    máːŋòl
1.SG.PRO old.times AFF-1.SG-wake-LOC Mang’ola
  ‘In the old times. I began in Mang'ola.’
 (IGS0229_2015-12-21_GG_01_003)
 (100) shows an example of the negative prefix m-, which is also a member of the 
second prefix slot, with the verb root nal ‘know.’ See Section 7.2 for more discussion of 
negative constructions. 
(100)  àb àsìm-dʒ-éː-g dú-gʷ m-á-nàl
PREP asimjeeg-PS.PL-PS.PL-SS.PL cow-SS.PL NEG-3-know
  '...for the Asimjeeg, they didn't know (about) cows'.
  (IGS0229_2015-12-29_AM_017)
123
(101) and (102) show examples of the temporal prefix am-, which is the only member 
of the second prefix slot that does not co-occur with the conditional. The temporal prefix 
co-occurs with the same special subject indexation paradigm as the conditional (see Section
6.1). 
(101)  àm-áː-bíːg-ù    q-àː-wùɲ    dà-rám
 TEMP-1.SG-return-VEN AFF-1.SG-comeːFS 1.SG-fetch 
bèː-g
water-SS.PL
 'When I return, I go to fetch water.' 
(IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_14, 15)
(102)  ám-ípár-s     gídàb  g-ì-sìn-á
TEMP-2.SG-ask-TERM reason AFF-2.SG-do-FS
'When you ask her/him "What have you done?"...' 
(IGS0229_2017-3-14_#21_023)
(103) and (104) show examples of the conditional co-occurring with the affirmative 
and the negative, respectively. The conditional only co-occurs with the affirmative in perfect
constructions, but co-occurs with the negative in all negative conditional constructions. The 
linear sequence of the morphemes in these examples supports the ordering of the first and 
second prefix slots. 
(103)   síː-d ìː-g-ó-búr àb 
persion-SS.SG COND-AFF-3-be.tired PREP
gàdìj-ɛɛ ː-d-áɲ 
work-PS.SG-SS.SG-3.SG.POSS
'If a person is already tired from her/his work...'  
 (IGS0229_2016-12-12_#1_021)
124
(104) máná    ìː-m-á-búŋ-n     qúwàr
meaning/SW COND-NEG-3-return-VEN home
'That is, if they don't return home...' 
(IGS0229_2017-3-1 #5_212)
4.1.2 Suffixing morphology
There are at least five suffix slots in simplex verbal constructions. The first of these slots
includes three applicative suffixes and two directional suffixes: the terminal applicative 
-s(V:n) ~  -s(a) ~ s(i), the oblique applicative -an, the locative applicative -eː(w) ~ -ɛː(w), 
the itive suffix -d(a) ~ -d(i), and the ventive suffix -n(i) ~ -u(n). The second suffix slot 
includes the associated-motion suffixes -aːn ~ -aːn(i) and  -aːd(i) ~  aːd(a) ~ aːd. The third 
suffix slot consists of the pluractional -a ~ -aj ~ -adʒ ~ -C, the fourth suffix slot contains 
object indexation, and the last slot includes the final suffix (FS). A position class chart of 
the suffixing morphology is provided in Table 47. There are no morphological causative or 
anti-passive constructions in Asimjeeg Datooga, which distinguishes it from other described
varieties of Datooga.
125
Verb root (Applicative/ (Associated (Pluractio (Object (Final
Directionality) Motion) nal) Indexation suffix)
)
- - -aːn ~ -aːn(i) -a ~ -aj ~ - -(C[+palatal])a
AM.VEN / -adʒ ~ -C ~ -Ci ~ -i 
-aːd(i) ~  aːd(a) ~
aːd AM.ITV
Table 47: Verbal suffix slots
The three applicative suffixes vary in terms of the person of the arguments that they 
add to the verbal construction, as well as the semantic roles mapped to those arguments. 
For more discussion and examples of the applicatives, see Chapter 12. Example (105) 
shows the terminal applicative -s(V:n) ~  -s(a) ~ s(i), which increases the valence of the 
verb by adding a 3rd person argument, usually representing a Benefactee, Goal, or 
Instrument. The applicative is suffixed to the verb root rug 'tell'.
(105)  ìː-s-wá-j     éː-rùg-s    sájgíló 
COND-IMPERS-go-FS IMPERS-tell-TERM Saygilo
'If they (are made to) go and tell Saygilo...' 
(IGS0229_2015-12-29_AM_023)
Example (106) shows the oblique applicative -an,  which increases the valence of the 
verb by adding a 1st or 2nd person argument, usually representing a Time or Location. 
Here the oblique applicative occurs with the verb root tʃag 'send' and introduces an 
argument with the role of Time. 
126
(106) g-ʷà-jéʃ àníːn gʷátʃ
AFF-3-say 1.SG.PRO that.time
g-ò-tʃàg-d-án-àːn gʷàláɲ-àn-d 
AFF-3-send-ITV-OBL-1.SG elder-PS.SG-SS.SG
'He said that me, at that time, the elder sent me'
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#04_065, 066)
Example (107) shows the locative applicative -eː(w) ~ -ɛː(w), which increases the 
valence of the verb by adding a 3rd person argument, usually representing a Location. The 
applicative is suffixed to the verb root sɔm 'study'.
(107)  q-àː-sɔɛm-ɛɛ́ːw    ʃúl   èd   máŋòlǃá
AFF-3-study-LOC/SW school/SW PREP Mang’ola
‘I studied at the school in Mang'ola’ 
(IGS0229_2015-12-29_AM_003)
The ventive and itive directionals code physical movement with reference to a deictic 
center. See Chapter 11 for more discussion and examples of directionals. (108) shows an 
example of ventive -n(i) ~ -u(n), which codes movement towards a deictic center. In this 
example, the verb súm-ù 'begin a journey (VEN)' codes movement towards a speaker's 
home, which functions as a deictic center in the discourse. 
(108)  g-í-súm-ù      g-ì-ɲúɲ á-híːn 
  AFF-2.SG-begin.journey-VEN AFF-2.SG-come 2.SG-arrive:VEN 
qúwàr
home
‘You start the trip...you come and arrive at home.
 (IGS0229_2016-12-13_#6_64, 65)
127
Example (109) shows the itive suffix -d(a) ~ -d(i) ~ -d, which codes movement away 
from a deictic center. In this example, the verb tʃág-d 'send s.o. (ITV)' codes movement 
away from a the traditional homeland, Someega, which functions as a deictic center in the
discourse. 
(109)  nìɲ   ɲíːs  g-ó-tʃág-d   síː-d
3.SG.PRO often AFF-3-send-ITV person-SS.SG
'He would often send someone (away)' 
(IGS0229_2015-12-29_AM_021)
The morphological analysis of associated-motion suffixes in this dissertation treats 
them as fused associated motion and directional morphemes (i.e. the directional semantics 
of the suffixes are not attributed to independent directional morphemes). For more 
discussion and examples of associated motion, see Section 11.2.
The verbalizer -iːt combines with an adjectival stem to create a verbal stem. This suffix 
appears to be a cognate of the suffix that Rottland (1983, 232) describes as the "inceptive".
(110) shows an example the verbalizer suffix in Asimjeeg Datooga with the adjectival root 
mij 'good'.
(110)  g-è:-jì:n    q-á-mìj-ìːt-í
AFF-IMPERS-put AFF-3-good-VRBLZ-FS 
'It was put (that way) so that it is nice...' 
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#6_87)
128
4.1.3 Final suffix
The final suffix is used only in some verbal constructions under certain person and 
number conditions, and its grammatical function remains unclear. It may have its origins in 
coding tense, aspect, or mood. In some contexts its presence constitutes the sole 
distinguishing factor between 1.PL and impersonal subject indexation. The distribution of 
the final suffix in Asimjeeg Datooga is slightly different than that reported for other varieties
of Datooga (Rottland 1983: 227). 
There are four general patterns that final suffix forms fall into. The first final suffix 
pattern has the form -C(i), and the form of the consonant depends on the preceding 
consonant of the verbal stem, which is described in Table 48. This form is used with 1/2 
PL subject indexation in non-future affirmative and conditional constructions. The second 
form -C resembles the first in form but without the high vowel, and it is used with 1 SG 
subject indexation in non-future affirmative and conditional constructions.
129
Final segment of verbal stem Form of -Ci final suffix
 /f/, /s/, /ʃ/ -tʃ(i)
/b/, /r/, /w/, /j/, -dʒ(i)
/l/ -l(i) / -dʒ(i)
/m/ -ɲ(i) / -dʒ(i) 
/n/ (-> /ɲ/), /d/ (-> /tʃ/), /t/ (-> /tʃ/) C fused with verb stem + -(i) 
/ɲ/, /dʒ/ -(i) 
V -j(i)
Table 48: Morphophonological patterns of the -C(i) final suffix
A third final suffix pattern with the form -i is used for 1/2 person subject indexation in 
the non-future negative and non-future negative conditional constructions. The fourth final 
suffix pattern is -(C[+palatal])a, and it occurs with 1/2 person subjects in perfect constructions. 
All four of these patterns are summarized in Table 49, and examples of each pattern with 
the verb root bɛːʃ 'burn' are provided in (111) through (114).
130
Form Constructions Person and Number
-C ~ -j Non-future affirmative 1 SG
Non-future conditional
-C(i) ~ -j(i) Non-future affirmative 1 PL
Non-future conditional 2 PL
-(i) Non-future negative 1 SG/PL
Non-future negative 2 SG/PL
conditional
Non-future affirmative itive
-(C[palatal])a Non-future perfect 1 SG/PL
Future perfect 2 SG/PL
Non-future perfect
conditional
Table 49: final suffix patterns
(111) q-àː-bɛɛ ːʃ-tʃ
AFF-1.SG-burn-FS
'I burn (it)' (IGS0229_2017-1-31_MB_2)
(112)  iːj-óː-bɛɛ ːʃ-tʃì
COND-2.PL-burn-FS
'If you all burn (her/him/it/them)'
'I burn (it)' (IGS0229_2017-1-31_MB_2)
(113) m-áː-bɛɛ ːʃ-ì
NEG-1.SG-burn-FS
'I don't burn (it)' (IGS0229_2017-2-3_MB3_01)
(114) q-àː-bɛɛ ːʃ-tʃá
AFF-1.SG-burn-FS/PERF
'I have burned (it)' (IGS0229_2017-2-3_MB3_01)
131
The high front vowel in the two final suffix patterns -C(i) ~ -j(i) and -(i) occurs only in 
intonational-phrase-final position. If a word follows the verb within the same intonational 
phrase, then the vowel is removed. (115) shows an example of the final suffix with the 
vowel on the verb root lɛː 'drink' at the end of the intonational phrase. 
(115)  q-áː-wáːl-dʒ   bídʒól-òː-d     àː   
AFF-1.SG-cook-FS porridge-PS.SG-SS.SG COORD.CONJ 
g-ɛɛ ː-lɛɛ ː-dʒì
AFF-1.PL-drink-FS
‘...then I cooked porridge and then we drank (it).’ 
(IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_03, 04)
The consonant of the first and second final suffix patterns fuses with the verb stem if 
the last consonant of the stem is /n/, /d/, or /t/, resulting in a palatalized nasal or post-
alveolar affricate. (116) shows an example of the final suffix fused with the verb root ŋɛːd 
‘wake, begin,’ resulting in ŋɛːtʃ. 
(116)  gʷátʃ q-à:-ŋɛɛ :tʃ sàktàjd
that.day AFF-1.SG-wake:FS morning
'That day I woke up in the morning...' 
(IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_01)
132
4.2 Dependent-stem constructions
The dependent stem in Asimjeeg Datooga is a structure that is featured in many verbal 
constructions. It consists of a verb root together with a special paradigm of subject 
indexation prefixes (see Chapter 6), and may include any of the suffixes mentioned in 
Section 4.1.2, except the final suffix. The label dependent stem is used to refer to this 
structure because it is the most common verbal construction featured in dependent clauses. 
The dependent stem occurs on its own as an independent word in co-hortative and 
imperative constructions (see Section 13.1), and it can occur together with an independent 
clause in the subjunctive construction (see Section 14.3). The dependent stem also occurs 
together with other verbal morphology in auxiliary verb and future constructions. Table 51 
lists the verbal constructions that do and do not feature the dependent stem.
Non-dependent-stem constructions Dependent-stem constructions
Non-future tense Co-hortative
Perfect tense-aspect Imperative
Subjunctive
Future tense
TAM auxiliary constructions
Table 50: Non-dependent-stem constructions and dependent-stem constructions
For 1/2 and impersonal subjects, the dependent stem simply consists of subject indexation 
and the verb root, but for 3rd person subjects the affirmative prefix is also included in the 
dependent stem. This can result in multiple affirmative prefixes within the same verbal 
133
construction, or a combination of negative and affirmative prefixes. A position class chart of
the dependent stem is provided in Table 51.
(Affirmative)- Subject indexation- root -(suffixes)
Table 51: Position class chart of dependent stem morphology (which may co-occur with 
other morphology)
The subject indexation paradigm that is used in the dependent stem is distinct from all 
other paradigms in the three following ways: the 1 SG form is da- rather than a:-, the 2 SG 
form is ø- ~ a- rather than i- ~ u-, and the 2 PL form includes aː- as an optional variant for 
Verb Class 1 (see Section 6.1). 
Examles (117) and (118) show tthe dependent stem used in imperative and co-
hortative constructions (see Section 6.2). Examples (119) and (120) show the same two 
dependent stem structures being used in the subjunctive construction, which is the general 
construction used for dependent clauses in Asimjeeg Datooga (see Section 14.3). 
(117)  ún
go:2.SG
'Goǃ'
(118)  éː-wájèn
1.PL-go
'Let's go (we should go)'
(119)  g-àː-gás-àj ún
AFF-1.SG-want-PLUR go:2.SG
'I want you to go.'
134
(120)  g-àː-gás-àj éː-wájèn
AFF-1.SG-want-PLUR 1.PL-go
'I want us to go'
The dependent stem can also co-occur with other prefixing verb morphology, which 
falls into four different slots: the first contains the conditional ìː(j)-, the second includes the 
affirmative g- (but not q-) and negative m-, the third the consists of the future i(ː)- ~ -idʒ(a),
and the fourth features four tense-aspect auxiliaries, the persistive ad-, the affirmative 
priority gòl-, and the negative priority mànúŋ=. 
(Conditional) (Affirmative/ (Future) (Auxiliary) Dependent
Negative) stem
ìː(j)- g-  / m- i(dʒ)(a)- ad- persistive -
gòl- affirmative priority
mànúŋ= negative perfect
Table 52: Verbal auxiliary structural slots, without details of co-occurrence restrictions
In dependent stem constructions, the conditional never co-occurs with the affirmative 
but may co-occur with the negative. The persistive ad- always co-occurs with either the 
affirmative or negative. The affirmative priority gòl- can occur without the affirmative or 
negative in non-future constructions, but can co-occur with the affirmative in future 
constructions. The negative priority mànúŋ= occurs without the affirmative or negative in 
non-future constructions, but can co-occur with either the affirmative or negative in future 
constructions.
135
Evidence of a dependent stem structure can be found in the literature on other varieties
of Datooga, although the structure itself has never been described. Rottland (1982: 212) 
lists examples of dependent verbal forms with a dynamic modal auxiliary, such as the one 
seen in (121) (original transcription maintained), which features two examples of the 1 SG 
subject indexation form da- used in the dependent stem. 
(121)  máydámu dáɲi:ti
  'Ich werde nicht füllen können.' ['I will not be able to fill']   
(Rottland 1982: 212)
Mitchell (2015) includes the text seen in (122) from Barabaiga/Gisamjanga Datooga, 
which also features two examples of the 1 SG subject indexation form da-, one used in a 
future construction and the other used in a dependent clause (original transcription and 
glossing maintained). 
(122)  g-ày-dá-wa    dá-gáw-íí-s-chí    hà?
 AFF-FUT-1SG-go 1SGV-milk-PLUR-TERM-AP.IS DSC
 “I’ll go milk, then?” 
(Mitchell 2015a: 100)
Both Mitchell (2015a) and Kießling (2007a) use the label subjunctive to describe 
instances of the dependent stem in dependent clauses, in the same sense used in this 
dissertation. See (123) for a Gisamjanga Datooga example from Kießling (2007a) 
showing the dependent stem used in a dependent clause (original transcription and 
glossing maintained).
136
(123)  ám-í-ràaŋú     gì-hìdú   dáa-màar-ɲí
  COND-2sg.SJN-acquire.glory.CP S2sg-come.CP 1sg.SJN-donate-O2sg
  'If you kill to acquire heroic glory, then you may come and I'll give you a
  hero's present.' 
(Kießling 2007a: 127)
4.2.1 Future constructions
Future constructions, including those with or without auxiliaries, always feature the 
dependent stem. The future prefix may co-occur with the conditional, affirmative, negative, 
and any auxiliary prefix or proclitic.  (124) and (125) show examples of future 
constructions (see Section 8.2 for more examples and discussion).
(124) àsk̫ ár  g-ídʒ-éː-fùf
afternoon AFF-FUT-1.PL-rest
'In the afternoon we will rest'  
(IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_18)
(125) ʃìŋád  áníːn  g-ì-dá-w bár-òːd
evening 1.SG.PRO AFF-FUT-1.SG-go hit-NMLZ
'In the evening I will go to farm.' 
(IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_07)
4.2.2 Auxiliary verb constructions without subject indexation
Auxiliary Verb Constructions (AVCs) in Asimjeeg Datooga fall into the "split" pattern 
of Anderson's (2006) typology, which specifies that there is morphological coding on both 
137
the auxiliary and the lexical verb. Within the context of Asimjeeg Datooga, the dependent 
stem can be considered as the lexical verb, and it features both subject and object 
indexation, directionality, applicatives, associated motion, and pluractionality.  The 
auxiliaries feature the morphological categories of tense and polarity, and the auxiliaries 
themselves code aspect. 
Anderson also describes what he calls "doubling" patterns, whereby some 
morphological material is coded on both the auxiliary and the lexical verb. The most 
common doubling pattern cross-linguistically is the repetition of subject indexation. In 
Asimjeeg Datooga, however, the affirmative prefix is the only morphological category that 
occurs twice, and it is only with 3rd person subjects - first before the future or persistive 
-ad, and again before the 3rd person subject indexation of the dependent stem. (126) shows 
an example of this doubling with a future construction containing the verb root gon 'give'. 
(126) íː-nd-áw lápíj-ɛɛ ː-d-àŋʷ 
COND-COP-POSS money-PS.SG-SS.SG-2.SG.POSS 
g-ìː-g-à-gòɲí 
AFF-FUT-AFF-3-give:FS
'If you have your money, he will give it (to you)'
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#5_143)
138
(127) through (129) show examples of the three auxiliaries, the persistive ad-, the 
affirmative priority gòl-, and the negative priority mànúŋ=. Additional discussion and 
examples for each are provided in sections 9.2, 9.3 and 9.1.2, respectively. 
(127) àsɛɛ ːs   g-àd-éː-wás   mánàŋ
1.PL.PRO AFF-PRIOR-1.PL-COP small
'We were still small' 
(IGS0229_2017-3-10_#3_18)
(128) gòl-dà-lɛɛ ːqlɛɛ ːq   díjà   fù-g=sù 
PRIOR-1.SG-help.PLUR a.lot people-SS.PL=PROX.DEM
'I've already helped these people a lot...' 
(IGS0229_2017-3-9 #1_769)
(129) àsɛɛ ːs g-éː-hèt-ù háj 
1.PL.PRO AFF-1.PL-grow.up-VEN well 
ŋàʃ-éː-s     àː m-à-núŋ 
word-PS.PL-PROX.DEM COORD.CONJ NEG-3-let 
ɛɛ ː-dà
1.PL-see
'When we grew up, these things we didn't see' 
(IGS0229_2017-3-10_#13_53)
The negative imperative construction is another dependent stem construction that 
features an auxiliary, but it is distinct from other AVCs in that the auxiliary cannot co-occur
with any morphology coding tense. The construction consists of the independent negative 
imperative auxiliary dìgán ~ mɛ gán followed by a dependent stem structure with a 2 SG/PL 
139
subject. (130) shows an example of this construction, and additional discussion and 
examples are provided in Section13.1.
(130) dìgán gòː-dúl-n   álándʒ-èː-d-èɲ
NEG.IMP.AUX 2.PL-finish-VEN property-PS.SG-SS.SG-1.SG.POSS
'Don't eat my livestock (lit. don't finish my property)ǃ' 
(IGS0229_2017-3-9_#2_042)
4.2.3  Dependent-stem constructions with double subject indexation
The dependent stem is also used in a number of multi-verbal constructions, as well, 
which feature subject indexation on both verbs. Indexation patterns fall into three types: 
impersonal subject indexation on the non-dependent stem verb (Section 4.2.3.1), same 
subject indexation required on both verbs (Section 4.2.3.2), and different indexation on each
verb (Section 4.2.3.3). 
4.2.3.1  Impersonal subject indexation
The epistemic-deontic modal auxiliary qus 'should' always co-occurs with impersonal 
subject indexation and is followed by a dependent stem. (131) shows an example of this 
construction with the lexical verb nal 'know'.
(131) hídʒí g-ɛɛ ː-qús q-ʷá-nàl àsèː-t
PROX.LOC.PRO AFF-IMPERS-should AFF-3-know God-SS.SG
'At that point, God must know...'
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#02_154 )
140
4.2.3.2  Same subject indexation
The dynamic modal auxiliary mus always co-occurs with subject indexation that 
matches that of the following dependent stem. (132) and (133) show examples of this 
construction with the lexical verbs nal 'know' and wɛɛ ːd 'help'.
(132) àː   m-àː-mùs dà-nál
COORD.CONJ NEG-1.SG-can 1.SG-know
'I can't know...' 
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#10_044)
(133) q-ɔɛ -mús  q-à-wɛɛ ːd-ɛɛ ːɲ
AFF-3-can AFF-3-help-2.SG.O
'...he can help you.' 
(IGS0229_2017-3-14_#20_070)
The narrative-ventive construction consists of the movement verb un 'come' with 
subject indexation matching that of a following dependent stem, and it codes an event as 
having occurred after a previous one, without reference to a physical deictic center. (134) 
and (135) show examples of the narrative-ventive construction with the lexical verbs ram 
'fetch' and laslas 'hit, do (many times)'.
(134) àm-áː-bíːg-ù q-àː-wùɲ dà-rám 
TEMP-1.SG-return-VEN AFF-1.SG-come:FS 1.SG-fetch 
bèː-g
water-SS.PL 
'When I return, I go (lit. 'come') to fetch water.' 
(IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_14, 15)
141
(135) g-à:-dò dà-làslás 
AFF-1.SG-come 1.SG-hit.PLUR 
gíbàrùà-dʒ-éː-g áb òʃù
temporary.work-PS.PL-PS.PL-SS.PL/SW PREP DIST.DEM.PRO
'I went (lit. 'came') to do temporary work over there...'
(IGS0229_2017-3-1 #3_138)
The narrative-resultative construction consists of one or more lexical verbs followed by 
the coordinating conjunct aː and a dependent stem with subject indexation matching that 
of the other verbs, and it codes an event as having occurred as the result of previous 
events. (136) through (138) provide examples of the narrative-resultative construction 
with movement verbs 'come' and 'go,' as well as the verb  dʒáp 'prepare'.
(136) g-àː-bàlàg-ø    áː   d-ón    máːŋòl
AFF-1.SG-relocate-VEN COORD.CONJ 1.SG-come Mang'ola
'I moved until I came to Mang'ola.'
 (IGS0229_2015-12-21_GG_01_007)
(137) g-áː-bálàk-tʃ àː d-àw mítàl
AFF-3-relocate-ITV:FS COORD.CONJ 1.SG-go Matala
'I moved until I went to Matala.'
(IGS0229_2015-12-21_GG_01_004)
(138) ìː-ø-mútʃ qéd q-àː-ŋòɲ 
COND-3-be.morning home AFF-1.SG-hold  
páŋgà-dʒ-án-d dà-w d à-látʃ 
machete-PS.SG-PS.SG-SS.SG/SW 1.SG-go 1.SG-cut 
híːló-g àː dà-dʒáp  lúw-án-d
sanzu.tree-SS.PL COORD.CONJ 1.SG-prepare fence-PS.SG-SS.SG
'The next day at home, I take my machete and go cut trees, until I prepare the 
boma fence.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-10_#5_27, 28)
142
4.2.3.3  Different subject indexation
Dependent stem constructions that feature different subject indexation on the 
dependent stem than that of the previous lexical verb can be considered subjunctive 
constructions (see Section 14.3). Two common constructions that match this structural 
pattern will be described briefly here. The first is a lexical causative construction that 
consists of the verb nuŋ 'let' followed by a dependent stem, and the two verbs may feature 
the same or different subject indexation. (139) through (141) show examples of the lexical 
causative construction with the verbs bar 'hit, farm, kill,' un 'come,' and henni 'be big'.
(139) dàbàqáj-g éː-núŋ q-á-bàr
maasai-SS.PL IMPERS-let AFF-3-hit
  '...(so that) the Maasai were allowed to kill (them)' 
(IGS0229_2017-3-16_#4_52)
(140) g-í-núŋ q-á-fk béː-g
AFF-2.SG-let AFF-3-come water-SS.PL
'...you make the water come...'
(IGS0229_2017-3-2 #3_53)
(141) g-éː-sín àː g-éː-nùŋ 
AFF-IMPERS-do COORD.CONJ AFF-IMPERS-let
g-ʷà-hèd-ú
AFF-3-be.big-VEN 
 '...They are created and they are made to be big.' 
 (IGS0229_2016-12-12_#1_116)
143
Verbs of desire, such as wi:l 'look for, want' and gas 'want', often take verbal 
complements in the subjunctive (i.e. dependent stem structure), which can feature the same 
or different subject indexation. (142) and (143) show two examples of such subjunctive 
constructions with the same and different subject indexation, respectively. 
(142) g-àː-gàs-áj dà-pár-d gíl
AFF-1.SG-want-PLUR 1.SG-ask-ITV thing
'...I want to ask something'
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#24_021)
(143) g-èː-gàs-àj rúŋ-ún ŋáʃ-èː-g sɛɛ ːn
AFF-1.PL-want-PLUR  tell-VEN word-PS.PL-SS.PL all
'We want you to tell (us) everything...'
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#12_049)
4.3 Verbal tone
Tone is an integral component of verbal morphology in Asimjeeg Datooga, and also 
one of the most difficult to describe. Verbal tone has not been described for any other 
variety of Datooga. Some generalizations regarding tonal patterns across all constructions
will be discussed here, and then the tonal structures of individual verbal constructions 
will be detailed in later chapters.  Hyman (2008) writes that tone represents the outer 
limits of phonological possibilities:
144
Feature Description
Syntagmatic mobility Long distance effects and movement
Highly paradigmatic Tones often contrast with each other
Ambiguous Multiple theoretical interpretations are often
possible
Abstract "Underlying" or "input" tones can be very 
different from "surface" or "output" tones
Arbitrary Synchronic tonal patterns are not easily 
explained diachronically
Table 53: General features of tone (Hyman 2008)
Most, if not all, of these features are reflected in the verbal tonology of Asimjeeg 
Datooga. Some tones are localized and associated with specific affixes (e.g. conditional ìː-, 
see Section 14.1, and affirmative priority auxiliary gòl, see Section 9.3) while others are 
part of word-level melodies (e.g. perfect constructions, see Section 9.1). Some tonal 
alternations are associated with tonally unspecified segmental morphemes or structural 
slots within the verb (e.g. sequential tense, see Section 8.3, interrogative intonation, see 
section 2.4). Some verbal tones only interact with other tones in the same phonological 
word, while others change depending on the presence or absence of a following word. 
Some tones occur outside of the verb but depend on categories coded by the verb (e.g. the
post-verbal H tone pattern, see Section 4.4). 
Example (144) shows a LH verbal tone pattern that occurs at the end of the 
intonational phrase, whereas (145) through (147) show that the verbal tone changes to LL 
when not intonational-phrase-final, regardless of the syntactic status of the following word. 
145
(144) q-àː-bár-dʒ
AFF-1.SG-hit-FS
'I hit (her/him/it/them)' 
(IGS0229_2017-2-24_YN_2)
(145) q-àː-bàr-dʒ ár áwèː-tʃán-dʒ
AFF-1.SG-hit-FS even day-PS.SG-REF
'I hit (her/him/it/them) even that day' 
(IGS0229_2017-2-24_YN_2)
(146) q-àː-bàr-dʒ ánìːní
AFF-1.SG-hit-FS 1.SG.PRO
'I hit (her/him/it/them)' 
(IGS0229_2017-2-24_YN_2)
(147) q-àː-bàr-dʒ níɲ
AFF-1.SG-hit-FS 3.SG-PRO
'I hit her/him' 
(IGS0229_2017-2-24_YN_2)
Tonal patterns can differ for Verb Class 1 and Verb Class 2 (see Chapter 5), two 
categories of verb stems. (148) and (149) show examples of LLH and LHL verbal tonal 
melodies with the verbs bɛːʃ 'burn s.th.' (Verb Class 1) and hiːt 'finish s.th. (itive)' (Verb 
Class 2) in the non-future affirmative perfect construction. 
(148) g-ì-bɛɛ ːʃ-tʃá
AFF-2.SG-burn-FS
'You have burned (her/him/it/them)' 
(IGS0229_2017-2-3_MB3_01)
146
(149) g-ì-híː-tʃà
AFF-2.SG-finishːITV-FS
'You have finished (her/him/it/them)' 
(IGS0229_2017-2-3_MB3_01)
4.4 Post-verbal H tone pattern
The [V-NP] floating H construction is a tonal construction that modifies the initial 
tones of NPs following verbs. If the first tone of the NP directly following the verb is L, 
the [V-NP] floating H construction will make it a H and condition H spreading. The 
schematic structure and tonal properties of the [V-NP] Floating H Construction can be 
seen in (150).
(150) [V-NP] Floating H Construction
    [V] [NP]
H
This means that the second tone of the NP will also be H if it is not word-final. If the 
[V-NP] floating H construction does not apply, but the final tone of the verb is H and the 
first tone of the NP is a non-word-final L, then only that first tone of the NP will become a 
H.  These changes result in tonal melodies that are sometimes significantly different from 
the underlying melodies and may result in the neutralization of case distinctions. A list of 
147
all of the underlying and surface tonal melodies together is provided in Table 54. (151) 
shows the LLH-tone nominal bànànéːd ‘orphan’ in a number of elicited examples with each 
possible surface tonal melody, and (152) shows an example from natural speech with the 
LLH-tone nominal àsìmdʒánd ‘Asimjeeg person’.
148
Accusative (Citation) Nominative
Underlying With With Underlying With With
form [V-NP] H-Spreading form [V-NP] H-Spreading
Floating H Only Floating H Only
Tone Tone 
L H L H H H
H H H L H L
LH HH HH LH HH HH
LL HL HL LH HH HH
HL HL HL HL HL HL
HH HH HH HH HH HH
LLH HHH HLH LHL HHL HHL
LHHa HHH HHH LHL HHL HHL
LHHb HHH HHH LHH HHH HHH
LLL HHL HLL LHL HHL HHL
LHL LHL HHL LHL LHL HHL
LLLH HHLH HLLH LHHL HHHL HHHL
LLHH HHHH HLHH LHHL HHHL HHHL
LLHL HHHL HLHL LHHL HHHL HHHL
HHLH HHLH HHLH LHHL HHHL HHHL
LLLLH HHLLH HLLLH LHLLL HHLLL HHLLL
LHLLH LHLLL HHLLH LHLLL LHLLL HHLLL
Table 54: Underlying accusative and nominative tonal forms, together with the surface 
forms.
149
(151) a. bànàn-éː-d  g-ó-síːb-áːd
orphan-PS.SG-SS.SG AFF-3-move-AM.ITV
'(A/The) orphan moves.' 
(IGS0229_2017-2-20_YN)
b. q-àː-híː-tʃ  bánán-éː-d
AFF-1.SG-finish-FS orphan-PS.SG-SS.SG
'I am finishing/finished (a/the) orphan' 
(IGS0229_2017-2-20_YN)
c. q-ɔɛ -híːt bánàn-ǃéː-d
AFF-3-finish orphan-PS.SG-SS.SG
'S/he/it/they are finishing/finished (a/the) orphan.' 
(IGS0229_2017-2-20_YN)
d. g-ó-síːb-áːd àr bànán-èː-d 
AFF-3-move-AM.ITV even orphan-PS.SG-SS.SG/NOM
'Even (a/the) orphan moves.' 
(IGS0229_2017-2-20_YN)
e. q-ɔɛ -híːd-áːn  bánán-èː-d
AFF-3-finish-1.SG orphan-PS.SG-SS.SG/NOM
'The orphan finished me/I was finished by the orphan.' 
(IGS0229_2017-2-20_YN)
f. g-ó-síːb-áːd bánán-èː-d 
AFF-3-move-AM.ITVorphan-PS.SG-SS.SG/NOM
'(A/The) orphan moves.'
(IGS0229_2017-2-20_YN)
(152) ìːj-áː-ŋúl-àːd ásím-dʒán-d
CONJ-1.SG-look-AM.ITV asimjeeg-PS.SG-SS.SG
'...If I look at an Asimjeeg person' 
(IGS0229_2017-3-14_#20_097)
The [V-NP] Floating H Construction is conditioned by a number of linguistic 
variables, most notably the person and number values of core arguments and the tense, 
polarity, conditionality, and directionality of the verbal predicate. Table 55 lists all of the 
conditions for the distribution. 
150
Distributional pattern Constructional conditions Person/number conditions
label for [V-NP] floating H
construction
Pattern 1 Affirmative non-future If any core argument is 1st 
Conditional non-future or 2nd person
Pattern 2 Affirmative future
Negative future
Persistive non-future If {S, A} argument is 1st 
Subjunctive person plural
Pattern 3 Negative non-future Unconditional
Affirmative ventive non-
future
Pattern 4 Affirmative perfect non- If {S, A} argument is 3rd 
future person.
Pattern 5 Affirmative itive non-future Unconditional for Verb Class
1
If {S, A} argument is 1st or 
2nd person for Verb Class 2
Table 55: Linguistic variables that condition the distribution of the [V-NP] Floating H 
Tone construction.
Table 54 and 55 together demonstrate that the [V-NP] Floating H Construction is 
conditioned both by the properties of the verb and also – if the NP consists only of a 
nominal – the tone class of the nominal. While the status of the grammatical roles in the 
clause is a relevant factor for the distribution of the construction, the construction itself 
does not appear to have a distinct grammatical function and does not code case. Due to its 
strong ties to tense, polarity, conditionality, and directionality constructions, one could 
151
argue that the [V-NP] Floating H Construction is best viewed as a formal component or 
extension of verbal tonology.
152
CHAPTER V
VERB STEMS
5 VERB STEMS
In this section, the notion of the verbal stem is introduced and a non-exhaustive set 
of morphological stem categorizations is presented. Stems are categorized by 
morphological complexity (Section 5.1), verb class (Section 5.2), and Advanced Tongue 
Root (ATR) features (Section 5.3). The tonal patterning of verbs is predictable based on 
the phonological and morphological structure of the stem, as well as the verb class.
The term "verb stem" is used here to describe a structure that consists of a verb root 
together with any morphology that it obligatorily co-occurs with.  "Simplex stems" 
consist simply of a single verb root, whereas "complex stems" consist of a verb root in 
combination  with obligatory directional, associated-motion, or pluractional suffixes, or a 
reduplicated root. Verb stems are easily identified in 2.SG dependent stem forms, so these
are the forms used in most of the examples that follow. 
Both simplex and complex verb stems can be categorized into two verb classes, 
Class 1 and Class 2. Synchronically, these classes are merely morphological, although 
they appear to have historical origins in a causative prefix that can be traced back to 
Proto-Nilotic ((Dimmendaal 1983; Kießling 2000b). The two verb classes have some 
stem-internal formal differences, condition allomorphic variation in verbal morphology, 
and also have distinct transitivity profiles. 
153
Finally, verb stems can additionally be categorized based on a binary ATR feature 
(+ATR or -ATR). The ATR values of verb stems with mid vowels (i.e. /e/, /o/, /ɛ/, /ɔ/) are
indicated by the set of +ATR (/e/, /o/) or -ATR (/ɛ/, /ɔ/) vowels contained within the 
stem, but stems without mid vowels are only identifiable through the verbal morphology. 
In general, the verb stem controls the ATR value of verbal morphology, following a root-
controlled pattern (Casali 2008).
5.1 Simplex and complex stems
5.1.1 Simplex stems
A majority of verb stems in Asimjeeg Datooga are simplex, i.e. they consist of a verb 
root only. Nearly all of these simplex stems are monosyllabic and consist of the syllable 
shape CV(ː)C. A small set of irregular Class 1 verb stems are CV(ː) or VC, such as un 'go,' 
lɛː 'drink,' da 'see'. A selection of Class 1 and Class 2 monosyllabic simplex stems in 2.SG
dependent stem form is presented in Table 56. For Class 1 verb stems, the dependent stem
form consists merely of the bare stem with a H tone and for Class 2 verb stems it consists
of the stem with a prefix a- with a LH tonal melody. 
154
Class 1 Class 2
Meaning Form Meaning Form
'relax' fúf 'stand' à-jéɲ
'pull' gís 'invite, à-lúl
announce'
'shoot, throw' wúd 'keep, save' à-tíːw
'be tired' búr 'pick up' à-lím
'suck' rér 'wear clothes' à-k̫ ál
'bump, beat, gúl 'vomit' à-kés
castrate'
'sleep' líl 'begin' à-ŋɛɛ ːd
'look for' wíːl 'sweat' à-hɔɛ ːd
'give birth' dʒíːl 'finish' à-híːd
'smell' dʒón 'teach' à-náːl
'cut' ʃíːd 'snatch seize' à-sɛɛ ːl
'soak' ʃáb 'faint' à-híːl
'sharpen' ʃíd 'prevent' à-tɛɛ ːl
'dig' báʃ 'diminish' à-ʃɔɛ ːɲ
'lick' mɛɛ ːʃ 'catch hold' à-ŋɔɛ ːɲ
'scrape' fɔɛ r 'be bright' à-bɔɛ ːɲ
'grab s.th.' sɔɛ l 'flow, stream' à-rɛɛ ːm
Table 56: Monosyllabic simplex stems, in 2.SG dependent stem form
155
Class 2 stems never occur in natural speech without prefixing morphology, and some 
stems appear to reflect this fact in the phonological structure of their roots. The small set of 
Class 2 simplex stems presented in dependent stem form in Table 57 feature stem-initial 
consonant sequences that would violate general phonotactic patterns without the presence 
of a vocalic prefix. 
Meaning Form
'Drag s.th.ǃ' à-ŋgíːr
'Remember s.th.ǃ' à-fkád
'Belchǃ' à-stʃɛɛ ːw
Table 57: Class 2 monosyllabic simplex stems with atypical stem-initial consonant 
sequences, presented here in 2.SG dependent stem form
In addition to monosyllabic simplex stems, there are also disyllabic simplex stems. A 
list of disyllabic simplex stems is presented in Table 58. All Class 1 disyllabic simplex 
stems feature a LH melody in the 2.SG dependent stem, and Class 2 stems feature a LLH 
melody. 
156
Class 1 Class 2
Meaning Form Meaning Form
'squat' fùndá:r 'cry, weep' à-jàwúd
'choke' dùgúʃ 'harden' à-hàŋɔɛ :ɲ
'be full' làŋúd 'straighten, à-tɔɛ ːbíw
stretch, accompany'
'squeeze' bìrbín 'widen' à-pàrá
'groan from pain' dìgín
'kneel' dùgúɲ
'turn' bùgús
'converse, bàlóːl
discuss'
'be drunk' bògíd
'hasten' làmádʒ
'be straight' dɔɛ ːbíw
'like, love' bàríɲ
'bite' qàɲád
Table 58: Disyllabic simplex verb stems, in 2.SG dependent stem form
5.1.2 Complex stems
Complex stems are those that consist of multiple morphemes. In Asimjeeg Datooga, 
these include stems with reduplicated roots (Section 5.1.2.1) and those with lexicalized 
directional (Section 5.1.2.2), associated-motion (Section 5.1.2.3), and pluractional suffixes 
(Section 5.1.2.4).
157
5.1.2.1 Stems with reduplicated roots
Stems with reduplicated roots consist of a single monosyllabic root that is repeated 
twice, and they often code pluractional or iterative semantics (e.g. dabdab 'touch s.th. 
multiple times'). A list of verb stems with reduplicated roots is presented in Table 59. Class
1 reduplicated stems always feature a LH tonal melody in the 2.SG dependent stem form, 
and Class 2 stems feature a LLH melody.
Class 1 Class 2
Meaning Form Meaning Form
'fan s.th.' hɛɛ ːdhɛɛ ːd 'blink' à-mìsmís
'smile, smirk' ɲìmɲím 'soften s.th.' à-pùmbún
'feel around bàrbár 'pant' à-hàŋháŋ
something'
'make s.th. go mànmán
around'
'touch s.th. dàbdáb
multiple times'
'rock s.th. back sàbsáb
and forth'
Table 59: Verb stems with reduplicated roots, in 2.SG dependent stem form
158
5.1.2.2 Stems with directional suffixes
Many verb stems in Asimjeeg Datooga obligatorily include the itive or ventive 
directional suffixes, which code direction of movement or orientation away from or towards 
a deictic reference (see Chapter 11). These directional suffixes occur immediately after the 
verb root, and they cannot be removed from the stems in which they occur. 
Some of the verb roots in these stems co-occur with the itive and also also the ventive, 
as seen in Table 60. The distinction between the semantics of these forms is usually related 
to the direction of movement, or association with 1st/2nd vs. 3rd person objects. Class 1 stems
feature a LH tonal melody in the 2.SG dependent stem, whereas Class 2 stems features a 
LHL melody.
Meaning Ventive dependent stem Itive dependent stem form
form
'leave' rìnːí  rìtá
'finish' dùl-ní dùl-dá
'return' bùŋ-ní bùg-dá
'raise s.th.' àtíŋ-nì à-tíŋ-dà
'arrive' hìnːí ~ jìnːí à-hítà ~ à-jítà
'enter' à-bínːì à-bítà
'make s.th. enter' à-búnːì à-bútà
'show (to s.o.)' à-jíːm-nì à-jíːm-dà
Table 60: Pairs of verbal stems with the same verb root and ventive and itive suffixes, in 
2.SG dependent stem form. 
159
Other verb roots only occur in stems with either the itive or the ventive suffix, and the 
semantics of these verbs may or may not involve the direction of movement. Asimjeeg 
Datooga is also not the only variety of Datooga that has lexicalized directional morphology. 
Kießling (2007a: 129–136) describes examples of lexicalized directional suffixes for 
Gisamjanga Datooga, including mucun 'to dawn,' ʃiŋda 'become late,' mikt 'set (sun),' and 
possibly goon 'give'.A list of verbs in Asimjeeg Datooga that only occur with the itive is 
provided in Table 61, and a list of verbs that only occur with ventive is provided in Table
62. 
160
Meaning Form
'limp' dʒìg-dá
'call' gùr-dá
'lose s.th.' wùtá
'drown' jìb-dá
'make s.o. drown' à-jíb-dà
'sit' à-ftá-dà
'be late' ʃìŋ-dá
'forgive' bàj-dá
'be silent' sìːn-dá
'hang s.th.' qàstá
'burn s.th.' qʷàr-dá
'swallow' nùq-dá
'shake s.th.' làláːqdà
'fold s.th.' à-mál-dà
'breathe' à-háj-dà
'ask, request' à-pár-dà
Table 61: Verbal stems with roots that only occur with the itive suffix, in 2.SG dependent 
stem form
161
Meaning Form
'revive' dùnːí
'revive s.o.' àtúnːí
'grow' hènːí
'say, answer' rùŋ-ní
Table 62: Verbal stems that have roots that only occur with the ventive suffix, in 2.SG 
dependent stem form
5.1.2.3 Stems with associated motion and directional suffixes
The associated-motion suffixes aːd ~ -aːd(i) ~ -aːd(a) and -aːn ~ -aːn(i) typically 
express semantics of a motion co-event and direction of movement (see Section 11.1.4). 
The exact semantics of the suffixes vary from root to root. Some roots always occur with 
directional-associated-motion suffixes, and together they form complex stems. Some roots 
occur both in stems with the itive and those with ventive directional-associated-motion 
suffixes (Table 63), while others occur only in stems with the itive directional-associated-
motion suffix (Table 64). One verb stem with the ventive directional-associated-motion 
suffix, wiːdaːni 'remain behind,' does not have a counterpart with the itive directional-
associated-motion suffix (Table 65). 
162
Meaning Ventive form (IMP.SG) Itive form (IMP.SG)
'descend' ràráŋ-àːnì ràráŋ-àːdà
'move slowly' à-dʒìl-áːnì à-dʒìl-áːdà
'move fast, reach a place' ŋàŋ-áːnì ŋàŋ-áːdà
Table 63: Verbal stems with roots that occur with either ALM + VEN or ALM + ITV 
forms, in 2.SG dependent stem form
Meaning Form
'crawl' dùgùŋ-áːdà
'walk' (lit. 'go' + ALM + ITV) wàj-áːdà
'disappear' mìnmìn-áːdà
'roll' ràráq-áːdà
Table 64: Verbal stems with roots that occur only with ALM + ITV, in 2.SG dependent 
stem form
Meaning Form
'remain behind' wìːdáːnì
Table 65: Verbal stems with roots that only occur with ALM + VEN, in 2.SG dependent 
stem form
5.1.2.4 Stems with the pluractional suffix
The pluractional suffix typically codes an action as occurring multiple times, on a 
regular basis, or customarily (see Chapter 10). Some verb roots always occur together with 
163
the pluractional suffix in the stem. A list of some of these verbs is provided in Table 66 in 
dependent stem form (which is marked by pluractional through the gemination of the root-
final consonant or -j). 
Meaning Form
'want' gásː
'circumcize' bánː
'chew' ɲéː-j
Table 66: Verb stems that include the pluractional suffix, in 2.SG dependent stem form
5.2 Verb classes 
All verb stems in Asimjeeg Datooga can be categorized into two morphological 
classes, Class 1 and Class 2.  The members of the two verb classes are distinguished from 
each other in terms of their internal structure, the morphology they co-occur with, 
transitivity and/or causation semantics, and the tonal patterns of the constructions in which 
they occur. 
Class 1 verb stems never begin with a voiceless stop, whereas Class 2 stems may begin 
with any consonant. Class 2 verb stems always occur with some kind of prefixing 
morphology. Class 1 verb stems, however, do occur without any prefixing morphology in 
2.SG dependent stem constructions. 
164
The two verb classes occur with different sets of subject indexation prefixes for some 
constructions. For non-future and perfect constructions with 3rd person subject indexation, 
Class 1 stems take the prefix (w)a-, while Class 2 stems take the prefix o- ~ ɔ-. For 
dependent stem constructions with 2.SG subject indexation, Class 1 stems are unmarked 
but Class 2 stems take the prefix a-. For dependent stem constructions with 2.PL subject 
indexation, Class 1 stems optionally take either the prefix a- or the prefix o- ~ ɔ-, and Class 
2 stems take only the prefix o- ~ ɔ-. A summary of all the structure features of the two 
classes mentioned so far is provided in Table 67.
Type Feature Class 1 Class 2
Stem-internal Initial consonant of No voiceless stops Any consonant
verb stem
3rd person non- (w)a- o- ~ ɔ-
future subject 
indexation
Verbal morphology Dependent stem 2 ø a-
SG subject indexation
Dependent stem 2 PL a- ~ o- ~ ɔ- o- ~ ɔ-
subject indexation
Table 67: Features that differ for Class 1 and Class 2 verbs
Examples (153) and (154) show two dependent stem constructions with Class 1 and 
Class 2 stems from natural speech. In (153) the future construction containing the Class 1 
165
verb stem ŋul 'look' does not include a subject indexation prefix. In (154) the future 
construction containing the Class 2 verb k̫ al 'wear' includes the subject indexation prefix a-.
(153) g-íː-ø-ŋúl íː-ø-nd-áw 
AFF-FUT-2.SG-look COND-2.SG-COP-POSS 
déb-ádʒ-àn-d màl-éː-d-á
sack-PS.SG-PS.SG-SS.SG/SW honey-PS.SG-SS.SG-COP
'...you will look to see if you have a container of honey.'
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#1_203)
(154)  ák áqʷáj-g g-ìdʒ-à-k̫ àl-dájdá 
DISC skin-SS.PL AFF-FUT-2.SG-wear-MAN
'So how would you wear the skins?'
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#4_134)
Although both Class 1 and Class 2 verb stems can be transitive and intransitive, there 
are a number of Class 1-Class 2 pairs for which the Class 1 stem is intransitive and the 
Class 2 stem is transitive. If the Class 1 stem in an intransitive-transitive pair begins with a 
voiced stop, then the Class 2 stem usually begins with a voiceless stop, such as in dɔ̀ɔ̀bíwɔ̀ɔ̀bíẁbíw b̀bíw íww  
'be straight' and atɔ̀ɔ̀bíwɔ̀ɔ̀bíẁbíw b̀bíw íww   'straighten s.th.'. Other intransitive-transitive pairs appear to 
simply be the same root functioning as a member of both classes, as in jíwb̀bíw da  'drown' and 
aj̀bíw íwb da ̀bíw  'make s.th. drown'. A list of examples of intransitive-transitive pairs of Class 1 and 
Class 2 verb stems is provided in Table 68.
166
Class 1 Class 2
dɔɛ ːbíw 'be straight' à-tɔɛ ːbíw  'straighten s.th.'
dìŋ-dá 'ascend (ITV)' à-tíŋ-dà  'raise s.th. (ITV)'
jìb-dá  'drown' à-jíb-dà  'make s.th. drown'
dàr-dá 'spread out (ITV)' à-tár-dà 'spread s.th. out (ITV)'
dùnːí 'revive' à-túnːì 'revive s.th.'
búr 'be tired' àpúr 'make s.th. tired'
Table 68: Intransitive and transitive pairs in Class 1 and Class 2, in 2.SG dependent 
stem form
Perfect constructions always feature Class 2 subject indexation, regardless of the class 
of the verb stem. Examples (155) and (156) demonstrate this using natural speech data. In
(155) the verb stem bur ‘be tired’ occurs in a non-future (non-perfect) construction with 
Class 1 subject indexation for a 3rd person subject. In (156), however, the same verb stem 
occurs in a perfect construction with Class 2 subject indexation. 
(155) g-á-búr fúqár-éː-d-èɲ àb 
AFF-3-be.tired mind-PS.SG-SS.SG-1.SG.POSS PREP 
hìdʒ
PROX.LOC.PRO
'Now my mind is tired'
(2017-3-10_#2_13)
167
(156) síː-d íːː g-ó-búr àb  
person-SS.SG COND.COP AFF-3-be.tired/PERF PREP 
gádìj-ɛɛ ː-d-àɲ 
work-PS.SG-SS.SG-3.SG.POSS
'If a person is like...they are already tired from their work...'
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#1_021)
The tonal melodies of verbal constructions with Class 1 and Class 2 verb stems often 
differ, with Class 2 stem constructions often occurring with a word-initial L tone (typically 
on the subject indexation or the future prefix), where Class 1 stem constructions have a H 
tone. A selection of word-level tonal melodies that exemplify these differences between the 
two verb classes is presented in Table 69. 
Class 1 Monosyllabic Stem Class 2 Monosyllabic Stem
Affirmative non-future LH(L) LH(L)
(1.PL)
Negative non-future (1.SG) HHH LHL
Affirmative future (1.SG) HHH LHH
Affirmative non-future LL(H) LH(L)
perfect (1.SG)
Dependent stem (2.SG) H LH
Table 69: A selection of tonal patterns for monosyllabic Class 1 and Class 2 verb stems
Kießling (2000) provides an extensive overview of verb classes in Gisamjanga 
Datooga, and Rottland (1983) includes a brief discussion of verb classes in Datooga in 
general. Some of the patterns reported by (Kießling 2000b) for Gisamjanga Datooga do not
apply for Asimjeeg Datooga, such as the Class 2 lengthening of 2.SG subject indexation in 
168
non-future constructions, 1.SG subject indexation in dependent stem constructions, and 3rd 
person subject indexation in negative non-future constructions, and the blocking of labial 
assimilation in 2.SG subject indexation.
Verb classes similar to those found in Datooga varieties have also been reported for 
other Southern Nilotic and Eastern Nilotic languages (Tucker & Bryan 1966: 450; 
Rottland 1982: 244). Dimmendaal (1983) posits that Class 2 in all of these languages 
constitutes the remnants of a causative prefix that can be traced back to Proto-Nilotic. 
This is reflected in the grammar of Asimjeeg Datooga by the asymmetries in the 
transitivity of Class 1 and Class 2 verb stems, the voicing contrasts in stem-initial stops, 
and the greater number of Class 1 stems in general. 
5.3 ATR
All verb stems in Asimjeeg Datooga can additionally be categorized based on an 
underlying ATR value. Although there is not a phonemic contrast between +ATR and 
-ATR in the high vowels or low vowel (see Section 2.1.2), roots with only these vowels 
can still be categorized as +ATR or -ATR based on morphophonemic patterns of the 
verbal morphology that they co-occur with. Three morphological paradigms reflect the 
underlying ATR value of the verb root: the affirmative prefix closest to the root (Section
5.3.1), subject indexation (Section 6.1), and object indexation (Section 6.3). A list of 
some +ATR and -ATR verb roots is provided in Table 70. See Section 2.2.3 for more 
discussion of ATR. 
169
+ATR -ATR
Class 1 fúf 'relax' ŋɛɛ ːd 'wake, begin'
gís 'pull' háb 'recover'
gód 'touch, pass (by something)' síd 'hate'
gál 'try' nús 'extinguish, kill'
rér 'suck' fɔɛ r 'scrape'
Class 2 à-jéɲ 'stand' à-sɛɛ ːl 'seize'
à-lúl 'invite' à-hɔɛ ːd 'sweat'
à-tíːw 'protect' à-híːd 'finish'
à-k̫ ál 'wear clothing' à-náːl 'teach'
à-kés 'vomit' à-bútà 'insert or drop something 
à-jàwúd 'cry' (itive)'
Table 70: A sample of verb roots categorized by ATR and verb class, in 2.SG dependent 
stem form
5.3.1 Affirmative prefix
In affirmative non-future constructions and perfect constructions, the affirmative prefix 
alternates for 1.SG, 2.PL, and 3rd person subject indexation. In constructions that include 
the dependent stem, however, the affirmative prefix is only present in verbs with 3rd person 
subject indexation, so the alternation is not visible for 1.SG and 2.PL. These patterns are 
summarized in Table 71. The default form of the affirmatic prefix in all other contexts is g-.
170
Affirmative non- Perfect Constructions
future construction constructions including the
dependent stem
1.SG g- ~ q- g- ~ q- g-
2.PL g- ~ q- g- ~ q- g-
3 g- ~ q- g- ~ q- g- ~ q-
Table 71: Alternations of the affirmative prefix closest to the verb root, based on the ATR
value of the verb root, the person and number of the subject indexation, and the verbal 
construction
Examples (157) through (165) illustrate the contexts in which the affirmative prefix of 
verbs with 1 SG, 2 PL, and 3 subject indexation alternates between the allomorph g- 
(+ATR) and q- (-ATR), depending on the ATR value of the verb root.  
Affirmative non-future
(157)  q-à:-bɛɛ :ʃ-tʃ
AFF-1.SG-burn-FS
'I burn(ed) (s.th.)'
(158) q-ɔɛ :-bɛɛ :ʃ-tʃì
AFF-2.PL-burn-FS
'You all burn(ed) (s.th.)'
(159) q-à-bɛɛ ːʃ
AFF-3-burn
'She/he/it/they burn(ed) (s.th.)'
Affirmative perfect non-future
(160) q-àː-bɛɛ ːʃ-tʃ-á
AFF-3-burn-FS-PERF
'I have burned (s.th.)'
171
(161) q-ɔɛ ː-bɛɛ ːʃ-tʃ-á
AFF-2.PL-burn-FS-PERF
'You all have burned (s.th.)'
(162) q-ɔɛ -bɛɛ ːʃ-à
AFF-3-burn-PERF
'She/he/it/they burned (s.th.)'
Dependent stem constructions (affirmative future)
(163) g-í-dá-bɛɛ ːʃ
AFF-FUT-1.SG-burn 
'I will burn (s.th.)'
(164) g-ìdʒ-ɔɛ ː-bɛɛ ːʃ
AFF-FUT-2.PL-burn
'You all will burn (s.th.)'
(165) g-íː-q-á-bɛɛ ːʃ
AFF-FUT-AFF-3-burn
'She/he/it/they will burn (s.th.)'
172
CHAPTER VI
ARGUMENT INDEXATION
6 ARGUMENT INDEXATION
This chapter describes the indexation of subject and object arguments on the verb. 
Both types of indexation are obligatory regardless of the presence of co-referential 
pronouns or noun phrases and include allomorphs that may vary depending on the ATR 
value of the verb stem, verb class, conditionality, polarity, tense, and aspect. Subject 
indexation morphology directly precedes the verb root, whereas object indexation occurs 
after most verbal suffixing morphology (see Section 4.1 for further discussion). 
6.1 Subject indexation
The term "subject" as used here refers to the set of grammatical roles {S, A}, which 
includes the sole argument of intransitive clauses (S), and the argument referring to the 
most active participant of transitive clauses (A). The term "impersonal subject" refers to 
verbal morphology that indexes an unspecified, non-referential, or unidentifiable subject 
argument (see Section 6.2), whereas a "personal subject" refers to a specified, referential, or
identifiable argument (including all speech-act participants). 
173
Subject indexation is the primary coding mechanism by which the person and number 
of the subject is expressed on the verb, but it is not the only mechanism. The final suffix 
(see Section 4.1.3), the affirmative prefix in 3rd person (see Sections 4.2 and 7.1), and verb 
tone are also used together with subject indexation to create different morphological 
patterns for 1 SG/PL, 2 SG/PL, and 3rd person arguments. 
Subject indexation in Asimjeeg Datooga is obligatory for all verbal constructions and 
directly precedes the verb root. Subject indexation paradigms vary depending on the verbal 
construction. In total, there are four subject indexation paradigms, each of which is 
associated with one or more verbal constructions: (1) the non-future paradigm, (2) the 
affirmative perfect paradigm, (3) the dependent stem paradigm, and (4) the conditional-
relative paradigm. The non-future paradigm is used in affirmative and negative non-future 
constructions, and the perfect paradigm is used in non-future, future, and conditional 
perfect constructions. The dependent stem paradigm occurs in all dependent stem 
constructions (see Section 4.2). The conditional-relative paradigm is used in non-future 
conditional and relative clause constructions. See Table 72 for the personal and impersonal 
subject indexation forms in each paradigm.
174
Indexation Verb class 1 SG 1 PL 2 SG 2 PL 3 Impersonal
Paradigm
Non-future Class 1 aː- eː- ~ i- ~ u- o- ~ ɔ- (w)a- eː- ~ ɛː-
Class 2 ɛː- o- ~ ɔ-
Affirmative All a- eː- ~ i- ~ u- o- ~ ɔ- o- ~ ɔ- eː- ~ ɛː-
perfect ɛː-
Dependent Class 1 da- eː- ~ ø- a- / o- (w)a- eː- ~ ɛː-
stem ɛː- ~ ɔ- 
Class 2 a- o- ~ ɔ- o- ~ ɔ-
Conditional Class 1 a- sí- ø- o- ø- sí-
-Temporal Class 2 o-
Table 72: The four subject indexation paradigms
The conditional-temporal subject indexation paradigm for Class 1 verb stems features 
different tonal melodies for 2.SG and 3rd person subjects: 2.SG has a H tone on the subject 
indexation prefix (and L tone on the root, if monosyllabic), and 3rd person has a L tone on 
the subject indexation prefix (and a H tone on the root, if monosyllabic). Examples (166) 
and (167) demonstrate this tonal distinction between 2.SG and 3 in elicited conditional 
constructions with the verb root da ‘see.’
175
(166) íí-ø-dà
COND-2.SG-see
‘If you see (it)’
(167) ìì-ø-dá
COND-3-see
‘If she/he/it/they see (it)’
The phonological form of 3rd person indexation (w)a- for Class 1 verb stems in the 
non-future and dependent stem paradigms is determined by the first consonant of the verb 
root and, if the first consonant is the glottal fricative /h/, also the frontedness of the first 
vowel of the root. The prefix has the form wa- before roots that begin with {/ʃ/, /l/, /d/, 
/j/, /dʒ/, /s/, /r/, /ɲ/, /hV[+front]/}, and the prefix has the form a- before roots that begin with 
{/q/, /w/, /b/, /g/, /m/, /f/, /ŋ/, /hV[-front]/}. A non-exhaustive list of example verb stems that 
occur with the two forms of the (w)a- prefix is presented in Table 73.
176
3rd person Initial consonant of Example verb stems
subject indexation verb root
form
/ʃ/ ʃíːd 'cut,' ʃáb 'soak,' ʃìŋdá 'be late'
/n/ nùŋʷáːdà 'abandon,' núqdá 'swallow,' nál 
'know s.th.,' nèːkíːd 'get close to s.th.'
/l/ líl 'sleep,' làbáj 'swim,' lɛɛ  'drink,' lás 'hit, slap'
/d/ dùgʷíɲ 'kneel,' dá 'see,' dás 'kick,' dùgúʃ 
'choke'
/j/ jíɲ 'hear,' jíːn 'put,' jám 'turn over, change' 
(j)èʃíːn 'tell'
/dʒ dʒón 'smell,' dʒìgdá 'limp,' dʒám 'dry,' dʒíːl 
'give birth,' dʒáw 'be afraid'
- /s/ sàwán 'give pain,' sám 'taste,' sàmsín 'be kind,'wa síd 'hate,' sín 'make, do,' sáːw 'continue' 
/r/ rér 'suck,' rìtá 'flee,' réɲ 'jump,' rùŋní 'say,' 
ràgsínd 'hope,' rád 'close'
/ɲ/ ɲìmɲím 'smile,' ɲɛɛ ːɲɛɛ ː 'chew,' ɲás 'get,' 
ɲàɲár 'be destroyed'
/h/ (hV[+front]) hènːí 'grow up,' híɲí gèw 'bend down,' hèwáɲ 
'forbid,' hɛɛ ːd 'wake s.th.,' hɛɛ ːʃ 'smear'
/q/ qúd 'breathe, blow,' qʷál 'choose'
/w/ wáʃ 'cough,' wúd 'throw, shoot,' wíːl 'look for'
/b/ búr 'be tired,' búɲ 'bury,' bírː 'squeeze,' bánː 
'circumcise,' báʃ 'dig'
a- /g/ gód 'tap, touch,' gál 'try,' gùrdá 'call,' gís 'pull'
/m/ màŋʃén 'whisper,' mɛɛ ːw 'die,' más 'agree'
/f/ fúf 'rest,' fádʒ 'run,' fɛ r 'scrape'
/ŋ/ ŋúl 'look at,' ŋɛɛ ːd 'wake,' ŋɔɛ ːwíːd 'be blind'
/h/ (hV[-front]) hòsán 'be happy,' háb 'recover,' hɔɛ n 'drive out'
Table 73: Class 1 verb stems that co-occur with the two different forms of the 3rd person
subject indexation in the non-future and dependent stem paradigms. 
177
6.2 Impersonal subject indexation
The impersonal subject construction in Asimjeeg Datooga is used to code subject 
arguments that are indefinited or feature "reduced referentiality" (Siewierska 2011: 57), i.e. 
they do not refer to a real-world entity or group of entities that can be identified by the 
speaker or interlocutor. These properties correspond roughly to what Malchukov and Ogawa
(2011) call "indefinite subjects" and also what Siewierska (2011) calls "pronominal R-
impersonals", and the fact that Asimjeeg Datooga is a pro-drop language aligns with the 
high degree of grammaticalization of impersonal subject constructions in similar languages 
(Siewierska 2011: 86). 
  Impersonal subject indexation in Asimjeeg Datooga codes an impersonal subject as 
either directly performing an action or acting as the source or cause of the performance of 
an action by a 3rd person object, which may be either singular or plural in number . Verbal 
constructions with impersonal subjects are often easily translated to English using an 
agentless English passive construction, as in (168) and (169).
(168) g-èː-dʒíːl-síːn-áːn hóláqàt
AFF-IMPERS-give.birth-TERM-1.SG Holaqat
'I was born in Holaqat.'
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#4_020)
(169) àníːn g-ɛɛ́ː-qɛɛ ːn-àːn áb mítàl
1.SG.PRO AFF-IMPERS-marry-1.SG PREP Matala
'I was married in Matala'
(IGS0229_2017-3-2 #1_016)
178
Example (170) demonstrates the control of co-reference across multiple clauses 
including impersonal subject and personal subject indexation, whereby the object of the first
verb with impersonal indexation is co-referential with the subject of the following verb with
personal subject indexation. 
(170)  ák g-ɛɛ́ː-bár àː q-à-mɛɛ ːw
DISC AFF-IMPERS-hit COORD.CONJ AFF-3-die 
bálː-àn-d ḿtámíː-d
boy-PS.SG-SS.SG leader-SS.SG/SW
'Now, the son of the leader was beaten until he died'
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#12_31)
Other constructions are more easily understood as coding actions that are done 
regularly or commonly, often by human referents, as in example (171).  
(171)  qáj g-éː-rám-íː-d qàdàːd-g
old.times AFF-IMPERS-fetch-PLUR-ITV gourd-SS.PL
  'In the old days, people fetched (water) with gourds.’/ ‘In the old days, gourds 
were used to fetch (water).'
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#1_109)
Impersonal subject indexation can also co-occur in the same clause with a lexical 
subject NP that refers to multiple human referents (i.e. “people”), as in (172). 
(172) g-èː-jàg-ádʒ bún-éː-d àr hàngʷá-s 
AFF-IMPERS-eat-PLUR people-PS.SG-SS.SG even clothing-PL.REF
'Often people ate even these clothes...'
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#03_085)
179
Impersonal subject indexation can co-occur with intransitive verb stems if the 
grammatical object is 3rd person (i.e. there is no overtly coded object indexation). In these 
constructions, impersonal subject indexation codes the action as being performed by the 
grammatical object but caused by the impersonal subject, as in example (173). The 
impersonal subject may be interpreted as an unspecified human referent or as a non-
referential situational context.
(173)  g-ɛɛ̀ː-fk èː-bàlóːl àr qáj 
AFF-IMPERS-come IMPERS-discuss even old.times 
'They came to speak [the language] even in the old days...'
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#03_040)
The form of impersonal subject indexation eː- ~ ɛː- resembles that of 1.PL subject 
indexation eː- ~ ɛː-. There are other differences in the verbal morphology of 1.PL and 
impersonal subject constructions, however, which help to distinguish the two. Verbal 
constructions with impersonal subjects do not include a final suffix (FS), and the tonal 
patterns of verbal constructions with impersonal subjects and 1.PL subjects are often 
distinctive, as shown in the elicited data in examples (174) through (177). 
(174) g-èː-síɲì
AFF-1.PL-do:FS
'We do (it)'
(175) g-èː-sín
AFF-IMPERS-do
'She/he/it is done'
180
(176) éː-sìn
1.PL-do
'Let's do (it)'
(177) èː-sín
IMPERS-do
'She/he/it/they should be done'
Impersonal subject constructions have been reported for a number of other Southern 
Nilotic languages. Examples (178) and (179) show what appears to be a cognate impersonal
subject construction in Nandi, a Kalenjin language of Kenya.
(178) kɪɛ́-gúːr-ín
'You are called'
(Nandi, Tucker and Bryan 1966: 472)
(179) kɪɛ́-guːrén-én kɪrɪswa
'You are called Kiriswa'
(Nandi, Tucker and Bryan 1966: 472)
In the literature on Gisamjanga and Barabaiga Datooga, impersonal subject indexation 
is sometimes labeled 1.PL or 3.PL. Impersonal constructions in these varieties appear to 
have the same function as those in Asimjeeg Datooga. Example (180) shows an impersonal 
construction from Gisamjanga/Barabaiga Datooga labeled as 1.PL subject indexation, and 
example (181) shows impersonal constructions in Gisamjanga Datooga glossed as 3.PL 
(original transcriptions and glossing maintained).
(180) éa (.) g-éeyéeshá á-wíil-à gêata
yes AFF-1PL-say.IS IMP.PL-lie.down-IMP.PL REFL
'yes, they were told to lie down'
(Gisamjanga Datooga, Mitchell 2015ː 238)
181
(181) ɪɪɛ -mùŋàw gàj-ée-ŋòɲ-âa-d-a, gáa sì-ràdù
TEMP-flee FUT-3PL-catch-ALM-CF-FS AN.PLPF.3PL-arrest:CP
màj-ée-bàr gàj-ée-rábàd-âa-d-a, ákèeyáadú 
NEG:FUT-3PL-kill FUT-3PL-capture-ALM-CF-IS SEQ-3PL-take:CP 
qòh
home
‘When they1 run away, they2 will catch them1 on the run; those who are
arrested will not be killed, they2 will take them1 as captives on the run and
bring them1 home (as war booty).'
(Kiessling & Bruckhaus 2017: 8)
Both of these analyses as personal subject indexation are problematic in that 
impersonal constructions are often used in contexts in which the subject cannot be 
interpreted as constituting a 1.PL or 3.PL argument. Additionally, although the structural 
similarities between the impersonal subject indexation prefix and the 1.PL subject 
indexation prefix support the claim that the two are historically related, the synchronic 
analysis of a single 1.PL construction in Asimjeeg Datooga is problematic because of 
distinct tonal patterns for the 1.PL and impersonal constructions. For this reason, the two 
are treated here as separate constructions.  
6.3 Object indexation
The term "object" as used here refers to P arguments, which refer to the least active 
participant of transitive clauses, R arguments, which refer to the goal or recipient in 
ditransitive clauses, and T arguments, which refer to the them in ditransitive clauses. Object
182
indexation in Asimjeeg Datooga is restricted to 1st person and 2nd person arguments and is
obligatory whenever a 1st person or 2nd person argument functions as a P, R, or T 
argument, regardless of the presence or absence of a co-referential lexical NP. 3rd person 
object indexation is not overtly coded, and a verb without object indexation or a lexical NP 
object may be interpreted as either having an inferable object that is 3 SG/PL or not having 
an object at all. All of the object indexation suffixes in Asimjeeg Datooga are listed in Table
74. See (182) through (186) for examples of object indexation from natural speech data.
Person Singular Plural
1st -àːn -ɛɛ ːs
2nd -èːɲ ~ -ɛɛ ːɲ / -oːɲ ~ ɔːɲ -éːgʷ ~ -ɛɛ ːgʷ / -oːgʷ ~ -ɔːgʷ
3rd -ø
Table 74: Object indexation suffixes
(182) g-ì-dà-lùl-èːɲ g-ì-más
AFF-FUT-1.SG-invite-2.SG AFF-2.SG-agree
'I will invite you, will you accept?'
(IGS0229_2017-3-1 #5_12)
(183) g-ì-tɛɛ ːl-àːn g-à-wùrdʒ-í
AFF-2.SG-avoid-1.SGAFF-3-resemble-FS
'...you are avoiding me, what's going on?'
(IGS0229_2017-3-9_#2_011)
(184) q-à-báríɲ-àːn ár háw-èː-g 
AFF-3-love-1.SG even girl-PS.PL-SS.PL
'...even the girls loved me'
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#4_09)
183
(185) qʷ-à-hɛɛ ːd-ɛɛ ːɲ qámát-àŋʷ
AFF-3-wake-2.SG mother-2.SG.POSS
'Your mother wakes you.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-10_#11_23)
The allomorphs of the 2 SG/PL object indexation suffixes include +ATR (/e/, /o/) and 
-ATR (/ɛ/, /ɔ/) mid vowels and pattern according to the ATR value of the verb stem. The 
1.PL object indexation suffix -ɛɛ ːs includes a -ATR mid vowel and is unaffected by the 
ATR value of the verb stem. Table 75 provides elicited examples demonstrating the 
patterning of 2 SG/PL object indexation allomorphy and 1.PL object indexation.
ATR value of verb 2.SG Object 2.PL Object 1.PL Object
stem
+ATR g-èː-ŋgíːr-èːɲ g-èː-ŋgíːr-éːg̫ g-èː-ŋgíːr-ɛɛ́ːs
'You are dragged' 'You all are 'We are dragged'
dragged'
-ATR g-ɛɛ ː-híːd-ɛːɛ̀ ɲ g-ɛɛ ː-híːd-ɛːɛ́ g̫ g-ɛɛ ː-híːd-ɛɛ́ːs
'You are 'You all are 'We are finished'
finished' finished'
Table 75: Object indexation patterns for 2 SG/PL and 1.PL with +ATR and -ATR verb 
stems. 
In natural speech texts, speakers of Asimjeeg Datooga occasionally use alternate 2nd 
person indexation suffixes -oːɲ ~ ɔːɲ and -oːgʷ ~ -ɔːgʷ, as in (186). This suffix has not been 
184
reported for other varieties of Datooga and it remains to be determined what factors 
condition the variation between this suffix and the -èːɲ ~ -ɛɛ ːɲ suffix.
(186) síː-d í:-rúŋ-n-òːɲ ŋàʃ-án-d 
person-SS.SG COND-tell-VEN-2.SG word-PS.SG-SS.SG 
qam̀bíw a- t-aŋ 
mother-SS.SG-3.SG.POSS
'...if a person is told (something) by their mother...'
(IGS0229_2017-3-10_#11_16)
185
CHAPTER VII
POLARITY
7 POLARITY
Polarity encompasses the contrast between the assertion that a proposition is true 
(affirmative) and the assertion that a proposition is false (negative). The two polarity 
values operate in Asimjeeg Datooga within a relation of "contradiction", whereby one 
must be true and the other false (Israel 2004). The coding of polarity in Asimjeeg 
Datooga typically corresponds with the distribution of two constructions: the affirmative 
polarity prefix (Section 7.1), and the negative polarity prefix (Section 7.2). 
Although these two prefix constructions represent two opposing polarity values, their
actual distribution within the grammatical system is complicated by the integration of 
auxiliary verbs (see Section 4.2.2), the lexicalization of polarity constructions within 
some auxiliary constructions (see Sections 9.1.2 and 9.3), and zero-marked affirmative 
constructions (see Section 14.1). The result is that the two prefix constructions often 
operate paradigmatically (i.e. are mutually exclusive and independent of other 
morphology), but also sometimes co-occur and sometimes are fused together with other 
morphology.    
186
7.1 Affirmative polarity
The affirmation of a proposition is typically coded by the affirmative prefix, which has 
two allomorphs g- ~ q- that co-occur with +ATR and -ATR stems, respectively, for verbal 
constructions with 1.SG, 2.PL, and 3rd person subject indexation. Verbal constructions with 
2.SG, 1.PL, or impersonal subject indexation always occur with the +ATR allomorph of the
affirmative prefix, even if the verb stem is -ATR. See Table 76 for examples showing the 
distribution of the +ATR and -ATR allomorphs of the affirmative prefix in declarative 
clauses with the +ATR verb rér'suck' and the -ATR verb rám 'fetch'.
Meaning Declarative Declarative Declarative 3 Declarative Declarative
1.SG 2.SG 1.PL 2.PL
'suck' gàːrérdʒ gìrér gʷàrér gèːrérdʒì gòrérdʒì
(+ATR)
‘fetch’ qàːrámdʒ gìrám qʷàrám gɛɛ ːrámdʒì qɔɛ ːrámdʒì
(-ATR)
Table 76: Patterning of the +ATR and -ATR allomorphs of the affirmative prefix in 
constructions with different subject indexation. 
Verb stems with the pluractional suffix always co-occur with the +ATR allomorph of 
the affirmative prefix. Example (187) shows the verb phrase bár ŋàɲ 'farm' with the 
-ATR allomorph of the affirmative prefix, and example (188) shows the same verb phrase
with the pluractional suffix and the +ATR allomorph of the affirmative prefix.
187
(187) q-à-bár ŋàɲ bùn-éːd
AFF-3-hit earth people-PS.SG-SS.SG
'People farmed'
(IGS0229_2017-3-1 #2_007)
(188) àː g-à-bár-ádʒ ŋàɲ bùn-èː-d 
CONJ AFF-3-hit-PLUR earth people-PS.SG-SS.SG
'And people often farmed...'
(IGS0229_2017-3-1 #2_007)
In the conditional and imperative constructions, affirmative polarity is not overtly 
coded by the affirmative prefix but rather is contrasted with negative polarity by the 
presence or absence of the negative prefix m-. Perfect aspect constructions, however, 
including those with the conditional, always occur with the affirmative prefix (see 
Section 14.1).
In some dependent stem constructions with 3rd person subject indexation and future 
perfect constructions, the affirmative prefix occurs twice. The first occurrence of the 
affirmative prefix is always the +ATR allomorph, whereas the second is sensitive to the 
ATR value of the verb stem. Example (189) shows the verb phrase bár ŋàɲ 'farm' again, 
now with two affirmative prefixes: the first is the +ATR allomorph of the affirmative 
preceding the future prefix, and the second is the -ATR allomorph of the affirmative 
preceding subject indexation and the -ATR verb stem. Example (190) shows the same 
verb phrase in a future perfect construction, again with two affirmative prefixes, but in 
188
this case both instances of the affirmative are the +ATR allomorph because the verb stem 
bur 'be tired' is +ATR. 
(189) síː-ní g-íː-q-á-bár ŋàɲ
person-PROX.DEM AFF-FUT-AFF-3-hit earth
'This person will farm' 
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#6_79)
(190) g-ìdʒ-á-g-ò-bùr à=pár-ó:d
AFF-FUT-AFF-3-be.tired/PERF PREP=hit-NMLZ
'They will be tired of farming'
(IGS0229_2017-3-10_#13_36)
There is some evidence that the second occurrence of the affirmative prefix in these 
contexts no longer contributes to the expression of affirmative polarity, but rather is the 
structural residue of a construction that coded affirmative polarity in the past. The first 
polarity prefix in these constructions (whether affirmative or negative) determines the 
polarity of the verb. This can be seen in example (191), where the negative prefix m- at the 
beginning of the verb including the root k̫ aːl  'wear' is followed by the affirmative prefix g-, 
and the verbal construction as a whole codes negative polarity. 
(191) àr àqɔɛ ː-d (...) m-ìː-g-ò-k̫ áːl
even skin-SS.SG NEG-FUT-AFF-3-wear
'Even an animal skin...she won't wear (it)'
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#5_039)
189
7.2 Negative polarity
Negative polarity is coded by the negative prefix m- in all constructions except the 
imperative, in which negative polarity is coded by a negative auxiliary with two variants 
dìgán and mɛ gán. In all non-conditional constructions, the negative prefix occupies the 
same first slot of the verb as the affirmative prefix, as in example (192) with the verb root
bít 'enter (ITV)'. In conditional constructions, the negative prefix directly follows the 
conditional prefix, as in example (193) with the verbal copula nd.
(192) m-ìː-q-ɔɛ -bít úk̫ ɛɛ ː-d-àŋʷ
NEG-FUT-AFF-3-enter:ITV field-SS.SG-2.SG.POSS
'Won't it enter your field?'
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#3_098)
(193) qùwàr ìː-m-ád-g-ʷá-nd síː-d háw 
home COND-NEG-PERS-AFF-3-COP person-SS.SG big.SG
àː m-à-nd-án gì=tʃá q-ɔɛ -ɛɛ ndɛɛ lɛɛ dʒ
CONJ NEG-3-COP-OBL thing-POSS.V AFF-3-continue/SW
'If there are no older people at home, then nothing will continue.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#10_127)
190
CHAPTER VIII
TENSE
8 TENSE
Tense can be considered the grammaticalized expression of the location of an event 
in time, or "the representation of the time that contains [an] event"  (Hewson 2012: 511), 
Tense is deictic in that it relates events to a temporal reference point, usually the time of the
speech act (Comrie 1985, 14). Tense is closely related to other traditional categories such as
aspect and modality, and may be considered a component of the "situation perspective" 
(Jendraschek 2014), or the range of different perspectives on an event, including whether or
not it is real or unreal, as coded through verbal grammar. The coding of events that have 
either not occurred yet at the time of speech or had not occurred yet at some reference time
can therefore be described both in terms of the representation of time and the 
representation of the real and unreal (de Haan 2005). Without putting too much emphasis 
on one descriptive perspective over the other, relevant constructions will largely be 
framed here as temporal phenomena. 
In Asimjeeg Datooga, there are three paradigmatic constructions that correspond to 
the notions of non-future tense (Section 8.1), future tense (Section 8.2), and sequential 
tense (Section 8.3). Similar tense constructions have been described for other Datooga 
varieties. Mitchell (2015: 46) describes a binary tense system for Gisamjanga/Barabaiga 
191
Datooga, stating that "a verb without a future or perfect tense marker can be interpreted as
present or past, depending on the context of the sentence.” Other scholars have used the 
terms “present (imperfect)” and “future” (Rottland 1983: 226), and “present/aorist” and 
“future” (Kießling 2007a: 7) to describe Datooga tense constructions.
8.1 Non-future tense
Non-future tense in Asimjeeg Datooga codes events that either are occurring during 
the time of speech, generally occur at the time of speech, or occurred prior to the time of 
speech. Non-future tense is segmentally unmarked in all verbal constructions, and tone is 
used to distinguish between sequential and non-sequential tense (see section 8.3). 
When disambiguation between the coding of events prior to and during speech time is 
required, then time adverbials such as qámn 'now,' hét 'yesterday,' or qáj 'old times' are used
to orient the lister accordingly. The following three examples with affirmative polarity each 
demonstrate one of the three senses of non-future tense: during time of speech, generally 
occurring, and prior to time of speech. Example (194) shows the verb da 'see' with non-
future tense coding an event that is occurring at the time of speech, example (195) shows 
the verb ag 'eat' with non-future tense coding an event that generally occurs during the time
of speech, and example (196) shows the copula nd with non-future tense coding a state that 
held true in the past. 
192
(194) qámn q-à:-dà-j qár-ɛɛ ː-d-àŋʷ
now AFF-1.SG-see-FS house-PS.SG-SS.SG-2.SG.POSS
'Now I see your house...'
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#5_006)
(195) qámn g-éː-jàg-àdʒ bòː-g ɲìːs sí-jàd-àj 
now AFF-1.PL-eat-PLUR crop-SS.PL often IMPERS-grind-PLUR
máʃíːn
machine/SW
‘Now we eat food that is often ground by a machine...’
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#5_058)
(196) qáj ásìm-dʒ-éː-g g-èː-nd
old.times asimjeeg-PS.PL-PS.PL-SS.PL AFF-1.PL-COP
sóméːg
Someega
‘In the old days, the Asimjeeg, we were in Someega.’
(IGS0229_2017-3-10_#8_06)
Non-future tense constructions with negative polarity can also be used to express the 
same temporal contexts. Example (197) shows the copula nd with negative polarity and 
non-future tense coding a state that generally holds true at the time of speech, and example
(198) shows the same copula with negative polarity and non-future tense coding a state 
prior to the time of speech. 
(197) àr qámn m-à-nd gìl q-ɔɛ -dɔɛ ːbìw
even now NEG-3-COP thing.SG AFF-3-be.straight/PERF
'Even now there is nothing good.'
(2017-3-16_#2_55)
193
(198) qáj máʃíːn m-à-nd-án 
old.times machine/SW NEG-3-COP-OBL
g-ád-g-ʷà-rìd-ø qámn
AFF-PERS-AFF-3-leave-VEN now
'In the old days there was no machine, it emerged only recently'
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#7_17)
Non-future tense is the most common tense for clauses that function as the apodosis of 
a conditional clause. Example (199) shows the verb ʃin 'delay, postpone' with non-future 
tense functioning as the apodosis of the preceding conditional clause with the verb un 'go'.
(199) íː-ø-w én-d ságdáj-d q-ʷá-ʃìɲ 
COND-2.SG-go river-SS.SG morning-SS.SG AFF-3-delay
bàr-óːd ʃíŋá-d 
hit-NMLZ evening-SS.SG
'If they go to the river in the morning they will delay the farmwork in the 
evening.' 
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#3_008)
8.2 Future tense
Future constructions in Asimjeeg Datooga code events that are expected to hold true 
after the time of speech or after a reference time prior to the time of speech. Future 
constructions include four segmental morphological slots: the first filled by the conditional 
prefix ìː-, the second filled by either the +ATR affirmative prefix g- or the negative prefix 
m-, the third filled by the future tense prefix i(ː)- ~ (i)dʒ(a)-, and the fourth filled by the 
dependent stem (which also includes the affirmative g- ~ q- prefix with 3rd person subject 
194
indexation, see Section 4.2 above). Only the first of these four slots is optional. A 
presentation of this schematic structure is provided in Table 77.
(Slot 1) Slot 2 Slot 3 Slot 4
Conditional ìː- Affirmative g- Future- Dependent stem
Negative m- i(ː)- ~ (i)dʒ(a)-
Table 77: Schematic morphological structure of future tense constructions
The distribution of the various allomorphs of the future tense prefix i- ~ (i)dʒ(a)- 
depends on the morphological context in which the prefix occurs. The morphological 
categories that the distribution is sensitive to include the person and number of the 
following subject indexation, verb class (for 2.SG subject indexation), co-occurrence with 
perfect constructions, and co-occurrence with the conditional prefix. These conditions are 
summarized in Table 78.
195
Future tense prefix form Morphological conditions
i- 1.SG subject indexation
iː- 2.SG subject indexation + Class 1 verbs
3rd person subject indexation
idʒ- 2.SG subject indexation + Class 2 verbs
1.PL subject indexation
2.PL subject indexation
Impersonal subject indexation
idʒa- Affirmative perfect
Negative perfect
dʒa- Conditional prefix ìː-
Table 78: Morphological conditions of the various allomorphs of the future tense prefix
Each of the allomorphs of the future prefix will be demonstrated in the following 
examples. For non-conditional, non-perfect constructions with 1.SG subject indexation, the 
form is i-, as shown in example (200) with the verb un 'go'. 
(200) ʃìŋád  áníːn  g-ì-dá-w bár-òːd
evening 1.SG.PRO AFF-FUT-1.SG-go hit-NMLZ
'In the evening I will go to farm3.' 
(IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_07)
3 The verb bar 'hit' sometimes takes on the meaning of the verb phrase bar ŋaɲ 'farm 
(lit. hit earth)' even without the word ŋaɲ 'earth', as is the case here.
196
For non-conditional, non-perfect constructions with 2.SG and a Class 1 verb stem or 
3rd person subject indexation, the form of the future tense prefix is iː-, as shown in example
(201) with the verb dʒiːl ‘give birth’ and example (202) with the verb rug ‘tell.
(201) dʒàf-t-áŋʷ g-íː-ø-dʒíːl
child-SS.SG-2.SG.POSS AFF-FUT-2.SG-give.birth
‘You will give birth to your child.’
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#24_181)
(202) g-ìː-g-ʷá-rúg-s síː-d qàmà-t 
AFF-FUT-AFF-3-tell-TERM person-SS.SG mother-SS.SG
ŋàʃ-án-d
word-PS.SG-SS.SG
‘A mother will tell someone something...’
(IGS0229_2017-3-10_#13_73)
In non-conditional, non-perfect constructions with 2.SG subject indexation with a Class
2 verb stem, 2.PL subject indexation, 1.PL indexation, or impersonal subject indexation, the
form of the future tense prefix is idʒ-. This is shown in example (203) with the Class 2 verb
àpárdà ‘ask (about something)’ with 2.SG subject indexation, example (204) with the verb 
da 'see' and 2.PL subject indexation, example (205) with the verb fuf 'rest' and 1.PL subject
indexation, and example (206) with the verb hɔn ‘drive off’ with impersonal subject 
indexation.
(203) àː g-ìdʒ-á-pár-d ár làpí
COORD.CONJ AFF-FUT-2.SG-ask-ITV even money
'And you will ask even about money...'
(IGS0229_2017-3-1 #5_124)
197
(204) g-ìdʒ-ò-dá ŋàʃ-èː-g míjàs
AFF-FUT-2.PL-see word-PS.PL-SS.PL good.PL
'...you (all) will see good things.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-14_#20_183)
(205) àsk̫ ár  g-ídʒ-éː-fùf
afternoon AFF-FUT-1.PL-rest
'In the afternoon we will rest'  
(IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_18)
(206) ìː-w dʒèː-d qáréːmáŋ-g 
COND-go stomach-SS.SG boy-SS.PL
g-ídʒ-ɛɛ ː-hɔɛn-ɛɛ ːɲ
AFF-FUT-IMPERS-drive.off-2.SG
‘If you go inside among the boys you will be driven off.’
(IGS0229_2017-3-10_#7_036)
In perfect constructions, the form of the future tense prefix is idʒa-, as shown in 
example (207) with the verb bur 'be tired' with 3rd person subject indexation.
(207) g-ìdʒá-g-ò-bùr à=pár-ó:d
AFF-FUT-AFF-3-be.tired/PERF PREP=hit-NMLZ
'They will be tired of farming'
(IGS0229_2017-3-10_#13_36)
Finally, in conditional constructions, the form of the future prefix is dʒa-, regardless of 
the subject indexation. This is shown in example (208) with the verb ɲas 'get' with 2.SG 
subject indexation.
198
(208) làpí ìː-dʒá-ø-ɲás  m-ɛɛ ː-qús
money COND-FUT-2.SG-getNEG-IMPERS-be.necessary
q-ʷá-ʃàj-d déː-d sìː-d háw
AFF-3-buy-ITV cow-SS.SG person-SS.SG big.SG
'If you were to get money, isn't it necessary for a big person to sell a cow?'
(IGS0229_2017-3-1 #5_042)
Future tense constructions are compatible with negative polarity both in declarative 
and interrogative utterance types. Example (209) shows the future tense with the verb nùɲí 
'come' and negative polarity in a declarative utterance. Example (210) shows the future 
tense with the verb k̫ al 'wear' and affirmative polarity in an interrogative utterance, and 
example (211) shows future tense with the modal verb  mus 'can' and negative polarity in an
interrogative utterance.
(209) m-ìː-q-à-fk g-íː-g-ʷá-jéʃ áː 
NEG-FUT-AFF-3-come AFF-FUT-AFF-3-say COORD.CONJ
núŋʷ-áːd g-á-ŋùtʃ-éw hóʃ
let-AM.ITV AFF-3-fight-LOC DIST.LOC.PRO
'They won't come, they will say 'Let them fight over there.''
(IGS0229_2017-3-14_#21_159)
(210) qáj ŋíŋ g-ìdʒ-à-k̫ ál ńgàlì
old.times 2.SG.PRO AFF-FUT-2.SG-wear what
‘What would you wear in the old days?’
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#4_138)
(211) a. àː g-àd-à-mús ŋàʃ-éːn àŋíːŋì (...) 
COORD.CONJ AFF-PERS-2.SG-can grind-OBL 2.SG.PRO
'And are you still able to grind (by hand)?'
b. m-ì-dà-mús áb nà
NEG-FUT-1.SG-can PREP what
'Why wouldn't I be able to?'
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#3_046)
199
8.3 Sequential tense
Sequential tense in Asimjeeg Datooga codes an event as having occurred prior to the 
time of speech and after the completion of another event that is either accessible from the 
discourse context or is coded in a previous clause. Sequential tense is formally marked by 
tone only, it is restricted to non-future tense and affirmative polarity, and it does not co-
occur with any other aspect constructions. 
The most common tonal pattern of the sequential construction is a H tone attached to 
the subject indexation prefix. If the verb stem is simplex and monosyllabic, then the H tone 
is often followed by a L tone on the verb root, as shown in Table 79.
Tense Tone of Tone of
subject indexation verb root
Non-future L H (/L)
Sequential H L
Table 79: Tonal patterns for sequential and non-future tense in verbal constructions 
with simplex monosyllabic verb stems
In example (212), the first verb àjítà ~ àhítà ‘arrive.ITV’ features the regular non-
sequential LL tonal pattern of a non-intonational-phrase-final verbal construction with 1.SG
subject indexation. The second verb dʒiːl ‘give birth’ in the same example occurs with the 
HL sequential tonal pattern, indicating that the consecutive event occurred after the 
completion of the previously referred event. Example (213) shows the same sequential 
200
tonal pattern with the verb ɲar ‘court s.o.,’ 3rd person subject indexation, and 1.SG object 
indexation.
(212) q-àː-jì-t àː g-áː-dʒìːlː
AFF-1.SG-arrive-ITV COORD.CONJ AFF-1.SG-give.birth.FS/SEQ
‘I arrived and then gave birth.’
(IGS0229_2017-1-25_MM #3_16)
(213) q-ɔɛ -n màŋg àː g-ó-ɲàr-àːn
AFF-3-come Mangi COORD.CONJ AFF-3-court-1.SG/SEQ
‘Mangi came and then he courted me.’
(IGS0229_2017-1-25_MM #4_24)
The sequential tense construction can also be used in clauses that do not share the same
subject indexation as the previous clause. Example (214) shows non-future tense with 1.PL
subject indexation followed by sequential tense with the verb da ‘see’ and 1.SG subject 
indexation. 
(214) g-èː-mùk-íː-s q-áː-dà-j 
AFF-1.PL-continue-PLUR-TERM AFF-1.SG-see-FD/SEQ
májʃ gàb ʃíːd 
life/SW POSS.COP problem/SW
‘We continued and then I saw (this) life is problematic...’
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#3_011)
Constructions similar to the sequential construction of Asimjeeg Datooga have also 
been reported for other varieties of Datooga (Rottland 1982: 176; Kießling 2007a; 
Kießling, Mous & Nurse 2008; Mitchell 2015a; Kießling & Bruckhaus 2017) . Example
(215) shows an instance of the sequential prefix ak- in Gisamjanga Datooga. It is quite 
201
possible that the tonal alternation of the sequential construction in Asimjeeg Datooga has its
diachronic origins in a cognate of the sequential prefix in Gisamjanga Datooga, and further 
study will hopefully enhance our understanding of their relationship to one another, as well 
as other similar constructions in non-Nilotic languages of northern Tanzania. 
(215) ákʰì-nùŋʷ-àa-d-í
SEQ.2SG-allow-ALM-CP-IS
‘So you may let them go away!
(Kießling & Bruckhaus 2017: 7)
202
CHAPTER IX
ASPECT
9 ASPECT
Aspect can be thought of as 'the representation of the time contained in [an] event,'  
or a way of viewing the internal temporal structure of a situation (Comrie 1976: 3; 
Hewson 2012: 511; Holt 1943). Under Jendraschek’s (2014) situation perspective 
framework, verbal aspect represents the closest perspective on an event because of its 
focus on the internal structure of the event. In Asimjeeg Datooga, there is a paradigmatic 
set of aspect constructions: affirmative perfect aspect (see Section 9.1.1), negative perfect
aspect (see Section 9.1.2), persistive aspect (see Section 9.2), and priority aspect (see 
Section 9.3). All of the aspect constructions can co-occur with either the non-future or 
future tense constructions. The paradigmatic aspect constructions cannot co-occur with 
each other, but the pluractional aspect construction can co-occur with the persistive. 
 
9.1 Perfect
Perfect aspect "relates some state to a preceding situation" (Comrie 1976: 52), and in 
Asimjeeg Datooga there are two distinct perfect constructions for affirmative and negative 
polarity. The affirmative perfect construction corresponds to what Comrie (1976, 56) calls 
the "perfect of result," i.e. the expression that the present state is "the result of some past 
203
situation," and the negative perfect construction corresponds both to what Comrie calls the 
perfect of result and the "perfect of persistent situation," i.e. the expression that "a situation 
started in the past but continues (persists) into the present" (Comrie 1976: 60). The 
affirmative perfect construction includes a special subject indexation paradigm, a final suffix 
pattern, and a tonal pattern. The negative perfect construction consists of a negative 
auxiliary mànúŋ that most likely has its origins in the verb nuŋ ‘let,’ followed by a 
dependent stem structure with the lexical verb. The affirmative and negative perfect 
constructions in Asimjeeg Datooga thus consist of quite distinct structures despite their 
similar semantics.  
9.1.1 Affirmative perfect aspect
The formal aspects of the affirmative perfect construction in Asimjeeg Datooga are 
distinct from those reported for Barabaiga Datooga and Gisamjanga Datooga (Rottland 
1982: 277). The affirmative perfect in Asimjeeg Datooga is a word-level construction that 
features a special subject indexation pattern that formally resembles Class 2 subject 
indexation of non-perfect constructions, as well as verb-class-specific tonal patterns, and the
final suffix -(C[+Palatal])a. The palatal consonant in the suffix occurs only with 1st or 2nd person 
subject indexation, and the vowel is deleted if the construction is not intonational-phrase-
final. A schematic structure of the affirmative perfect construction is provided in Figure 16. 
204
See Section 6.1 for more information about the affirmative perfect subject indexation 
paradigm. 
Affirmative Subject indexation Verb stem Final Suffix
g-
-(C[+Palatal])a
Figure 16: Schematic morphological structure of affirmative perfect constructions
The affirmative perfect construction is compatible with both non-future and future 
tenses. Example (216) shows the affirmative perfect in a non-future tense construction with 
the Class 1 verb laŋud 'be full,' and example (217) shows the affirmative perfect in a future 
tense construction with the Class 1 verb bur 'be tired'. 
(216) dú-gʷ qɔɛ -fk-àːn áː 
cow-SS.PL AFF-3-come-AM.VEN COORD.CONJ
g-ò-làŋút-à
AFF-3-be.full-FS/PERF
‘The cows came and they had already gotten full.’
(IGS0229_2017-3-9 #1_411)
(217) g-ìdʒ-á-g-ò-bùr à=pár-ó:d
AFF-FUT-AFF-3-be.tired/PERF PREP=hit-NMLZ
'They will be tired of farming'
(IGS0229_2017-3-10_#13_36)
205
9.1.2 Negative perfect aspect
 The negative perfect construction consists of the negative auxiliary mànúŋ  followed
by the lexical verb in a dependent stem structure (see Section 4.2). The negative perfect 
auxiliary can also occur as an independent word, with a meaning roughly comparable to 
'not yet' in English (or bado in Swahili). The negative auxiliary is fully grammaticalized 
and always features Class 1 3rd person subject indexation (a-) regardless of the subject 
indexation or Verb Class of the following lexical verb. The syntactic structure of negative
perfect constructions is presented in Figure 17.
Negative perfect auxiliary Dependent stem
mànúŋ -
Figure 17: Schematic syntactic structure of negative perfect constructions
The negative perfect is compatible with both future and non-future tenses, and also 
the conditional prefix. Example (218) shows the negative perfect construction with non-
future tense and the verb jiɲ 'hear', example (219) shows the negative perfect construction
with future tense and the verb da 'see',  and example (220) shows the negative perfect in a
non-future conditional construction with the verb lil 'sleep.'
206
(218) m-à-núŋ dá-jíɲ ásìm-dʒ-àn-d 
NEG-3-let 1.SG-hear asimjeeg-PS.SG-PS.SG-SS.SG
sí-bár-s dʒérk̫ -èː-d
IMPERS-hit-TERM field-PS.SG-SS.SG
'I've never heard of an Asimjeeg person being beaten in the field.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-14_#21_193)
(219) g-ìdʒá-m-à-núŋ q-ʷá-dá
AFF-FUT-NEG-3-let AFF-3-see
'He/she/it/they will not have seen (it)'
(220) ìː-m-á-núŋ g-ʷá-lìl qɔɛn áː 
COND-NEG-3-let AFF-3-sleep father COORD.CONJ
qámà-t m-à-nd-án rít-ájd
mother-SS.SG NEG-3-COP-OBL leave:ITV-MAN
'If the father and mother haven't gone to sleep, there is no leaving (like that)'
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#24_082)
Example (221) shows the negative perfect auxiliary mànúŋ used without a lexical verb 
in an interrogative utterance. 
(221) gòl-wú qàrèmàn-éː-d qàɲ m-á-núŋ
PRIOR-2.SG:COP boy-PS.SG-SS.SG or NEG-3-let
'You were already a young boy, or not yet?'
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#4_037)
9.2 Persistive ad=
The persistive aspect auxiliary ad= codes the continued persistence of an event or 
state. It is roughly comparable to the English translation 'still' with affirmative polarity, 
207
and 'not anymore' with negative polarity. It is compatible with both non-future and future 
tense. The persistive aspect auxiliary occurs after the polarity prefix (affirmative or 
negative) and is followed by the dependent stem structure (see Section 4.2), which 
includes a dummy affirmative prefix in constructions with 3rd person subject indexation, 
regardless of the polarity of any preceding prefixes. If co-occurring with future tense, 
then the persistive is preceded by an additional initial polarity prefix and the future tense 
prefix, as shown in Figure 18. Verbal constructions with future tense and persistive aspect
thus have either two polarity prefixes (for 1st/2nd person subject indexation) or three 
polarity prefixes (for 3rd person subject indexation). The initial polarity prefix is the only 
one that ever contributes to the polarity semantics of the construction, and the only one 
that can be either affirmative or negative, rather than a "dummy" affirmative prefix.
(Affirmative/ (Future) Affirmative/ Persistive aspect Dependent stem
Negative iː- Negative auxiliary -
g-/m- g-/m- ad=
Figure 18: Schematic morphological structure of the persistive aspect construction
  Example (222) shows the persistive auxiliary with non-future tense with the verb 
àŋɔɛ ːɲ ‘hold, grasp,’ example (223) shows the persistive phonologically merged with the 
1.SG subject indexation in a construction with non-future tense and the equative-
208
attributive copular verb was, and example (224) shows the persistive in a future 
construction with the verb bugda 'return (ITV)'.
(222) àb=òʃ bùn-éː-d g-àd=q-ɔɛ -ŋɔɛ ːɲ 
PREP=DIST.LOC.PRO people-PS.SG-SS.SG AFF-PERS=AFF-3-grasp
gí-d qúwàr
thing.SG home
'There people still understand the home language'
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#9_11)
(223) àː g-átá-wás mànàŋ
COORD.CONJ AFF-PERS:1.SG-COP small
'I'm still small'
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#24_026)
(224) g-à-wùrdʒ qámn hòʃ 
AFF-3-resemble now DIST.LOC.PRO
g-ìː-g-ád=èː-búg-d
AFF-FUT-AFF-PERS=1.PL-return-ITV
'It's like now we will be returning there...
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#3_102)
The persistive auxiliary is also compatible with negative polarity in future and non-
future tense constructions. Example (225) shows the persistive in a non-future construction 
with negative polarity and the existential-locative copula nd, and example (226) shows the 
persistive in a future construction with negative polarity and the verb nal 'know'.
209
(225) ràgdàw-àdʒ-éː-g hóʃ m-ád=g-ʷá-nd 
west-PS.PL-PS.PL-SS.PL DIST.LOC.PRO NEG-PERS-AFF-3-COP
dùm-d ásìm-dʒ-éː-g g-ó-dúl-àːn
dance-PS.SG asimjeeg-PS.PL-PS.PL-SS.PL AFF-3-finish-AM.VEN
'In the western areas there aren't any Asimjeeg dances anymore, they've 
finished.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#2_55)
(226) àː m-iːɛ-g-àd=q-ʷá-nál àr hèd 
COORD.CONJ NEG-FUT-AFF-PERS=AFF-3-know even place
dʒá g-á-wáj
POSS.V AFF-3-go
'And they won't even know a place to go to anymore...'
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#24_046)
The persistive auxiliary also occurs in copular constructions that do not feature an 
inflected verb. Example (227) shows the persistive in a copular construction attaching to the
pronoun ditandʒ 'that one' in an equative construction, and example (228) shows the 
persistive in an attributive construction attaching to the irregular 3rd person equative-
attributive copula aː. See Section 3.4 for more discussion of non-verbal predicate 
constructions.
(227) nàw-éː-d g-ád=dít-àndʒí
path-PS.SG-SS.SG AFF-PERS=DIST.DEM.PRO-REF/COP
‘The path is still that same one...’
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#1_156)
(228) g-àd=àː=míj
AFF-PERS=COP=good.SG
‘It’s still good’
(IGS0229_2017-3-14_#20_042)
210
9.3 Priority gol=
The priority auxiliary gol= is used to relate events to previous situations in a manner 
similar to that of the affirmative perfect construction, but it is also used specifically in 
contexts where the speaker perceives the interlocutor as not expecting the event to have 
taken place yet, in a manner that roughly corresponds to the English word already (or the 
Swahili verbal prefix sha-). The priority auxiliary is compatible with both non-future and 
future tense, but it is not compatible with negative polarity. The priority auxiliary occurs 
in the same position as the persistive prefix, and in future-tense constructions is preceded 
by a polarity prefix and the future prefix, as shown in Figure 19. 
(Affirmative/ (Future) Priority Dependent stem
Negative iː- gol= -
g-/m-
Figure 19: Schematic morphological structure of priority aspect constructions
Example (229) shows the priority auxiliary in a non-future construction with the verb
ŋata 'pass.ITV,' and example (230) shows the priority auxiliary in an elicited future tense 
construction with the verb hiːt 'finish s.th.'. 
(229) ŋàʃ-éː-g=sú gòl=q-à-ŋàtá 
word-PS.PL-SS.PL=PROX.DEM PRIOR=AFF-3-pass:ITV
m-àː-nàl-ì sù
NEG-1.SG-know-FS PROX.DEM.PRO
'These things had already passed, I don't know them'
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#14_36)
211
(230) g-ìdʒá-gòl=q-ɔɛ -hí:t
AFF-FUT-PRIOR=AFF-3-finish
'She/he/it/they will have already finished (it)'
212
CHAPTER X
PLURACTIONAL
10 PLURACTIONAL
Pluractionality expresses the plurality or multiplicity of a state or event expressed by a 
verb  (Newman 1990; Kießling 1998), including habitual events that occur on a regular 
basis and events that are repeated multiples within a short temporal window. The term 
“pluractional” also corresponds with the terms “iterative” and “frequentative”, but also 
specifies the locus of coding as within the verb (Mattiola 2017; Hofherr & Laca 2012)In 
Asimjeeg Datooga, pluractionality is coded through a suffixing verbal construction that 
occurs before, between, or after other verbal suffixes depending on the morphological 
context.  The pluractional suffix also displays a wide variety of allomorphic variation that
is conditioned not only by the phonological environment of the suffix but also other co-
occurring constructions. All pluractional constructions feature +ATR vowels and the 
+ATR affirmative prefix g-, regardless of the ATR value of the verb stem. A non-
exhaustive set of these allomorphs is discussed here.  Table 80 lists some of the 
allomorphs of the pluractional suffix and also the constructions in which they occur. 
213
Pluractional suffix forms Corresponding constructions
-a Dependent Stem (1.PL SBJ)
Non-future Negative
-aj Non-future AFF (1/2 SBJ)
Conditional AFF (1/2 SBJ)
Perfect AFF
-adʒ Non-future AFF (3 SBJ)
Conditional AFF (3 SBJ)
Dependent Stem AFF (1.SG/3 SBJ)
-C Dependent Stem (2 SBJ, simplex stems)
-iː Terminal
Itive
-u Ventive 
Table 80: The various forms of the pluractional suffix
Allomorphs similar to those listed in Table 80 are reported by Kießling (1998) for 
Gisamjanga Datooga and (as "habitual") for Datooga varieties more generally (Rottland 
1982, 1983). The -u allomorph of the pluractional suffix can also be thought of as the 
lengthening of the /u/ vowel in the ventive suffix -un.  Kießling (1998: 8) posits that all of 
the allomorphs of the pluractional suffix in Gisamjanga Datooga may have resulted from the
phonological erosion of the long form -ayeen (-ajeːn), an allomorph which is not present in 
Asimjeeg Datooga. 
In Asimjeeg Datooga, the pluractional is compatible with both non-future and future 
tenses, and affirmative and negative polarity. Example (231) shows the pluractional in a 
non-future construction with affirmative polarity and the verb k̫ al 'wear,' example (232) 
214
shows the pluractional in a future construction with affirmative polarity and the verb gasː 
'want, need,' and example (233) shows the pluractional in a non-future construction with 
negative polarity with the verb hɛːd 'wake s.th.'.
(231) g-éː-kʷàl-àj háŋʷá-k éːʃíʃ-ì
AFF-1.PL-wear-PLUR shawl-SS.PL white-PL
'We would wear white shawls.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-1 #5_048)
(232) g-ìdʒ-éː-gàs-àdʒ
AFF-FUT-IMPERS-want-PLUR
'...it will be needed.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#01_091)
(233) qámn à: m-ád=èː-hèːd-ádʒ 
now COORD.CONJ NEG-PERS=IMPERS-wake-PLUR
dèːbú-g
children-SS.PL
'Now the children often are not woken up.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-10_#11_25)
As previously mentioned, the form of the pluractional suffix depends on the 
phonological and constructional context in which the suffix occurs. In non-future non-
perfect constructions with affirmative polarity and 1st person, 2nd person, or impersonal 
subject indexation, in all non-future perfect constructions, and in constructions with 
either the associated-motion itive or associated-motion ventive, the pluractional suffix 
takes the form -aj .  Example (234) shows the pluractional in a non-future construction 
with impersonal subject indexation and the associated-motion itive with the verb wiːl 
215
'look for,' and example (235) shows the pluractional in a non-future construction with 3rd 
person subject indexation and the associated-motion ventive with the verb siːb 'move'. 
(234) áː g-éː-wìːl-àːd-áj
COORD.CONJ AFF-IMPERS-look.for-AM.ITV-PLUR
‘And then you will be sought after...’
(IGS0229_2017-3-16_#8_68)
(235) g-ò-síːb-áːn-àj
AFF-3-move-AM.VEN-PLUR
'It's moving and moving hither...'
(IGS0229_2017-3-9_#2_066)
In non-future non-associated-motion constructions with affirmative polarity and 3rd 
person subject indexation, and in dependent stem constructions with 1.SG or 3rd person 
subject indexation, the pluractional takes the form -adʒ. Example (236) shows the 
pluractional in a non-future construction with 3rd person subject indexation and the verb 
bar 'hit'.
(236) fíːs íː-ø-fúf  qàɲ g-à-bár-ádʒ 
people.PL:PROX.DEM COND-3-relaxOR AFF-3-hit-PLUR
qùrdʒáʃ-tá
bao.game-SS.SG
'If these people relax, they often like to play (the) bao (game)'
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#1_018)
In non-future constructions with negative polarity, and in dependent stem constructions
with 1.PL subject indexation, the pluractional suffix takes the form -a. Example (237) 
216
shows the pluractional suffix in a non-future construction with negative polarity and 1.PL 
subject indexation with the verb sin 'do'.
(237) àb àsɛɛ ːs m-éː-sín-à ìːt =nì
PREP 1.PL.PRO NEG-1.PL-do-PLUR ear-SS.SG=PROX.DEM
'For us, we don't do this'
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#1_253)
In constructions with the terminal suffix (see Section 12.1.1) or the non-associated-
motion itive -d, the pluractional precedes these other suffixes and takes the form -iː. 
Example (238) shows the pluractional in a non-future construction with the terminal 
suffix and the verb sarmán 'dance,' and example (239) shows the pluractional in a non-
future construction with the itive suffix, also with the verb sarmán 'dance'.
(238) è:-d qáj sàrmàn-íː-s ásím-dʒ-èː-g
place-SS.SG old.times dance-PLUR-TERM asimjeeg-PS.PL-SS.PL
'The place where in the old days the Asimjeeg danced'
(IGS0229_2017-3-10_#13_10)
(239) àw-èː-d há g-éː-sàrmàn-íː-d áŋʷá-k 
night-PS.SG-SS.SG well AFF-IMPERS-dance-PLUR-ITV shawl-SS.PL
m-èː-sàrmàn-íː-d àqʷáj-g
NEG-IMPERS-dance-PLUR-ITV animal.skin-SS.PL
'At night they would dance with shawls, they wouldn't dance with animal skins'
(IGS0229_2017-3-16_#10_035)
In imperative constructions with simplex verb stems, the pluractional is coded by the 
gemination of the stem-final consonant or -j if the last segment of the verb stem is a vowel. 
Table 81 shows the imperative forms of three pluractional verb stems.
217
Meaning Form
'want, need' gásː
'chew' ɲéːj
circumcize banː
Table 81: Imperative singular pluractional forms
In constructions with the ventive -(u)n(i) , the pluractional suffix takes the form of -u 
and precedes the ventive suffix. Example (240) shows the pluractional in a non-future 
construction with the verb àbínːì 'enter (VEN)', in the context of the description of an 
initiation rite that is practiced on a regular basis.
(240) g-ò-bìːd-úːn dʒèːd dùmd há 
AFF-3-enter-PLUR:VEN stomach-SS.SG dance-SS.SG well
qárèːmán-g
youth-SS.PL
'They enter into the dance of the youth.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-10_#13_45)
218
CHAPTER XI
DIRECTIONALITY AND ASSOCIATED MOTION
11 DIRECTIONALITY AND ASSOCIATED MOTION
Directionals are verbal constructions that code orientation towards or away from a 
deictic or "viewer-centered" reference point (Levinson 2003: 30). This morphological 
coding of spatial orientation is a common feature of Nilotic languages, and directionals in
these languages have also been shown to be involved in the coding of other domains like 
associated motion, tense, and aspect (Mietzner and Claudi 2012). The semantic semantic 
extension of the conceptual domain of space is also common across languages more 
generally (Lakoff & Johnson 2003). 
In Asimjeeg Datooga, there are two directional suffixes: the ventive (VEN) suffix 
-u(n) ~ -ʷ ~ -n(i) ~ -ø, which codes orientation towards a deictic reference point or adds 
an argument to the argument structure of the verb, and the itive (ITV) suffix -d(a) ~ -d(i) 
~ -d, which codes orientation away from a deictic reference point or adds an argument to 
the argument structure of the verb. Associated motion, also called associated locomotion 
and or ambulative, codes a motion co-event as the background to another event (Koch 
1984; Zwarts 2004; Kießling & Bruckhaus 2017). In Asimjeeg Datooga, associated 
motion is coded together with directionality and there are two associated-motion suffixes:
the associated-motion ventive (AM.VEN) suffix -aːn(i) ~ -aːn and the associated-motion 
itive (AM.ITV) suffix  -aːd(a) ~ -aːd(i) ~ -aːd.
219
The distribution of the allomorphs of the directional and associated-motion directional 
suffixes is dependent on the verb class of the stem and the person of the subject indexation. 
A chart displaying all of the different forms of these permutations is provided in Table 82. 
For all directional and associated-motion directional suffixes that feature a suffix-final 
vowel, that vowel only occurs in intonational-phrase-final position and is enclosed within
parentheses in all citation forms.
Directional Dependent- Non-dependent-stem constructions
suffix stem
constructions Verb Class 1 Verb Class 1 Verb Class 2 Verb Class 2(1/2 Subject) (3 Subject) (1/2 Subject) (3 Subject)
VEN -n(i) -u ~ -ʷ -ø u ~ -ʷ -ø
ITV -d(a) -d(i) -d(a) -d(i) -d
AM.VEN -aːn(i) -aːn(i) -aːn -aːn(i) -aːn
AM.ITV -aːd(a) -aːd(i) -aːd -aːd(i) -aːd
Table 82: Allomorphs of directional and associated-motion directional suffixes
220
11.1 Non-associated motion directionals
11.1.1 Ventive
The ventive suffix -u ~ -ʷ ~ -n(i) ~ -ø, which codes orientation towards a deictic 
reference point or adds an argument, has four allomorphs that are distributed across 
person and verb class conditions. The allomorph -n(i) is restricted to dependent-stem 
constructions, as shown in example (241) with the verb rùŋní ‘tell’ in an imperative 
construction.
(241) ø-rúŋ-ní
2.SG-tell-VEN
‘Tell (me).’
(IGS0229_2017-3-3 #7_238)
The allomorphs -u and -ʷ  are restricted to non-dependent-stem constructions with 1st 
or 2nd person subject indexation. The -ʷ  allomorph co-occurs with non-intonational-phrase 
final verb stems that end in a velar or uvular consonant, and the -u allomorph co-occurs 
with all other non-dependent-stem constructions. Example (242) shows the -ʷ allomorph 
with the verb root rag ‘move west’ and the -u allomorph with the verb root doːg ‘move east.’
(242) g-ʷá-rág-ʷ ásɛɛ ːs g-éː-dòːg-ù
AFF-3-move.west-VEN 1.PL.PRO AFF-1.PL-move.east-VEN
‘They came to the west, and we came to the east.’
(2017-3-16_#2_28)
221
The -ø allomorph is restricted to non-imperative constructions with 3rd person subject 
indexation, regardless of the verb class. Example (243) shows the -ø allomorph with the 
verb root rid ‘leave’, describing water coming from a spring. Example (244) shows the same
verb root with the ITV suffix for comparison. 
(243) g-ʷá-rìd-ø mòn-ːé-s
AFF-3-leave-VEN hole-PS.PL-REF
‘It came from these holes.’
(IGS0229_2017-3-16_#5_028)
(244) ɲíːs g-ʷá-rít dʒàf-t-áŋʷ g-ó 
often AFF-3-leave:ITV child-SS.SG-2.SG.POSS AFF-come.3
g-ʷá-dúb-áːd-áj beːːː-g
AFF-3-follow-AM.ITV-PLUR water-SS.PL
'Often your child will leave to go look for water.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-2 #1_110)
11.1.2 Itive
The itive suffix -d(a) ~ -d(i) ~ -d, which codes orientation away from a deictic 
reference point or adds a core argument, has three allomorphs. The -d(a) allomorph is used
in dependent stem constructions constructions, as in the imperative construction in example
(245), and constructions with 3rd person subject indexation and a Class 1 verb stem, as 
shown in example (246) with the verb root bug ‘return’. 
222
(245) à-háj-dà
2.SG-breathe-ITV
‘Breatheǃ’
(IGS0229_2016-1-13_GG2_#1)
(246) g-à-fúf àː g-à-mútʃ áː 
AFF-3-relax COORD.CONJ AFF-3-sun.rise COORD.CONJ
g-á-búg-dà
AFF-3-return-ITV
'She relaxes and the next day returns (there).'
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#5_126)
The -d(i) allomorph of the itive suffix is used in non-dependent-stem constructions with
1st or 2nd person subject indexation, as shown in example (247) with the verb root gàl 'try, 
head towards somewhere'.
(247) qámn àníːn q-áː-dà-j èːd sì-gál-dì
now 1.SG.PRO AFF-1.SG-see-FS place-SS.SG 1.PL-try-ITV
'Now I see the direction we are heading.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#9_03)
The -d allomorph of the itive suffix is used in non-dependent-stem constructions with 
3rd person subject indexation and a Class 2 verb stem, as shown in example (248) with the 
verb root jiːm 'show'.
(248) mútʃ àː q-ʷá-jít àː 
tomorrow COORD.CONJ AFF-4-arrive:ITV COORD.CONJ
q-ɔɛ -jíːm-d
AFF-3-show-ITV
'The next day they arrived and showed him.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#1_061)
223
11.1.3 Verb-stems with obligatory directionals
Some verb stems in Asimjeeg Datooga obligatorily feature a directional suffix (see 
Section 5.1.2.2 for more discussion of complex verb stems). Some verb roots in these 
stems can co-occur with either the ventive or itive suffix. These verbal constructions most
often involve motion semantics of some kind (e.g. bùgdá 'return (ITV)', bùŋní 'return 
(VEN)', rìtá 'leave (ITV)', rìnːí 'leave (VEN)'). Other stems feature roots that only co-
occur with either the itive or only the ventive (but not the other), and these constructions 
may or may not involve motion semantics (e.g. nùqdá 'swallow', henːi 'grow', àtúnːì 
'revive s.th.'). Examples (249) and (250) show the ventive-itive verb stem pair bùŋní 
'return.VEN' and bùgdá 'return.ITV,' and example  (251) shows the itive-only verb stem 
nùqdá 'swallow'. 
(249) áː  ø-núɲ ø-bùŋ-n mútʃúː
COORD.CONJ 2.SG-come 2.SG-return-VEN tomorrow
'And you come to return tomorrow.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#13_62)
(250) àː g-ó-búg-d dʒérúk̫ -èː-d
COORD.CONJ AFF-2.SG-return-ITV field-PS.SG-SS.SG
'And you return to the field.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-10_#12_35)
(251) m-à-núŋ q-ʷá-nùq-d gídòŋg-àdʒ-àn-d
NEG-3-let AFF-3-swallow-ITV pill-PS.SG-PS.SG-SS.SG/SW
'She/he hasn't swallowed the pill yet.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#05_188)
224
11.1.4 Applicative uses of directionals and interaction with person
Directional suffixes can also co-occur with verb roots that can otherwise occur without 
a directional suffix. With roots of this type, the directional suffix usually either modifies the 
semantics of the verb and/or increases the valence of the verb and by adding an object 
argument. Example (252) shows the verb root ʃa 'exchange s.th. for money' without a 
directional and the meaning 'buy', example (253) shows the same verb root ʃa with the itive
directional suffix and the modified semantic reading of 'sell', and example (254) shows the 
verb ʃa with a ventive directional suffix and the modified semantic reading and increased 
valence  'buy/sell for me/you'. 
(252) g-ì-dà-ʃà déː-d áː 
AFF-FUT-1.SG-buy cow-SS.SG COORD.CONJ
q-àː-ʃà-j ḿbój-d áː q-àː-ʃà-j 
AFF-1.SG-buy-FS goat-SS.SG COORD.CONJ AFF-1.SG-buy-FS
ŋɛ qàq-óː-d
chicken-PS.SG-SS.SG
‘I will buy a cow, then I'll buy a goat, then I'll buy a chicken.’
(IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_02_10)
(253) q-àː-ʃà-d dájéːg íːjèɲ
AFF-1.SG-buy-ITV goat-PS.PL-SS.PL two
‘I sold two baby goats.’
(IGS0229_2017-3-1 #3_134)
(254) g-éː-ʃà-n-àːn háŋ-d
AFF-IMPERS-buy-VEN-1.SG shawl-SS.SG
‘I was bought a shawl.’
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#3_141)
225
The itive suffix can also increase the valence by adding a 3rd person Instrument 
argument, as seen in example (255) with the verb bar 'hit, farm'.
(255) m-à-nd-án gísír-dʒ-àn-d 
NEG-3-COP-OBL hoe.PS.SG-PS.SG-SS.SG
m-ɛɛ :-bár-dà
NEG-IMPERS-hit-ITV
'There weren't any hoes, they weren't used to farm.'
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#1_07)
11.2 Associated-motion directionals
Associated-motion suffixes express a motion co-event in the background of the primary 
event expressed by the verb. The motion co-event may occur at the same time as the 
primary event or it may happen at a different time, and the motion co-event may involve 
either the subject or object argument. The associated-motion ventive suffix -aːn ~ -aːn(i) 
codes a motion co-event and orientation towards a deictic center, and the associated-motion
itive suffix -aːd ~ -aːd(i) ~ -aːd(a) codes a motion co-event and orientation away from a 
deictic center.
11.2.1 Obligatory associated motion
Some verb roots in Asimjeeg Datooga always co-occur with an associated-motion 
directional suffix (see Section 5.1.2.2 for further discussion of complex verb stems). 
226
Example (256) shows the verb root dʒil ‘move slowly’ which always co-occurs with either 
the ventive or itive associated-motion suffix. 
(256) àː g-ó-dʒíl-áːd lúgʷ-éː-g
COORD.CONJ AFF-3-move.slowly-AM.ITV warrior-PS.PL-SS.PL
'And the warrior group went slowly away.'
(IGS0229_2016-2-6_20_205)
11.2.2 Non-obligatory associated motion
Associated-motion directional suffixes also co-occur with verb roots that can otherwise 
occur without an associated-motion directional suffix. For non-motion verbs, the associated-
motion directionals usually add motion semantics, either involving the subject or object 
argument, depending on the semantics of the verb stem. They can also add semantics of 
pluractionality (often indicating multiple actions performed as the motion co-event occurs). 
Example (257) shows the verb root sin 'do' with the associated-motion itive suffix coding 
motion of the subject and possible pluractionality as she or he prepares a channel through 
which water will later pass through (with the verb 'come' functioning as an inchoative). 
Example (258) shows the verb ŋul 'look' with the associated-motion ventive expressing 
motion of the object towards the subject as the subject ("Ewanda") looks at him.
227
(257) g-ì-ø-nùɲ ø-sìn-áːd éː-d dʒá 
AFF-FUT-2.SG-come 2.SG-do-AM.ITV place-SS.SG POSS.V
q-ʷá-láːːp béːː-g 
AFF-3-pass water-SS.PL
'You come to prepare a place to pass water through...'
(IGS0229_2017-3-2 #1_128)
(258) q-á-ŋúl-áːn éːwànd g-ʷà-jéʃ
AFF-3-look-AM.VEN Ewanda AFF-3-say
áː=wó
COORD.CONJ=DISC
'Ewanda looked at him (as he approached) and said "Well, man..."'
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#1_216)
The choice between expressing motion of the subject argument or motion of the 
object argument appears to be lexically specified, as verbs behave consistently in this 
regard. The deictic reference point is not lexically determined, however, and can be 
manipulated by the speaker. In example (259), a scene is described in which a group of 
people are approaching a large snake, shooting arrows at it as they come closer. The 
speaker has chosen the location of the snake as the deictic reference point. In the first 
clause, the associated-motion ventive suffix expresses movement of the impersonal 
subject argument (the people) towards the deictic reference point with the verb stem 
wùdáːn ‘shoot at while approaching’.  The second associated-motion construction 
expresses movement of the object argument (the people) towards the deictic reference 
point with the verb stem nùqdáːn ‘swallow s.th. (as it approaches).’
228
(259) g-èː-wùd-àːn àː g-á-bárdʒ 
AFF-IMPERS-shoot-AM.VEN COORD.CONJ AFF-3-continue
q-ʷà-nùq-d-áːn bún-éː-d
AFF-3-swallow-ITV-AM.VEN people-PS.SG-SS.SG
'Theyi attacked himj (as theyi came) and hej continued to swallow peoplei (as 
theyi came).'
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#1_134)
In imperative constructions, the deictic reference point is typically the location of the 
interlocutor. Example (260) shows the associated-motion ventive suffix used in an 
imperative construction with the verb root ŋúl 'see s.th.' and coding movement towards the 
addressee rather than the speaker.  
(260) g-ʷà-jéʃ òː-ŋùl-àːn há gàtʃ-éː-d
AFF-3-say 2.PL-see-AM.VEN well arrow-PS.SG-SS.SG
'He said, watch the arrow (coming towards you all)'
(IGS0229_2017-3-9 #1_158)
Some verb roots have unique lexical semantics when co-occuring with an associated-
motion directional suffix. When the verb root un ~ w(a)  'go' is combined with the 
associated-motion itive, for example, it has the meaning 'walk’, as shown in example (261).
(261) g-é:-wáj-à:d-á g-ídʒ-ɛɛ ː-hít dùgʷ mùhɔɛ sht
AFF-1.PL-go-AM.ITV-FS AFF-FUT-1.PL-arrive.ITV Dugwamuhosht
‘We walked until we reached Dugwamuhosht’
(IGS0229_2017-1-25_MM #6_24)
229
They root ɲag has the meaning ‘meet, encounter’ when co-occurring with the non-
associated-motion itive (ɲàgdá) but has the meaning ‘obtainable, encounterable’ with the 
associated-motion ventive (ɲàgdáːnì), as shown in examples (262) and (263), respectively. 
(262) qáj g-áː-ɲág-dì ŋàʃ-án-dʒ
old.times AFF-1.SG-meet-ITV word-PS.SG-REF.SG
‘In the old days I encountered this thing...’
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#04_018)
(263) àː qámn q-ɔɛ -n g-ʷà-ɲàg-áːn 
COORD.CONJ now AFF-3-come AFF-3-meet-AM.VEN
nàdéːgá
tribe-PS.PL-SS.PL
‘And now it came to be that other tribes are around...’
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#11_20)
Verb stems with associated-motion directional suffixes can also co-occur with 
applicative suffixes (see Chapter 12), unlike the non-associated-motion directional suffixes. 
Example (264) shows a particularly complex verb stem with root reduplication, the 
associated-motion itive suffix, the oblique terminal suffix, object indexation, and the 
pluractional suffix. 
(264) g-èː-nàl-nál-àːd-àn-éːs-àj
AFF-IMPERS-teach-teach-AM.ITV-OBL-1.PL-PLUR
sí-ɲàg-d-íːn
1.PL-meet-ITV-TERM
‘We were taught (again and again) when we met (them)’
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#25_64)
230
11.2.3 Associated-motion ventive allomorphs
The distribution of the two allomorphs of the associated-motion ventive suffix -aːn ~
-aːn(i) is conditioned by the person of the subject indexation of the verb and the presence 
or absence of the dependent stem structure. The -aːn allomorph is used in 3rd person 
dependent-stem constructions, and the -aːn(i) allomorph is used in all other contexts. 
Example (265) shows the -aːn allomorph lexicalized in the verb stem ɲàgáːnì 'become 
available,' and example (266) shows the -aːni allomorph with the verb stem dùláːnì 'finish 
and come'.
(265) àː q-ɔɛ -n g-ʷa-ɲàg-áːn
COORD.CONJ AFF-3-come AFF-3-meet-AM.VEN
'...and it came to be available.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#10_013)
(266) g-éː-jéʃ òː-dùl-áːní ʃìŋá-d
AFF-1.PL-say 2.PL-finish-AM.VEN night-SS.SG
'They were told "You all, come at night." '
(IGS0229_2016-2-6_20_199)
11.2.4 Associated-motion itive allomorphs
The distribution of the three allomorphs of the associated-motion itive suffix -aːd ~ 
-aːd(i) ~ -aːd(a) is also conditioned by the person of the subject indexation of the verb 
231
and the presence or absence of the dependent stem structure. The -aːd allomorph is used 
in non-dependent-stem constructions with 3rd person subject indexation, as shown in 
example (267) with the verb stem dàsáːdà 'kick or stamp feet while moving away'. 
(267) q-ʷà-dàs-àːd ŋáɲ
AFF-3-kick-AM.ITV earth
'She/he stamps their feet as they move away.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-16_#12_40)
The -aːd(a) allomorph of the associated-motion itive suffix is used in all dependent-
stem constructions, as shown in example (268) with an imperative construction and the verb
stem àftáːdà 'sit'. 
(268) òː-ft-áːdá
2.PL-sit-AM.ITV
'Sitǃ'
(IGS0229_2017-3-9 #1_365)
The -a:d(i) allomorph of the associated-motion itive suffix is used in non-dependent 
stem constructions with 1st or 2nd person subject indexation, as shown in example (269) with
the verb stem àftáːdà 'sit'. 
(269) g-èː-gòɲ hòrg-éː-d àː 
AFF-IMPERS-give:FS chair-PS.SG-SS.SG COORD.CONJ
g-ì-ft-àːdí
AFF-2.SG-sit-AM.ITV
'You are given a chair and you sit.'
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#1_254)
232
11.3 Double directional coding
In Asimjeeg Datooga, associated-motion directionals also co-occur with non-associated
motion directionals, a phenomenon that has not been reported for other varieties of 
Datooga, but has been reported for Cherang’any, a Southern Nilotic language (Mietzner 
2016: 140). The two directional suffixes may be of the same orientation (i.e. both itive or 
ventive), or they may be of different orientations. Further study is needed to determine the 
semantic contribution of the associated-motion directionals in these contexts, but 
possibilities include pluractionality or movement of multiple referents as a group (Kießling 
& Bruckhaus 2017).  Example (270) shows the itive directional suffix co-occurring with the
associated-motion itive suffix, example (271) shows the ventive directional suffix co-
occurring with the associated-motion ventive suffix, example (272) shows the itive 
directional suffix co-occurring with the associated-motion ventive suffix, and (273) shows 
the ventive directional suffix co-occurring with the associated-motion itive suffix. 
(270) g-ò-mùg-d-áːdá
AFF-3-be.evening-ITV-AM.ITV/PERF
'It's already evening.'
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#1_218)
(271) g-à-bàláŋ-n-áːn hóʃ
AFF-3-return-VEN-AM.VEN DIST.LOC.PRO
'They returned from there...'
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#9_04)
233
(272) q-ʷà-nùq-d-áːn bún-éː-d
AFF-3-swallow-ITV-AM.VEN people-PS.SG-SS.SG
'He swallowed people (as they came).'
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#1_134)
(273) sú m-à-nd fùg báláŋ-n-áːd
PROX.DEM.PRO.PL NEG-3-COP people-SS.PL return-VEN-AM.ITV
'Weren't these people returning?'
(IGS0229_2017-3-3 #7_174)
234
CHAPTER XII
APPLICATIVES
12 APPLICATIVES
Applicative suffixes can be said to add a "thematically peripheral argument or adjunct 
as a core-object argument" and in some cases can add a core argument that would otherwise
need to be formally marked by an adposition (Stapleton 1903: 211; Peterson 2006: 1). This 
chapter focuses on three paradigmatically contrastive  applicative suffixes in Asimjeeg 
Datooga, which are labeled "terminal", "oblique", and "locative". Each suffix codes a range 
of different meanings rather than a single meaning, and the label for each suffix should be 
understood to reflect terminological convenience more than the accurate representation of a
heterogeneous set of semantic readings.  The labels "terminal" and "oblique" are also used 
by Kießling (2007a) to describe cognate constructions in Gisamjanga Datooga. The locative
applicative construction has not been described for any other variety of Datooga. A 
summary of the three applicative constructions is presented in Table 83. 
235
Form Label Comments
-s(V:n) ~  -s(a) ~ s(i) ~ iːn Terminal  3rd person applicative 
objects with roles of Goal, 
Location, and Benefactee
-an Oblique Applicative objects of any 
person, with roles of Time 
and possibly others
-eː(w) ~ -ɛː(w) Locative 3rd person applicative objects,
with roles of Location, 
Manner, and 
Accompaniment
Table 83: Applicative constructions
In some constructions, directional suffixes are also used to add core arguments (see 
Section 11.1.4). The semantic contributions and morphosyntactic effects of directional and 
applicative suffixes may vary depending on the verb root or other verbal constructions. 
Unlike the patterns described for Gisamjanga Datooga (Kießling 2007a: 136), the Asimjeeg
Datooga data do not support an analysis of consistent semantics or argument structure for 
directional and applicative suffixes across all verbal constructions. For example, (274) shows
the ventive suffix used with the verb root rug 'tell' to code a speech-act-participant R 
argument in a similar manner to that described in Kießling (2007). In (275), however, the 
terminal applicative suffix is used with the verb root gur 'call' to code a speech-act-
participant R argument, which does not align with the patterns described in Kießling 
(Kießling 2007a), whereby all speech-act-participant R arguments are coded with the 
ventive suffix. 
236
(274) àníːn g-àː-gàs-àj dà-rùg-n-óːg 
1.SG.PRO AFF-1.SG-want-PLUR 1.SG-tell-VEN-2.PL
gìdàb m-ád-gʷ-á-nd
COMP NEG-PERS-AFF-3-COP
'I want to tell you all that there isn't anything anymore...'
(IGS0229_2017-3-14_#21_262)
(275) g-à-gùr-síːn-áːn sìːd qàh-áɲ 
AFF-3-call-TERM-1.SG person-SS.SG home-1.SG.POSS
àː g-àː-ɲùg-dʒí
COORD.CONJ AFF-1.SG-refuse-FS
'...and a person from home called me and I refused.'
12.1.1 Terminal
The terminal applicative is the most frequent of the three applicative constructions, 
and it typically introduces a "goal as an endpoint of the event or action" (Kießling 2007a: 
132). These arguments include those that can be generalized as Goals, such as addressees 
of speech acts, singular or plural locative endpoints, and metaphorical endpoints, as well as 
Benefactee and occasionally Location roles. The terminal applicative can co-occur with an 
associated-motion directional suffix, but not a directional suffix alone. 
Example (276) shows the verb root tʃag 'send' without the terminal applicative and no 
Goal argument, and example (277) shows the same verb root tʃag 'send' with the terminal 
applicative coding a Goal argument (the village of Mang'ola). Example (278) shows the 
237
verb root dar 'spread' with the terminal applicative introducing a plural Goal argument 
represented by the associated construction dʒéːd nádéːg  'among the tribes (lit. the stomach 
of the tribes)'. Example (279) shows the terminal applicative introducing a metaphorical 
Goal in the form of the nominalized verb bàróːd 'farming'.
(276) àníːn g-ò-tʃág-n-àːn gíʃín
1.SG.PRO AFF-3-send-VEN-1.SG Gishina
'Gishna sent me.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#04_041)
(277) ø-wún máːŋòl g-ì-dà-tʃàg-síːn-eːɲ
2.SG-come Mang'ola AFF-FUT-1.SG-send-TERM-2.SG
'Come, I'm sending you to Mang'ola'
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#04_031)
(278) q-ʷà-dàr-d há bún-éː-d g-à-wáj   (.) 
AFF-3-spread-ITV well people-PS.SG-SS.SG AFF-3-go
g-ʷà-dàr-s dʒéː-d nád-éː-g
AFF-3-spread-TERM stomach-SS.SG tribe-PS.PL-SS.PL
‘People spread out, they went and spread into other tribes.’
(IGS0229_2016-2-6_20_034)
(279) q-ʷà-ròbàn há g-éː-búg-s bàr-óːd=dítá
AFF-3-rain well AFF-1.PL-return-TERM hit-NMLZ=DIST.DEM.SG
'It rained and we returned to that farming.'
(IGS0229_2016-12-13_#2_41)
Example (280) shows the verb bar 'hit' without the terminal applicative, and example
(281) shows the same verb root with the terminal applicative introducing a Location 
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argument (‘in the field’). Example shows the verb root dʒiːl ‘give birth’ without the terminal 
applicative, and (283) shows the same verb root with the terminal applicative introducing a 
Location argument (‘Ndurmooda’). 
(280) q-àː-dà-j síː-d sí-bàr
AFF-1.SG-see-FS person-SS.SG IMPERS-hit
'I saw a person get beaten (killed)'
(IGS0229_2017-3-14_#18_32)
(281) mànúŋ dá-jíɲ àsìm-dʒ-àn-d 
NEG-3-let 1.SG-hear asimjeeg-PS.SG-PS.SG-SS.SG
sí-bár-s dʒérk̫ -èː-d
IMPERS-hit-TERM field-PS.SG-SS.SG
'I've never heard of an Asimjeeg person being beaten in the field.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-14_#21_193)
(282) g-ʷà-dʒíːl déːbúg  íjèɲ
AFF-3-give.birth child-SS.PL two
'She gave birth to two children.'
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#6_26)
(283) àníːn g-éː-dʒíːl-síːn-àːn ńdúrmòːd
1.SG.PRO AFF-IMPERS-give.birth-TERM-1.SG Ndurmooda
‘I was born in Ndurmooda’
(IGS0229_2017-3-1 #3_008)
Example (284) shows the terminal applicative used to introduce the nominal bùnéːd 
'people' as the addressee of a speech act, and example (285) shows the terminal applicative 
used to introduce a Benefactee argument.
239
(284) há iːdúːː (.) g-à-gùr-s bùn-éː-d áb 
well later AFF-3-call-TERM people-PS.SG-SS.SG PREP
màdʒ-òː-d
magic-PS.SG-SS.SG
‘Later he called people by using magic...’
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#2_037)
(285) g-àː-ràm-s mùh-óː-g áb qùwàrí
AFF-1.SG-fetch-TERM calf-PS.PL-SS.PL PREP home
‘I fetched (water) for the calves at home.’
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#16_41)
12.1.2 Oblique
The oblique applicative -an is the least frequent of the three applicative constructions 
and also the most semantically opaque. It introduces arguments with the role of Time, and 
possibly other roles, and it is also lexicalized in negative copular constructions (see Section
3.4.2). The oblique applicative can co-occur with directional suffixes (either itive or 
ventive). Example (286) shows the verb root hi:t 'arrive' without the oblique applicative, and
example (287) shows the same verb root with the oblique applicative introducing an 
240
argument with the role of Time4. Example (288) similarly shows the verb root tʃag 'send' 
with the itive suffix indicating direction of motion and the oblique applicative introducing 
an argument with the role of Time (gʷatʃ 'that time').
(286) g-éː-bàlàg-dʒì (.) àː ɛɛ ː-híːt máːŋòl
AFF-1.PL-moved-FS COORD.CONJ 1.PL-arrive Mang’ola
‘Then we moved...and we arrived in Mang’ola.’
(IGS0229_2017-3-10_#1_09, 10)
(287)  m-ɛɛ ː-hìːt-àn hídʒ g-éː-bìːg-ù
NEG-1.PL-arrive-OBL PROX.LOC.PRO AFF-1.PL-return-VEN
‘We didn’t arrive (anywhere) at this time, and we returned’
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#07_31)
(288) g-ʷà-jéʃ àníːn gʷátʃ
AFF-3-say 1.SG.PRO that.time
g-ò-tʃàg-d-án-àːn gʷàláɲ-àn-d 
AFF-3-send-ITV-OBL-1.SG elder-PS.SG-SS.SG
'He said that me, at that time, the elder sent me'
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#04_065, 066)
12.1.3 Locative
The locative applicative suffix -e:(w) ~ -ɛː(w) introduces Location arguments, 
Instrument arguments, and animate and inanimate Accompaniment arguments. The vowel 
4 The proximate locative pronoun hidʒ often also takes on the meaning of 'at that/this 
time'
241
contained within the suffix is sensitive to the ATR value of the verb stem. Example (289) 
shows the verb root biːd 'live' with the locative applicative suffix introducing an argument 
with the role of Location, and example (290) shows the verb root sin 'do' with the locative 
applicative suffix introducing an argument with the role of Manner. Example (291) shows 
the verb jad 'send' used with the locative applicative suffix introducing an argument with the
role of inanimate Accompaniment (in the context of sending donkeys with bags full of 
personal belongings), and example (292) shows the verb lil 'sleep' with the locative 
applicative suffix introducing an argument with the role of animate Accompaniment.
(289) g-ò-bíːd-éːw máːŋòl
AFF-3-live-LOC Mang'ola
‘They lived in Mang’ola’
(IGS0229_2017-3-14_#18_12)
(290) g-éː-sín-éː fúqár-èː-d
AFF-IMPERS-do-LOC cunning-PS.SG-SS.SG
‘It was created with skill/cunning.’
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#01_219)
(291) ø-jád-éːw múʃódà-k múʃ-k
2.SG-send-LOC bag-SS.PL/ASSOC skin-SS.PL
‘(You) send them with animal skin bags.’
(2017-3-16_#2_38)
(292) g-ʷá-líl-éːw ásìmdʒ-éː-g
AFF-3-sleep-LOC asimjeeg-PS.PL-SS.PL
‘They sleep with the Asimjeeg.’
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#1_037)
242
CHAPTER XIII
CO-HORTATIVE AND IMPERATIVE
13 CO-HORTATIVE AND IMPERATIVE 
This chapter describes two utterance-type constructions that are closely related both in 
terms of structure and function. Both constructions feature a verb in the dependent stem 
form (see Section 4.2) in a syntactically independent clause. Semantically, both 
constructions can be said to express the assertion of the addressee's obligation to make a 
truth value hold for the prejacent proposition coded by the same clause. The imperative 
construction (Section 13.1) only co-occurs with 2nd person subject indexation and is used to 
issue commands, and the co-hortative (Section 13.2) only co-occurs with 1.PL subject 
indexation and is used to suggest some action to be taken by the addressee together with the
speaker. 
13.1  Imperative construction
As detailed in Section 6.1, the subject indexation paradigm for imperative 
constructions (and all other dependent stem constructions) is conditioned by the verb class 
of the verb stem, the ATR value of the verb stem, and the number of the subject argument. 
For 2.SG subject arguments, subject indexation is a zero morph for Class 1 verbs and a- for 
Class 2 verbs. For 2.PL subject arguments, subject indexation for Class 1 verbs has two 
243
variants: the a- variant which has a single allomorph, and the o- ~ ɔ- variant which has two 
allomorphs that co-occur with +ATR and -ATR verb stems, respectively. For 2.PL subject 
arguments with Class 2 verbs, only the o- ~ ɔ- allomorphs are possible. All of the subject 
indexation forms for imperative constructions are summarized in Table 84.
2.SG 2.PL
Verb Class 1 ø- a- / o- ~ ɔ- 
Verb Class 2 a- o- ~ ɔ- 
Table 84: Subject indexation for imperative constructions
Example (293) shows the imperative construction with zero-marked 2.SG subject 
indexation on the reduplicated Class 1 verb root gulgul 'beat (repeatedly)'. Example (294) 
shows the imperative construction with 2.PL subject indexation and the Class 1 verb root 
gon 'give .
(293) àŋíŋ ø-gùlgúl ár bàdà-tʃ-án-d
2.SG.PRO 2.SG-beat.PLUR even bark-PS.SG-PS.SG-SS.SG
‘Just beat the barkǃ’
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#05_056)
(294) g-èj à-gón lák-àdʒ-éːg áŋʷàn
AFF-be.said 2.PL-give hundred.thousand-PS.SG-SS.SG/SW four
'He said, "You all, give (me) four hundred thousand (shillings)!"'
(IGS0229_2017-3-1 #3_105)
244
13.2 Co-hortative construction
Subject indexation for the co-hortative construction consists of the two allomorphs 
eː- ~ ɛː- which are conditioned by the ATR value of the verb stem. Example (295) shows 
the co-hortative construction with +ATR 1.PL subject indexation and the verb root dʒeɲ 
'slaughter', and example (296) shows the co-hortative construction with -ATR 1.PL subject 
indexation and the verb root bar ‘hit, kill, farm’. 
(295) èː-dʒéɲ dʒéː-d áb díjàɲ
1.PL-slaughter stomach PREP animal:REF
'Let's slaughter the stomach of this animal.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#16_151)
(296) ɛɛ́ː-bàr qùrdʒáʃ-t gítʃàj
1.PL-hit bao-SS.SG only
‘Let’s just play the bao gameǃ’
(IGS0229_2017-3-9_#2_017)
245
CHAPTER XIV
DEPENDENT-CLAUSE CONSTRUCTIONS
14 DEPENDENT-CLAUSE CONSTRUCTIONS
This chapter describes three different dependent-clause constructions in Asimjeeg 
Datooga. The first two of these constructions, the conditional construction (Section 14.1) 
and the temporal construction (Section 14.2), are similar structurally and functionally. 
They both feature prefixes in the same morphological slot, a special subject indexation 
paradigm, and a syntactic structure that places the dependent clause before the 
independent clause. 
The third construction, the subjunctive (Section 14.3), is quite distinct from the other 
two both formally and semantically, and it constitutes the most common and general 
dependent clause construction. Morphologically, the verb occurs in the dependent stem 
structure (see Section 4.2), and syntactically the dependent clause is preceded by an 
independent clause. 
14.1 Conditional construction
The conditional construction in Asimjeeg Datooga codes the assertion of the 
possibility of a condition for a proposition, and it is used exclusively in dependent 
clauses. The clause coding the condition (protasis) occurs with the conditional prefix, and
246
the clause coding the consequence (apodosis) occurs without it. The conditional 
construction has two primary coding mechanisms: the conditional prefix -iː(j), and a 
special subject indexation pattern that is specific to the conditional and temporal 
constructions (see Section 6.1). Example (297) shows the conditional prefix iː- co-
occurring with conditional subject indexation, here represented by the 1.PL subject 
indexation prefix si-.
(297) ìː-sì-fkáːɲ àː g-ɛɛ ː-máːɲ hìdʒí
COND-1.PL-come CONJ AFF-1.PL-reside PROX.LOC.PRO
'When we came, (then) we lived here.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-3 #9_054)
The conditional prefix takes the form ì:- when preceding consonants, as in example
(298) with the verb mɛːw 'die', and it takes the form -ìːj when preceding vowels, as in 
example (299). 
(298) ìː-ø-mɛɛ ːw déː-d (.) g-ɛɛ ː-ʃìːt 
COND-3-die  cow-SS.SG  AFF-IMPERS-cut
mùn-d àː g-éː-sìn géː-ká
skin-SS.SG CONJ AFF-IMPERS-do shoe-SS.PL
‘If a cow dies...the skin is cut and shoes are made.’
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#1_134, 135)
(299) g-èj dʒáf-t ìːj-à-sɔɛm ʃúl 
AFF-it.is.said child-SS.SG COND-3-study/SW school/SW
dʒàf-t g-ìː-q-à-qùːd-áːd
child-SS.SG AFF-FUT-AFF-3-wander-AM.ITV
'They say that if a child studies at school then they will wander (away).'
(IGS0229_2017-3-14_#20_027)
247
The conditional construction is always specified for polarity, but affirmative polarity 
is only overtly coded in perfect tense-aspect constructions, as in example (300) with the 
verb root geːʃ 'marry'. In all conditional constructions, negative polarity is coded by the 
negative prefix m-, as in example (301) with the verb root mɛːw 'die'. The conditional 
construction is compatible with all tense-aspect constructions except the sequential (see 
Section 8.3). 
(300) ìː-g-ò-géːʃ-á g-à-hòːn-íː-d 
COND-AFF-3-marry-FS/PERF AFF-3-instruct-PLUR-ITV
gàrm-òː-d
wife-PS.SG-SS.SG
'If (he) has already married, then he is taught by his wife...'
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#24_074, 075)
(301) ì:-m-á-mɛɛ ːw g-ì-dá g-ʷà-sáwán
COND-NEG-3-die AFF-2.SG-see AFF-3-be.hurt
'If he hasn't died, you see that he's hurt.'
(IGS0229_2017-3-16_#8_06)
14.2 Temporal construction
The temporal construction resembles the conditional construction both in its structure 
and meaning, but with some key differences. It includes a prefix am- that is located in the 
same morphological slot as the conditional prefix and co-occurs with the same subject 
indexation paradigm as the conditional prefix, but the temporal prefix cannot co-occur with 
either of the polarity prefixes, future tense, or any of the aspect constructions. The temporal
248
prefix expresses a condition for an event or state to occur, but the condition is one which is 
either known to have taken place or one for which the speaker has a high degree of 
certainty that it will occur or does occur on a regular basis. The clause coding the condition
(protasis), occurs with the temporal prefix, and the clause coding the consequence 
(apodosis) occurs without it. Example (302) shows the temporal prefix with the verb root 
dul 'finish,' describing a condition and subsequent event that the speaker knows to have 
occurred in the past. Example (303) shows the temporal prefix with the root jid 'arrive,' 
describing a condition and subsequent event that the speaker knows to occur on a regular 
basis (as part of marriage customs). 
(302) àm-sì-dúl-ø gʷàɲ-éː-k mùt
TEMP-1.PL-finish-VEN year-PS.PL-SS.PL five
g-èː-wà-j qùrús
AFF-1.PL-go-FS Qurus
'After we finished five years, we went to Qurus.'
(IGS0229_2017-1-25_MM #4_08, 09)
(303) àm-sì-jíd-ø (.) g-ìdʒ-ɛɛ ː-híːm dú-gʷ
TEMP-IMPERS-arrive-VEN AFF-FUT-IMPERS-show cow-SS.PL
'When they arrive, they are shown the cattle.'
(IGS0229_2017-1-25_MM #1_23, 24)
The temporal prefix is used in some common collocations or idiomatic phrases, such as
àmwá qʷájít 'and then (lit. when it arrives)'. Example (304) shows this idiomatic phrase 
used in the description of a method for crafting traditional clothing.
249
(304) g-ɛɛ ː-náp múːːn-d  àm-wá q-ʷá-jít
AFF-IMPERS-sew skin-SS.SG TEMP-go AFF-3-arrive:ITV
q-ʷà-hɛɛ ːʃ àdʒíːnóː-tʃ-án-d
AFF-3-apply.oil woman-PS.SG-PS.SG-SS.PL
'The skin is sewn, and then the woman applies oil'
(IGS0229_2017-3-15_#02_128, 129)
Examples of cognate temporal constructions in other varieties of Datooga are available 
in some of the literature, although the constructions have never been explicitly described. 
Example (305) from (Kießling 2007a) shows two instances of the temporal prefix in 
Gisamjanga Datooga (original transcription and glossing maintained). 
(305) àmá-wìild-á gwà-jòòn ʃáaróodá ŋàdìidḁ, 
TEMP-walk.CF-IS S3-smell odour.AG lion
àmá-wíilú gwà-jòon ʃáaróodá ŋàdìidḁ.
TEMP.walk.CP S3-smell odour.AG lion
'When they turned to escape northwards, they perceived the lion's smell, and 
when they turned to escape southwards, they perceived its smell all the same.'
(Kießling 2007a: 129)
14.3 Subjunctive construction
The subjunctive construction codes the assertion of the possibility of a proposition, and
it is more generally the default construction of all non-conditional dependent clauses. The 
structural properties of the subjunctive construction resemble those of the co-hortative and 
imperative constructions in that they both consist of a dependent stem, but verbal 
constructions in the subjunctive construction are syntactically dependent on a preceding 
250
independent clause or verbal auxiliary while those in the co-hortative and imperative 
constructions are syntactically independent, and the subjunctive is not restricted to any 
subject indexation values while the co-hortative and imperative constructions are restricted 
to 1.PL and 2nd person subject indexation. 
The subject indexed on a verb in the subjunctive construction may match the subject 
indexed on the independent-clause verb. Example (306) shows this with the verb bugda 
'return.ITV' in an utterance-initial independent clause and qurqur 'court someone' in a 
following subjunctive construction, both with 2.SG subject indexation.  
(306) g-ù-bùg-d ø-qùrqúr gítʃà
AFF-2.SG-return-ITV 2.SG-court.someone again
‘You return and court (someone) again’
(IGS0229_2016-12-12_#1_153)
The subject indexed on a verb in the subjunctive construction may also match that of a 
preceding verbal auxiliary, as in example (307) with the dynamic auxiliary 'can' and the 
lexical verb 'pray,' both with 2.PL subject indexation.
(307) g-ìdʒ-ò-mús ò-móʃ
AFF-FUT-2.PL-be.able 2.PL-pray
'You all will be able to pray'
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#3_118)
The subject indexed on a verb in the subjunctive construction may also be distinct 
from that of the preceding verb, as in example (308) with the verb gasː 'want' featuring 
251
1.PL subject indexation and and ruŋni 'tell' featuring zero-marked 2.SG subject 
indexation. For additional examples of subjunctive constructions, see sections 4.2.2 and
4.2.3.
(308) g-èː-gàs-àj ø-rúŋ-ún ŋáʃ-èː-g sɛɛ ːn
AFF-1.PL-want-PLUR  2.SG-tell-VEN word-PS.PL-SS.PL all
'We want you to tell (us) everything...'
(IGS0229_2017-3-8_#12_049)
252
CHAPTER XV
CONCLUSION
15 CONCLUSION
One of the primary goals of this dissertation is to provide a detailed description of an 
individual language for the purpose of advancing scientific knowledge of the general 
properties of human language. The functional-typological theoretical framework in which 
the description is framed enables researchers trained in linguistics to easily compare the 
grammatical patterns of Asimjeeg Datooga with those of other languages, and the open-
access archive data upon which this description is based allows readers to easily confirm (or
disprove) the proposed analysis.
A second and more specific goal served by this dissertation is to broaden the scope of 
research on the speech of Datooga communities to include the description of language 
variation across and within different communities. Although it remains unclear whether the 
Datooga varieties are best analyzed as distinct languages or dialects of a single language, it 
is undeniable that variation exists in the speech of Datooga groups, and it is the 
responsibility of linguists engaging in the description of Datooga varieties to accurately 
represent this fact. In support of this second goal, a number of linguistic features that 
distinguish Asimjeeg Datooga from other varieties of Datooga are noted throughout the 
253
dissertation. For convenience, some of these differences are categorized and summarized in
Section 15.1.
15.1 Distinct linguistic features of Asimjeeg Datooga
Some of the differences between Asimjeeg Datooga and other Datooga varieties 
constitute features that have been reported for other varieties of Datooga but are not 
represented in the Asimjeeg Datooga data, while other differences constitute features that 
are not reported for other varieties of Datooga but are represented in the Asimjeeg Datooga
data. Additionally, the differences may constitute differences in meaning, form, or 
distribution. In the following subsections, some of the differences between Asimjeeg 
Datooga and other varieties of Datooga are organized into three subdomains: phonetics and 
phonology (Section 15.1.1), morphology (Section 15.1.2), and syntax (Section 15.1.3). 
15.1.1 Phonetics and phonology
Concerning the consonant inventory of Asimjeeg Datooga, there are at least three 
differences that set it apart from other reported varieties of Datooga. First, Asimjeeg 
Datooga features the post-alveolar affricates /dʒ/ and /tʃ/ rather than the palatal stops /c/ 
and  /ɟ/, as described in Section 2.1.1.3. This analysis is primarily based on a consistent 
254
presence of frication following the period of closure, which is not a feature of the stops. As 
no phonetic study has been produced for any Datooga variety, it remains to be seen whether
or not this is a feature shared by varieties other than Asimjeeg Datooga.  
A second distinction between the phonemic inventory of Asimjeeg Datooga and those 
reported for other varieties of Datooga is the presence of a set of labialized velar and uvular
consonants [kʷ, gʷ, qʷ, ŋʷ]. In the descriptions of other varieties of Datooga, these sounds 
have been described as sequences rather than as single units, but in Asimjeeg Datooga the 
co-occurrence of labialization with only a limited set of consonants together with a wide 
distribution across different phonological environments including word-final position 
warrants a phonemic analysis.
Finally, an additional difference between Asimjeeg Datooga and other reported 
varieties of Datooga that relates to the consonant inventory is the distribution of voiced and 
voiceless stops. Hieda (2000) describes the distribution of voiced and voiceless stops in 
Bajuta Datooga (see Section 2.1.1.1), and the distribution of voiced stops in Asimjeeg 
Datooga is distinct from those reported for Bajuta Datooga in that that voiced stops can 
occur in word-final position and also in consonant clusters. 
Regarding the vowel inventory, there are at least three differences between Asimjeeg 
Datooga and other reported varieties of Datooga. First, unlike in other varieties of 
Datooga, there is a single low vowel /a/ rather than distinct +ATR and -ATR vowels (see 
Section 2.1.2). This single vowel occurs in both +ATR and -ATR contexts. A second 
255
difference is that the short high front vowel /i/ has remarkably distinct first and second 
formant frequencies compared to the long high front vowel /iː/ (see Section 2.1.2.8). No 
significant differences between the short and long high front vowels of other Datooga 
varieties have been reported.
One difference between Asimjeeg Datooga and other varieties of Datooga within the 
domain of phonotactics is the lack of word-final "shadow vowels" (see Section 2.2.4). 
Shadow vowels are a distinctive feature of some other varieties of Datooga such as 
Gisamjanga and Barabaiga Datooga (Kießling 2007a). In Asimjeeg Datooga, these 
vowels are deleted in the contexts in which they would otherwise be shadow vowels 
according to the distribution of other Datooga varieties, but they are fully realized in the 
contexts in which they are also fully realized in other varieties of Datooga (e.g. in non-
verbal predicate constructions). 
Finally, there are a number of differences between the tonal system of Asimjeeg 
Datooga and those of other varieties of Datooga. There has yet to be a thorough analysis of 
the tonal system of any variety of Datooga, but the nominal tone class patterns described by
e.g. Kießling (2007) for Gisamjanga Datooga are distinct from those described in this 
dissertation and Griscom (submitted), and the number of posited tones and the patterning 
of tonal case are also different.
256
15.1.2 Morphology
Within the domain of morphology there are many differences between Asimjeeg 
Datooga and other reported varieties of Datooga. Beginning with nominal morphology, 
the patterning of -ATR vowels within nouns is slightly different in Asimjeeg Datooga 
compared to other varieties of Datooga (see Section 2.2.3). In Asimjeeg Datooga, nouns 
occur with -ATR vowels when co-occuring with 2nd person possessive suffixes, 1.PL 
possessive suffixes, and 3.SG possessive suffixes. In other varieties of Datooga it has 
been reported that nouns occur with -ATR vowels when co-occurring with 2nd person 
and 3rd person possessive suffixes (Rottland & Creider 1996). 
Rottland (1982) describes an indefinite nominal construction based on data from 
Rotigenga Datooga that consists of the suffix -i . This construction is described elsewhere as
conditioning -ATR vowels within the noun (Rottland & Creider 1996). The indefinite 
construction has not been reported for any other variety and is not represented in the 
Asimjeeg Datooga data. 
Finally, Asimjeeg Datooga features a nominal anaphoric reference construction that 
has not been reported for any other variety of Datooga (see Section 3.1.4). This 
construction is used when the noun refers to an entity mentioned previously in discourse.
Within verbal morphology there are a number of differences between Asimjeeg 
Datooga and other Datooga varieites. For example, Kießling (Kießling 2007a: 124) 
reports two verbal constructions for Gisamjanga Datooga that are not represented in the 
257
Asimjeeg Datooga dataː the causative -j and the antipassive -ʃ. An unrelated lexical 
causative construction is represented in the Asimjeeg Datooga data (see Section 4.2.2), 
and no cognate of this lexical causative construction has been reported for another variety
of Datooga.
The formal properties of the sequential construction in Asimjeeg Datooga are distinct 
from those of sequential constructions reported for other varieties, although the 
constructions appear to be related. In Asimjeeg Datooga, the sequential construction is 
coded through the use of tone, whereas in Gisamjanga Datooga it is reported to be a 
segmental prefix ak-. 
The affirmative perfect construction and the negative perfect construction of 
Asimjeeg Datooga are distinct from perfect constructions reported for other varieties of 
Datooga.  The affirmative construction in Asimjeeg Datooga is a word-level construction 
that includes a unique subject indexation paradigm and final suffix, as well as unique 
tonal melodies (see Section 9.1.1), whereas in other varieties of Datooga the affirmative 
perfect is described as consisting of a prefix ni- (Rottland 1983: 226). The negative 
perfect construction in Asimjeeg Datooga is an auxiliary verb construction with the 
grammaticalized verb nuŋʷ ‘let' (see Section 9.1.2), whereas the negative perfect is 
described for other varieties as consisting of a simplex verbal construction with the 
negative prefix m- (Rottland 1983: 237).
Directionals and associated motion constructions have been reported for other 
varieties of Datooga, but the co-occurrence of a direction suffix together with an 
258
associated motion suffix within the same construction has only been reported for 
Asimjeeg Datooga (see Section 11.3). 
Finally, the locative applicative -eːw ~ -ɛːw has not been reported for any other 
variety of Datooga (see Section 12.1.3), and the co-occurrence of the terminal applicative
with speech-act-participant R arguments has not been reported for any other variety of 
Datooga (see Chapter 12).
15.1.3 Syntax
Within the domain of syntax, there are at least three differences between Asimjeeg 
Datooga and other varieties of Datooga that are described in this dissertation. First, 
Datooga varieties in general have been described as predominately verb-initial (Kießling, 
Mous & Nurse 2008: 220), whereas Asimjeeg Datooga has flexible word order, possibly 
with a preference for AVO/SV word order. 
The distribution of nominative case patterns in Asimjeeg Datooga is slightly different 
from that reported for Gisamjanga Datooga. In Asimjeeg Datooga nominative case is 
restricted to the immediate post-verbal position (see Section 3.2.2), whereas in Gisamjanga 
Datooga it occurs in all post-verbal positions (Kießling 2007a: 158).
259
Finally, the post-verbal H-tone pattern has not been reported for any other variety of 
Datooga, and therefore may represent a distinct feature of Asimjeeg Datooga that is not 
present in the other varieties (see Section 4.4). 
15.2 Possibilities for future research
Outside of Asimjeeg Datooga, there are a number of areas within Datooga linguistics 
that could benefit from the attention of future research. Other minority Datooga varieties 
such as Bianjida Datooga and Buradiga Datooga continue to remain largely undescribed, 
the present-day distribution of Datooga speakers is not well understood, there is no update 
on the comparative analysis of Datooga varieties since Rottland (1982), and little has been 
published on regional variation even among the majority varieties of Gisamjanga and 
Barabaiga Datooga. 
Furthermore, although this dissertation builds towards a comprehensive account 
specifically of Asimjeeg Datooga, the linguistic description contained within does not 
address all aspects of the Asimjeeg Datooga language, nor does it necessarily 
exhaustively account for the aspects that it does address. Continued research on this 
particular variety will certainly reveal additional insights about Datooga speech 
communities and their relationships with other speech groups in the region. The open 
access archive deposit of Asimjeeg Datooga data on the Endangered Languages Archive 
260
serves as a foundation and useful resource for any linguists interested in following this 
line of research. 
261
APPENDIX A
 GLOSSES
APPENDIX A: GLOSSES
1 first person NMLZ nominalizer/nominalization
2 second person NOM nominative
3 third person OBL oblique applicative
ACC accusative PARTCL particle
AFF affirmative PL plural
AM associated motion PLUR pluractional
AUX auxiliary POSS possessive
C consonant PERF perfect
COND conditional PERS persistive
COP copula PRIOR priority aspect ('already')
DEM demonstrative PRO pronoun
DET determiner PROX proximal/proximate
DISC discourse particle PS Primary suffix
DIST distal REF anaphoric reference
FUT future REFL reflexive
IMP imperative SBJ subject
IMPERS impersonal SBJV subjunctive
ITV itive SG singular
LOC locative SEQ sequential tense
MAN manner SS Secondary suffix
N nasal consonant TEMP temporal
N noun TERM terminal applicative
NEG negation, negative V verb (e.g. POSS.V)
V vowel
VEN ventive
262
APPENDIX B
SAMPLE TEXTS
APPENDIX Bː SAMPLE TEXTS
TEXT 1
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_01
gʷátʃ q-àː-ŋɛɛ ːtʃ sàktàj-d
that.time AFF-1.SG-wake.FS morning-SS.SG
'I woke this morning'
00:00:37.446-00:00:40.017
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_02
àː g-áw sókónì g-á:-dó dá-ʃà 
COORD.CONJ AFF-go market.SW AFF-1.SG-come 1.SG-buy
ɲàɲ-íː-d
vegetable-PS.SG-SS.SG
'Then I went to the store to buy vegetables'
00:00:40.017-00:00:44.613
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_03
àː sùk̫ àr àm-áː-jíd-ù q-áː-wáːl-dʒ
COORD.CONJ sugar/SW TEMP-1.SG-arrive-VEN AFF-1.SG-cook-FS
'and sugar, when I returned I cooked'
00:00:44.613-00:00:47.652
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_04
bídʒól-òː-d àː g-ɛɛ ː-lɛɛ ː-dʒì
porridge-PS.SG-SS.SG COORD.CONJ AFF-1.PL-drink-FS
'porridge and then ate'
00:00:47.652-00:00:50.820
263
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_05
àsk̫ ár
afternoon
'In the afternoon'
00:00:50.820-00:00:52.871
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_06
g-í-dáː-wáːl hám-ì-t àː g-éː-já-dʒì
AFF-FUT-1.SG-cook ugali-PS.SG-SS.SG COORD.CONJ AFF-1.PL-eat-FS
'I will cook and then we will eat.'
00:00:52.871-00:00:56.062
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_07
ʃìŋá-d áníːn g-ì-dáw bár-òːd
afternoon-PS.SG 1.SG.PRO AFF-FUT-1.SG:go farm NMLZ
'In the afternoon I will go to farm. Shing'ad is afternoon.'
00:00:56.062-00:00:58.659
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_08
dó dá-bár gákán-í-d ùk̫ -éː-d-èɲ
come:1.SG 1.SG-farm hoe-PS.SG-SS.SG field-PS.SG-SS.SG-1.SG.POSS
'To go to cultivate my field.'
00:00:58.659-00:01:01.905
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_09
àm-áː-bíːg-ù
TEMP-1.SG-return-VEN
'When I return.'
00:01:01.905-00:01:04.060
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_10
g-ìdʒ-éː-wòstʃéːn àː g-éː-jágìstʃ-ì
AFF-FUT-1.PL-cook  COORD.CONJ AFF-1.PL-eat-FS
'We will cook and then we will eat'
00:01:04.060-00:01:07.592
264
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_11
àm-ì-jít g-éː-wà-j éː-lìl
TEMP-2.SG-arrive:ITV AFF-1.PL-go-FS 1.PL-sleep
'Then we go to sleep'
00:01:07.592-00:01:10.439
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_12
mútʃ sáktàj-d
tomorrow morning-SS.SG
'Tomorrow morning'
00:01:10.439-00:01:13.192
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_13
g-ì-dá-ŋɛɛ ːt àː g-áw qʷèŋ-g
AFF-FUT-1.SG-wake COORD.CONJ AFF-go firewood-SS.PL
'I will wake up and go (to cut) firewood'
00:01:13.192-00:01:16.230
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_14
àm-áː-bíːg-ù
TEMP-1.SG-return-VEN
'When I return'
00:01:16.230-00:01:18.307
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_15
q-àː-wùɲ dà-rám bèː-g
AFF-1.SG-come.FS 1.SG-fetch water-SS.PL
'I go to fetch water.'
00:01:18.307-00:01:20.670
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_16
àː g-éː-wóstʃ
COORD.CONJ AFF-1.PL-cook
'Then we cook'
00:01:20.670-00:01:22.566
265
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_17
g-éː-jágìstʃ-í
AFF-1.PL-eat-FS
'we eat'
00:01:22.566-00:01:24.566
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_18
àsk̫ ár g-ídʒ-éː-fúf
afternoon AFF-FUT-1.PL-relax
'We will relax in the afternoon'
00:01:24.566-00:01:27.708
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_19
àː múg-d hà q-à-ŋɛɛ ːt gàdí-óːdʒí-g 
COORD.CONJ sun.set-ITV well AFF-3-begin work-PS.PL-SS.PL 
gáhàr
home.SG
'When the sun sets, the housework will begin.'
00:01:27.708-00:01:31.447
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_20
ìː-q-ɔɛ -jíd àgìstʃ-óːd
COND-AFF-3-arrive eat-NMLZ
'when we finishing eating'
00:01:31.447-00:01:34.205
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_21
g-èː-wà rùwáŋ-g g-èː-lìl-dʒì
AFF-1.PL-go place.to.sleep-SS.PL AFF-1.PL-sleep-FS
'we go to sleep.'
00:01:34.205-00:01:37.321
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_22
g-á-gásgágʷ às-éː-t rùwáŋ-g èː-lìl
AFF-3-grant God-PS.SG-SS.SG place.to.sleep-SS.PL 1.PL-sleep
'We pray that God gives us rest (usingizi) so that we sleep.'
00:01:37.321-00:01:40.775
266
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_23
ì-g-ó-mútʃ-à
FUT-AFF-3-tomorrow-PERF
'When the sun rises'
00:01:40.775-00:01:42.723
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_24
gíːgáb bárb-án-d dʒá q-à-ŋúl gìtʃá g-ʷá-sìn
each person-PS.SG-SS.SG POSS.V AFF-3-see again AFF-3-do
'Each person will see the things that they will do.'
00:01:42.723-00:01:47.449
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_25
g-ʷá-nd báː-t èːn-d
AFF-3-COP trip-SS.SG river-SS.SG
'There is going to the river.'
00:01:47.449-00:01:50.591
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_26
g-ʷá-nd báː-t ɲáɲ-ìː-d
AFF-3-COP trip-SS.SG vegetable-PS.SG-SS.SG
'There is going to cut vegetables'
00:01:50.591-00:01:52.643
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_27
g-ʷá-nd báː-t qʷèŋ-g
AFF-3-COP trip-SS.SG firewood-SS.PL
'There is going to fetch firewood'
00:01:52.643-00:01:54.954
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_28
g-ʷá-nd báː-t ŋáʃ-òːd
AFF-3-COP trip-SS.SG grind-NMLZ
'There is going to hull/grind flour.'
00:01:54.954-00:01:57.269
267
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_29
sù sɛɛ ːnín g-ídʒ-éː-sìn
PROX.DEM.PL.PRO all AFF-FUT-1.PL-do
'All of this work we will do.'
00:01:57.269-00:01:59.840
IGS0229_2015-12-8_MM_01_30
às-éː-d m-íː-q-ʷà-ʃìɲ
today-PS.SG-SS.SG NEG-FUT-AFF-3-delay
'Today we can't avoid doing this work.'
00:01:59.840-00:02:02.125
TEXT 2
IGS02292017-3-16#12_01
Speaker 1: àníːn q-àː-wàs-tʃ q-ɔɛ -ʃíɲ
1.SG.PRO AFF-1.SG-COP-FS AFF-3-delay
'Me, I'm called Qoshinya'
00:00:01.340-00:00:03.063
IGS02292017-3-16#12_02
Speaker 1: gàbà gìnájéːd
PREP.POSSD Ginayeeda
'Of Ginaye'
00:00:03.851-00:00:05.319
IGS02292017-3-16#12_03
Speaker 1: gáb àgèːd-éː-g
PREP.POSSD hadzabe-PS.PL-SS.PL
'Of the Hadzabe'
00:00:05.851-00:00:07.000
268
IGS02292017-3-16#12_04
Speaker 1: ák áŋíːŋíː màmà
and.so 2.SG.PRO mother/SW
'And you, mama'
00:00:08.829-00:00:10.127
IGS02292017-3-16#12_05
Speaker 2: àníːn q-àː-wàs-tʃ mártá èː-d qámàr
1.SG.PRO AFF-1.SG-COP-FS Martha place-SS.SG Qamar
'Me, I'm Martha Qamara'
00:00:10.531-00:00:12.531
IGS02292017-3-16#12_06
Speaker 2: qámàr gàb gìdwìːd báː qàhɔɛ ːg
Qamar POSSD.COP Gidawida POSS Qahooga
'Qamara is of Gidawida, of the Qahoga clan'
00:00:12.659-00:00:14.595
IGS02292017-3-16#12_07
Speaker 1: qáj ágóːg ìːj-óː-hét-ù 
old.times 2.PL.PRO COND-2.PL-grow.up-VEN 
góː-nd-áw múr-éː-d qáɲ 
AFF-2.PL-COP-POSS respect-PS.SG-SS.SG or 
m-óː-nd-áw-áː-ní
NEG-2.PL-COP-POSS-AM.VEN
'So you all, did you used to have respect in the past, or you didn't have 
it?'
00:00:17.419-00:00:21.497
269
IGS02292017-3-16#12_08
Speaker 2: íː àsɛɛ ːs múr-éː-d g-èː-nd-àw 
oh 1.PL.PRO respect-PS.SG-SS.SG AFF-1.PL-COP-POSS
dìjá
a.lot
'Oh! We had a lot of respect'
00:00:22.072-00:00:24.043
IGS02292017-3-16#12_09
Speaker 2: àb gìdàb qámá-t-àŋʷ g-íː-g-ʷá-rúŋn-òːɲ 
PREP reason mother-SS.SG-2.SG.POSS AFF-FUT-AFF-3-tell-2.SG.O
ŋàʃ-án-d áː hánàn 
word-PS.SG-SS.SG COORD.CONJ well 
g-íː-g-ʷá-rúŋn-òːɲ áː 
AFF-FUT-AFF-3-tell-2.SG.O COORD.CONJ
m-ì-jèʃ áː g-ì-síːn-dì
NEG-2.SG-tell COORD.CONJ AFF-2.SG-be.silent-ITV-FS
'Because your mother will tell you something bad and you won't answer, 
you will be silent'
00:00:24.870-00:00:30.142
IGS02292017-3-16#12_10
Speaker 2: g-ì-sìːn-d ár íː-wón àː 
AFF-2.SG-be.silent-ITV even COND-come COORD.CONJ 
q-á-bár-èːɲ hánán g-ì-síːn-dì
AFF-3-hit-2.SG.O well AFF-2.SG-be.silent-ITV
'You are silent even if she comes to hit you, you are still silent'
00:00:31.078-00:00:33.991
270
IGS02292017-3-16#12_11
Speaker 2: gà qámn dʒáf-t íːs g-í-jèʃ 
PREP.POSSD.PL now child-SS.SG often AFF-2.SG-tell 
dʒáf-t dʒɛɛ ːrà àː 
child-SS.SG oh.goodness COORD.CONJ 
q-á-ŋúl-àn-èːɲ qàŋ-d háw díjá
AFF-3-see-OBL-2.SG.O eye-SS.SG big a.lot
'Children these days if you tell a child something they look at you with 
bad eyes'
00:00:34.755-00:00:38.393
IGS02292017-3-16#12_12
Speaker 2: dʒàf-t mánàŋ háː m-á-núŋ àr gʷàɲ-éː-k
child-SS.SG small well NEG-3-let even year-PS.PL-SS.PL 
mánúŋ g-á-gàn
not.yet AFF-3-take
'A small child, of very few years'
00:00:38.648-00:00:42.850
IGS02292017-3-16#12_13
Speaker 2: há qámn àŋíːŋ qámn g-í-hèːdóː-dʒ-à
well now 2.SG.PRO now AFF-2.SG-be.big-FS-PERF
'You, now you have grown'
00:00:43.233-00:00:46.297
IGS02292017-3-16#12_14
Speaker 1: àː èːd g-áː-rúŋn-òːɲ
COORD.CONJ place-SS.SG AFF-1.SG-tell-2.SG.O 
ŋàʃ-án-d g-í-ɲárɛɛ ːːs-í àː 
word-PS.SG-SS.SG AFF-2.SG-be.angry-FS COORD.CONJ 
wíːl lás-àːn mádàq
look.for hit-1.SG freely
'I'd tell you something, but you'd get mad until you want to hit me'
00:00:46.531-00:00:50.634
271
IGS02292017-3-16#12_15
Speaker 2: àː q-áː-wás-tʃ qámá-t-àŋʷ
COORD.CONJ AFF-1.SG-COP-FS mother-SS.SG-2.SG.POSS
'When I was your mother'
00:00:50.655-00:00:51.979
IGS02292017-3-16#12_16
Speaker 2: íː-ŋúl-àj qámn ŋàʃ-án=ní àbéːd
COND-see-PLUR now word-PS.SG=PROX.DEM that.time 
íːs g-óː-sìɲ àː g-ó-jèːɲ 
often AFF-2.PL-do:FS COORD.CONJ AFF-2.PL-think 
g-ó-jèːɲ g-èː-sìɲ ŋàʃ-àn-d míːj
AFF-2.PL-think AFF-1.PL-do:FS word-PS.SG-SS.SG good
'If you look at this thing, often you think you have done something good'
00:00:52.128-00:00:56.299
IGS02292017-3-16#12_17
Speaker 1: m-èː-sìn ŋàʃ-án-d míːj 
NEG-1.PL-do word-PS.SG-SS.SG good
'You don't do well'
Speaker 2: ák ŋáʃ-án-d 
and.so word-PS.SG-SS.SG 
ìːj-áː-rúŋn-òːɲ àː g-í-nàl 
COND-1.SG-tell-2.SG.O COORD.CONJ AFF-2.SG-know 
dàb q-àː-wàs-tʃ háw g-àː-nd 
reason AFF-1.SG-COP-FS big AFF-1.SG-COP 
mád-ɛɛ ː-d-àŋú
front-PS.SG-SS.SG-2.SG.POSS
'This thing, if I do it and you know, me I'm an elder and I am in front of 
you, I'm ahead of you in years'
00:00:56.745-00:01:01.980
272
IGS02292017-3-16#12_18
Speaker 2: ńdí m-í-sìːn-d-àːní
yes/SW NEG-2.SG-be.silent-ITV-AM.VEN
'Yes, why wouldn't you be silent?'
00:01:02.001-00:01:03.383
IGS02292017-3-16#12_19
Speaker 2: áw sí-mán-àːn bàː-t gìdàb àníːn
or/SW IMPERS-leave-1.SG trip-SS.SG reason 1.SG.PRO
'Or your answer is to leave, that me'
00:01:03.617-00:01:06.119
IGS02292017-3-16#12_20
Speaker 2: à-páŋg-án áb úː-d-àŋʷ gìdàb
2.SG-plan-OBL/SW PREP head-SS.SG-2.SG.POSS reason 
àníːn g-í-dà-w
1.SG.PRO AFF-FUT-1.SG-go
'You plan in your head that you want me to leave'
00:01:06.140-00:01:08.493
IGS02292017-3-16#12_21
Speaker 2: àː g-ì-ŋɛɛ ːd à-màn-áːn
COORD.CONJ AFF-2.SG-begin 2.SG-leave-1.SG
'And you start to leave me'
00:01:09.068-00:01:10.280
IGS02292017-3-16#12_22
Speaker 2: àb gìdàb g-íː-g-ád-dà-làs-éːɲ
PREP reason AFF-FUT-AFF-PERS-1.SG-hit-2.SG.O
'Because you will make me hit you'
00:01:10.301-00:01:11.907
273
IGS02292017-3-16#12_23
Speaker 2: gà qámn dʒàf-t 
POSSD.PRO.PL now child-SS.SG 
íː-làs g-á-gál hídʒì
COND-hit AFF-3-head.towards PROX.LOC.PRO
'Children these days, if you hit them they come here'
00:01:12.631-00:01:14.737
IGS02292017-3-16#12_24
Speaker 2: íː-ŋúl-àj ní ŋàʃ-àn-dá 
COND-see-PLUR PROX.DEM.PRO word-PS.SG-SS.SG/COP
'If you look at it, it is a problem'
00:01:14.992-00:01:16.545
IGS02292017-3-16#12_25
Speaker 1: mìːsáwá ŋáʃ-án-d 
NEG.COP word-PS.SG-SS.SG
'It's not a (good) thing '
Speaker 2: gá mùr-èː-dá
POSSD.PRO.PL respect-PS.PL-SS.SG/COP
'Is it respectful?'
00:01:17.482-00:01:20.240
274
IGS02292017-3-16#12_26
Speaker 1: ʔaʔa mìːsáwá múr-éː-d 
no NEG.COP respect-PS.SG-SS.SG
'It's not respect' 
Speaker 2: mùr-éː-d ásɛɛ ːs 
respect-PS.SG-SS.SG 1.PL.PRO 
qáj íːs íː-bálóːl-sìːn-èːɲ 
old.times often COND-discuss-TERM-2.SG.O 
qámá-t-àŋʷ g-ì-síːn-dì
mother-SS.SG-2.SG.POSS AFF-2.SG-be.silent-ITV
'Our respect in the old days is that if your mother criticizes you, you are 
quiet'
00:01:20.803-00:01:25.249
IGS02292017-3-16#12_27
Speaker 2: g-ì-síːn-d ŋúl àr ŋàɲ m-ì-ŋúl
AFF-2.SG-be.silent-ITV see even earth NEG-2.SG-see
'You are quiet and look down, you don't look at her'
00:01:25.760-00:01:27.718
IGS02292017-3-16#12_28
Speaker 2: áw q-ɔɛ -n àː q-á-bár-èːɲ
or.SW AFF-3-come COORD.CONJ AFF-3-hit-2.SG
'Or they should come and then she hits you'
00:01:28.356-00:01:29.899
275
IGS02292017-3-16#12_29
Speaker 2: g-à-mùk-síːn-éːɲ áː 
AFF-3-continue-TERM-2.SG COORD.CONJ 
m-í-ŋúl àr ŋùl-óːd áː 
NEG-2.SG-see even see-NMLZ COORD.CONJ 
íː-ŋɛɛ ːd àː g-í-jàm 
COND-begin COORD.CONJ AFF-2.SG-turn.around 
gɛɛ ːw àː g-ì-síːn-d
REFL.PRO.SG COORD.CONJ AFF-2.SG-be.silent-ITV 
gítʃàj
again
'She hits you and even if you look, you won't look at her, you get up 
and turn around and are just quiet'
00:01:29.920-00:01:34.933
IGS02292017-3-16#12_30
Speaker 2: ŋíːŋ qámn g-ì-nd qè síː-d 
2.SG.PRO now AFF-2.SG-COP at person-SS.SG 
ŋíːŋí
2.SG.PRO
'You now, you are with people'
00:01:36.167-00:01:37.745
IGS02292017-3-16#12_31
Speaker 2: àː qʷàdɛɛ ːp g-ʷà-jèʃ-n-òːɲ ár
COORD.CONJ maybe AFF-3-tell-VEN-2.SG.O even 
qàmà-t qè sìː-d íːjá nà ní 
mother-SS.SG at person-SS.SG mother what PROX.DEM.PRO 
g-á-wúrdʒ g-á-wúrdʒ g-á-wúrdʒ 
AFF-3-resemble AFF-3-resemble AFF-3-resemble 
dàːdín àː dàːdín
thing COORD.CONJ thing
'The mother of a person..."Mother, it's like this and this and this, and there 
is this and that."'
00:01:37.894-00:01:42.348
276
IGS02292017-3-16#12_32
Speaker 2: g-ì-jèʃ qɛɛ
AFF-2.SG-tell ohǃ
''You will tell them "No!"'
00:01:42.624-00:01:43.603
IGS02292017-3-16#12_33
Speaker 2: qàmà-t ásìmdʒ-éː-g há íːs qàɲ 
mother-SS.SG asimjeeg-PS.PL-SS.PL well often or 
g-ʷà-rúŋ-n-áːnːà
AFF-3-tell-VEN-1.SG:what
'This Asimjeeg mama will tell me what'
00:01:43.731-00:01:45.924
IGS02292017-3-16#12_34
Speaker 2: g-í-ŋɛɛ ːd àː g-í-làdʒ mɔɛ ːl 
AFF-2.SG-begin COORD.CONJ AFF-2.SG-cut finger 
àː g-ú-wí
COORD.CONJ AFF-2.SG-go
'You start to deceive her and leave'
00:01:46.446-00:01:48.106
IGS02292017-3-16#12_35
Speaker 2: ní mùr-èː-dá
PROX.DEM.PRO respect-PS.PL-SS.SG/COP
'This is respect?'
00:01:48.255-00:01:49.340
277
IGS02292017-3-16#12_36
Speaker 1: mìːsáwá mùr-éː-d
NEG.COP respect-PS.SG-SS.SG
'It's not respect.' 
Speaker 2: há íːs íːj-ó-nd qé
well often COND-3-COPat 
síː-d síː-d g-ʷá-sìn mùr-éː-d
person-SS.SG person-SS.SG AFF-3-do respect-PS.SG-SS.SG
'Well, if a person is with people, they should be respectful'
00:01:49.744-00:01:53.058
IGS02292017-3-16#12_37
Speaker 2: qàmà-t qé síː-d íː-rúŋ-n-òːɲ 
mother-SS.SG at person-SS.SG COND-tell-VEN-2.SG.O 
ŋàʃ-án-d g-í-pàspás-àːd gɛɛ ːw 
word-PS.SG-SS.SG AFF-2.SG-crouch-AM.ITV REFL.PRO.SG 
àː g-ú-wí
COORD.CONJ AFF-2.SG-go
'A mother of people, if she tells you something, you lower yourself and 
leave'
00:01:53.228-00:01:56.675
IGS02292017-3-16#12_38
Speaker 2: àsɛɛ ːs gí-d qáj sù-wùrdʒ-èːw-í
1.PL.PRO thing-SS.SG old.times 1.PL-resemble-LOC-FS
'This is how we were'
00:01:56.845-00:01:58.739
IGS02292017-3-16#12_39
Speaker 2: àgóːg qámn àː m-à-nd-án
2.PL.PRO now COORD.CONJ NEG-3-COP-OBL
'With you all now there isn't anything'
00:01:58.973-00:02:00.483
278
IGS02292017-3-16#12_40
Speaker 2: íːs g-èː-rùg-s síː-d ŋáʃ-án-d
often AFF-IMPERS-tell-TERM person-SS.SG word-PS.SG-SS.SG 
àː í q-ʷà-dàs-àː-d ŋáɲ 
COORD.CONJ oh AFF-3-kick-AM.ITV earth 
g-í-jén q-á-ŋát pórsáj-àn-d 
AFF-2.SG-think AFF-3-pass:ITV police-PS.SG-SS.SG/SW 
áb mád-ɛɛ ː-d-àŋʷ
PREP front-PS.SG-SS.SG-2.SG.POSS
'Often a person is told something and then they pass like parade, you will 
think a soldier is passing in front of you'
00:02:01.483-00:02:06.358
IGS02292017-3-16#12_41
Speaker 2: àː g-ʷà-dʒáw qámá-t qè sìː-d
COORD.CONJ AFF-3-fear mother-SS.SG at person-SS.SG 
gìdàb íː
reason oh
'Until a mother of people will be afraid that…oh!'
00:02:07.550-00:02:09.507
IGS02292017-3-16#12_42
Speaker 2: ák áníːn dʒéːb g-í-q-ɔɛ -tɛɛ ːl ŋáhà
and.so 1.SG.PRO child.REF AFF-FUT-AFF-3-avoid who
'And me…who can this child avoid?'
00:02:09.614-00:02:11.528
IGS02292017-3-16#12_43
Speaker 2: àː ìːj-àː-tɛɛ ːl-dʒ q-à-ŋùl-àn-aːn
COORD.CONJ COND-1.SG-avoid-FS AFF-3-see-OBL-1.SG
qàŋ-d-éɲ ná qàɲ
eye-SS.SG-1.SG.POSS what or
'And if I avoid them, they will look at me in my eye, or...'
00:02:11.805-00:02:15.635
279
IGS02292017-3-16#12_44
Speaker 2: q-ʷá-dás-áː-d ŋàɲ
AFF-3-kick-AM.ITV earth
'Stamp their feet on the earth'
00:02:15.656-00:02:16.638
IGS02292017-3-16#12_45
Speaker 1: gʷátʃ háj gí-d àː-wíːl dà-pàr-dá
that.time well thing-SS.SG 1.SG-look.for 1.SG-ask-ITV 
'This is what I wanted to ask' 
Speaker 2: ǎːː
ah
'Ahah'
00:02:19.382-00:02:23.168
280
APPENDIX C: LEXICON
[Swahili: anguka]
àbíːdàn V Class II, +ATR. English: dwell/stay
APPENDIX Cː LEXICON [Swahili: kaa]
/a/ àbíːdan ùːd béːg V Class II, +ATR. English: 
float [Swahili: elea]
àbìjéːd N SG. English: hyena [Swahili: fisi]
àː CONJ . English: and/with [Swahili: na, àbìjòdʒíg N PL. English: hyenas [Swahili: 
halafu] fisi]
aːd ìːt V Class I. English: announce [Swahili: àbínːì V Class II, +ATR, VEN. English: enter 
toa taarifa, tangaza] (here) [Swahili: ingia (na uje)]
àːŋaw V Class II, -ATR. English: insult (v) àbítà V Class II, -ATR. English: enter 
[Swahili: tukana] [Swahili: ingia (na uende)]
àːsahà PARTCL . English: ok [Swahili: haya, àbúːs V Class II, +ATR. English: sweep 
sawa] [Swahili: fagia]
àb PREP . English: to, for [Swahili: kwa] àbúːs úkʷèːd V Class II, +ATR. English: 
àb àwòdʒís / àb àwòsídʒ ADV.PHRASE . collect leaves of the field [Swahili: fagia 
English: the past [Swahili: siku zilizopita] shamba]
àb gìdàb CONJ.PHRASE . English: because àbùrwand N SG. English: flea [Swahili: 
[Swahili: kwa sababu] kiroboto]
àb hídʒ(i) ADV.PHRASE . English: now, at àbùrwéːg N PL. English: fleas [Swahili: 
that time [Swahili: kwa sasa, sasa, hapo] viroboto]
àb hùmà ADV.PHRASE . English: truly àbùskʷand N SG. English: branch with 
[Swahili: kwa kweli] thorns used close off an entrance the boma 
àb nàha / àb nà QUEST.PHRASE . English: (in place of a door) [Swahili: sanzu ya 
why [Swahili: kwa nini] mlango wa boma]
àb úrd ADV . English: forcefully [Swahili: àbùskʷaɲèk N PL. English: branches with 
kwa nguvu] thorns used close off an entrance the boma 
àbal V Class II, +ATR. English: possess s.th., (in place of a door) [Swahili: sanzu za 
want s.th. [Swahili: miliki, taka] mlango wa boma]
àbal gɛɛ́ːw V Class II, +ATR. English: lead or àbút dʒéːd V.PHRASE Class II, +ATR. 
manage oneself [Swahili: jitawala] English: dip [Swahili: zamisha]
àbàlask N PL. English: cockroaches àdàramʃèːn V Class II, +ATR. English: 
[Swahili: mende] succeed [Swahili: shinda]
àbàlàstʃand N SG. English: cockroach àdarnì V Class II, +ATR, VEN. English: 
[Swahili: mende] spread (here) [Swahili: sambaa (na uje)]
àbéːl V . English: be crazy [Swahili: kuwa àdɛɛ́ptà V Class II, -ATR. English: translate 
kicha] [Swahili: tafsiri]
àbɛɛ́ːdà V Class II, -ATR, ITV. English: fall àdʒìːlaːdà V Class II, +ATR, AM, ITV. 
281
English: go slowly (there) [Swahili: fanya àgʷàdʒéːg N PL. English: corn [Swahili: 
taratibu (na uende)] mahindi]
àdʒìːlaːnì V Class II, +ATR. English: go àgʷàdʒéːw N SG. English: father in law 
slowly (here) [Swahili: fanya taratibu (na [Swahili: baba mke]
uje)] àhaːqʷàn V Class II, +ATR. English: 
àdʒìːléːsìːn V Class II, +ATR. English: go domesticate, herd livestock [Swahili: fuga, 
slowly [Swahili: fanya taratibu] chunga]
àdʒìnòdíg N PL. English: elder (female) àhab géjóːd V Class II, +ATR. English: heal, 
[Swahili: mzee wa kike] cure [Swahili: ponya ugonjwa]
àdʒìnòtʃand N SG. English: elder (female) àhad gawínd V Class II, +ATR. English: 
[Swahili: mzee wa kike] lengthen [Swahili: ongeza urefu]
àdʒú QUEST . English: when [Swahili: lini] àhajdà V Class II, +ATR, ITV. English: 
àfkaːd V Class II, +ATR. English: remember breathe [Swahili: hema / vuta pumzi]
[Swahili: kumbuka] àhàŋhaŋ V Class II, +ATR. English: pant 
àftaːdà V Class II, +ATR, AM, ITV. English: [Swahili: tweta]
sit [Swahili: kaa] àhàŋóːɲ V Class II, +ATR. English: harden 
ag / jag V Class I, -ATR. English: eat [Swahili: fanya ngumu]
[Swahili: kula] àhàréːr V Class II, +ATR. English: angry 
ag rarg V.PHRASE Class I, -ATR. English: speech directed at an animal [Swahili: 
laugh [Swahili: cheka] kumpandishia mori mnyama yeyote]
àgèdéːg N PL. English: Hadzabe peeople àhélːèːn V Class II, +ATR. English: divide 
[Swahili: Watindiga] [Swahili: tenganisha]
àgìːràdʒéːg N PL. English: monitor lizards àhíːd V Class II, -ATR. English: finish 
[Swahili: kenge] [Swahili: maliza]
àgìːréːd N SG. English: monitor lizard àhíːl V Class II, -ATR. English: faint [Swahili:
[Swahili: kenge] zimia]
àgístʃèːn V Class II, +ATR. English: eat àhítà V Class II, -ATR. English: arrive 
[Swahili: kula] [Swahili: fika (na uende)]
àgìt úùd N SG. English: headache [Swahili: àhɔɛ́ːd V Class II, -ATR. English: sweat 
kuumwa na kichwa] [Swahili: tokwa jasho]
àgìt wéŋg N PL. English: headaches [Swahili:àhɔɛ́qdà V Class II, -ATR, ITV. English: tell, 
kuumwa na kichwa] recount (story) [Swahili: simulia hadithi]
àgóːgà / àgʷéːgà PRO . English: you.PL àjàwúd V Class II, +ATR. English: cry, weep
[Swahili: ninyi] [Swahili: lia]
àgújèn V Class II, +ATR. English: join àjéɲ V Class II, +ATR. English: stand 
[Swahili: jiunga] [Swahili: simama]
àgʷàdʒaːnd N SG. English: corn [Swahili: àjíːdà (àhíːdà) V Class II, -ATR. English: 
mahindi] pour [Swahili: mimina]
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àjíːmdà V Class II, -ATR, ITV. English: [Swahili: okota]
indicate, point (as with the finger) [Swahili: àlːaːdʒ V Class II, -ATR. English: borrow 
onyesha] [Swahili: kopa]
àjíːmnì V Class II, -ATR, VEN. English: àlːàlaːdʒ V Class II, -ATR. English: boil s.th. 
indicate, point (as with the finger) [Swahili: [Swahili: chemsha]
onyesha] àlːaqdà V Class II, -ATR, ITV. English: lend 
àjíbdà V Class II, +ATR, ITV. English: make [Swahili: kopesha]
s.th. drown [Swahili: zamisha] àlːɛɛ́ːl V Class II, -ATR. English: winnow 
àk qamn ADV.PHRASE . English: now, so? [Swahili: pembua, pepeta]
[Swahili: sasa, kwa hiyo] àlúl V Class II, +ATR. English: invite, 
àkàlɛɛ́lɛɛ̀  / ak / (àqàlɛɛ́lɛɛ̀) NUM . English: one announce [Swahili: alika, tangaza]
[Swahili: moja] àmaldà V Class II, -ATR, ITV. English: fold 
àkàtʃéːwàn V Class II, +ATR. English: greet [Swahili: funua]
[Swahili: salimia] àmàrìːjíd N SG. English: a shawl used to 
àkés V Class II, +ATR. English: vomit carry a child [Swahili: shuka la kumbebea 
[Swahili: tapika] mtoto]
àkújèn V Class II, +ATR. English: mix àmɛɛ̀ŋʷmɛɛ́ŋʷàn V Class II, -ATR. English: 
[Swahili: changanya] polish [Swahili: ng’arisha]
àkúl V Class II, +ATR. English: make noise, àmìsmís V Class II, +ATR. English: blink 
sound the alarm [Swahili: piga yowe, piga [Swahili: kupepesa]
kelele] àmísmís qaːɲìŋg V.PHRASE Class II, +ATR.
àkúlː V Class II, +ATR. English: make noise English: blink [Swahili: pepesa macho]
[Swahili: piga yowe, piga kelele] àmùqúʃ V Class II, -ATR. English: store up, 
àkʷal V Class II, +ATR. English: wear gather [Swahili: rundika, kusanya]
clothes [Swahili: vaa] àn babók N PL. English: father’s younger 
àlàjsíːd V Class II, -ATR. English: listen brother [Swahili: baba mdogo]
[Swahili: sikiza / sikiliza] àn qambòb N PL. English: paternal aunts 
àlàndʒèːd N SG. English: property, thing [Swahili: shangazi]
[Swahili: mali, kitu] àn qɔɛ̀nd manàŋ N PL. English: father’s 
àlàndʒòdʒíg N PL. English: properties, younger brothers [Swahili: baba mdogo]
things [Swahili: mali, vitu] ànaːjén gɛɛ́ːw V.PHRASE Class II, -ATR. 
àlàqʷèɲand N SG. English: thorn [Swahili: English: mumble [Swahili: babaika]
mwiba] ànaːl V Class II, -ATR. English: teach 
àlàqʷéŋg N PL. English: thorns [Swahili: [Swahili: fundisha / funza]
miiba] ànaːman gɛɛ́ːw V.PHRASE Class II, -ATR. 
àlatʃèːn V Class II, +ATR. English: divide English: avoid [Swahili: -epuka]
[Swahili: tenganisha] andamànd PHRASE . English: what time? 
àlím V Class II, +ATR. English: pick up [Swahili: kipindi gani?]
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ànéːdà QUEST . English: which [Swahili: [Swahili: panua]
gani, ipi] àpàra qùt V.PHRASE Class II, -ATR. 
àníːnì PRO . English: Me, I [Swahili: mimi] English: yawn [Swahili: piga miayo]
ànːaːl gɛɛ̀ ːw V Class II, -ATR. English: learn àpardà V Class II, -ATR, ITV. English: ask, 
[Swahili: jifunza] request [Swahili: uliza]
ànːàwésìn V Class II, +ATR. English: tun àpàrgíːd V Class II, +ATR. English: flatten 
around [Swahili: zungusha] [Swahili: fanya bapa]
ànːí V Class II, +ATR, VEN. English: bring àpàrɔɛ́ɲ V Class II, -ATR. English: peel, shell 
[Swahili: leta] [Swahili: menya (mahindi, get), bangua]
ànːwas V Class II, -ATR. English: shorten àpéːd N SG. English: anus [Swahili: mkundu]
[Swahili: fupisha] àpéːg N SG. English: buttocks [Swahili: tako]
ànóːg N PL. English: milk [Swahili: maziwa] àpéng N PL. English: anuses [Swahili: 
ànòːg laːlàtʃ N PL. English: boiled milk (hot)mikundu]
[Swahili: mazima yameyochemka (moto)] àpɛɛ̀lbɛɛ́l V Class II, -ATR. English: loosen 
ànòːg síwól N PL. English: boiled milk (cold)[Swahili: fundua, legeza]
[Swahili: maziwa yaliyochemshwa (baridi)] àpòdʒíg N PL. English: buttocks [Swahili: 
ànù QUEST . English: where [Swahili: wapi] matako]
àɲaːʃ saréːd V Class II, -ATR. English: snore àpùmbún V Class II, +ATR. English: soften 
[Swahili: koroma] [Swahili: fanya nyororo]
àɲíːd V Class II, -ATR. English: fill [Swahili: àpúŋnì V Class II, +ATR, VEN. English: beat
jaza] grain [Swahili: pukuchua]
àŋɛɛ́ːd V Class II, -ATR. English: begin àpúʃ aqʷajd V Class II, +ATR. English: spoil
[Swahili: anza] food [Swahili: ozesha chakula]
àŋgíːr V Class II, +ATR. English: drag àqad V Class II, -ATR. English: say goodbye, 
[Swahili: buruta, kokota] take leave of [Swahili: aga]
àŋíːŋì PRO . English: you.SG [Swahili: àqàdʒam V Class II, -ATR. English: dry 
wewe] clothes, spread out [Swahili: kausha]
àŋɔɛ́ːl V Class II, -ATR. English: stir [Swahili: àqajdà V Class II, -ATR, ITV. English: step 
koroga] [Swahili: Piga hatua]
àŋɔɛ́ːɲ V Class II, -ATR. English: catch, hold àqàlɛɛ́ːlàːdʒéːg ADJ . English: a few here and 
[Swahili: shika] there [Swahili: mojamoja]
àŋúnd ŋúʃéːg V.PHRASE Class II, -ATR. àqàʃèːd N SG. English: A large snake that is 
English: spit close by [Swahili: tema mate] said to have eaten many Asimjeeg when they 
àŋùɲŋúɲ V Class II, -ATR. English: were in Someega [Swahili: nyoka mkubwa 
grumble, complain [Swahili: -nuna / aliyemaliza Waasimjeega wengi zamani]
-lalamika] àqawan éːnd V Class II, -ATR. English: cross
àŋʷàn NUM . English: four [Swahili: nne] a river [Swahili: vuka mto]
àpàra V Class II, -ATR. English: widen àqɔɛ́ːd N SG. English: animal skin [Swahili: 
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ngozi ya mnyama] àrɛɛ́ːd búːdéːg V Class II, -ATR. English: 
àqʷaːn V Class II, -ATR. English: make s.th. braid hair [Swahili: suka nywele]
turn [Swahili: pindisha] àrɛɛ́ːm V Class II, -ATR. English: leak 
àqʷàdìŋg askʷar N PL. English: lunches [Swahili: vuja]
[Swahili: chakula cha mchana] àríːʃdà V . English: release [Swahili: toa]
àqʷàdìŋg gógàsà N PL. English: spoiled àróːr èːd íbúgdàwí V Class II, +ATR. 
food [Swahili: chakula kinachovunda ] English: mark out a plot of land [Swahili: 
àqʷàdìŋg ʃíŋaːdídg N PL. English: dinners weka alama (za mpaka)]
[Swahili: chakula cha jioni] àróɲèn V Class II, +ATR. English: meet 
àqʷajd N SG. English: food [Swahili: [Swahili: kutana]
chakula] àróst N SG. English: smoke [Swahili: moshi]
àqʷàjd askʷar N SG. English: lunch àròstʃék N PL. English: smoke [Swahili: 
[Swahili: chakula cha mchana] moshi]
àqʷàjd gógàsà N SG. English: spoiled food àrwat V Class II, +ATR. English: prophesize 
[Swahili: chakula kinachovunda ] (dream) [Swahili: tabiri (ndoto)]
àqʷàjd ʃíŋaːd N SG. English: dinner àrwatʃ V Class II, +ATR. English: hold a 
[Swahili: chakula cha jioni] meeting [Swahili: fanya kikao]
àqʷajg N PL. English: animal skins [Swahili: àsàŋgqàlɛɛ́ːl V Class II, -ATR. English: swing 
ngozi ya mnyama] [Swahili: bembea, tundika]
àra ìːt V Class II, -ATR. English: spy àsard béːg V Class II, -ATR. English: spit 
[Swahili: peleleza] water [Swahili: rusha maji]
àraɲ V . English: increase [Swahili: zidi] àsard ŋúʃéːg V Class II, -ATR. English: spit 
àràraːŋdà V Class II, -ATR, AM, ITV. far away [Swahili: tema mate kwa kusukuma]
English: lower (there) [Swahili: shusha (na àséːd N SG. English: today [Swahili: leo]
uende), teremsha] àséːt N SG. English: God, sun, time [Swahili: 
àràraŋnì V Class II, +ATR, VEN. English: mungu, jua, muda]
lower (here) [Swahili: shusha (na uje)] àsèːt baːlà ADV.PHRASE . English: noon 
àràrdʒóːd N SG. English: A large snake that [Swahili: saa sita mchana]
is said to have eaten many Asimjeeg when àsèːt barbàr ADV.PHRASE . English: noon 
they were in Someega [Swahili: nyoka [Swahili: saa sita mchana]
mkubwa aliyemaliza Waasimjeega wengi àsètʃand N SG. English: sun [Swahili: jua]
zamani] àsɛɛ́ːl V Class II, -ATR. English: snatch, seize 
àrdam NUM . English: forty [Swahili: [Swahili: nyakua]
arobaini] àsɛɛ́sɛɛ̀  / àsɛɛ́sà PRO . English: we/us [Swahili: 
àrdam àː damàn NUM . English: fifty sisi]
[Swahili: hamsini] àsìmdʒand N SG. English: slave [Swahili: 
àrɛɛ́ːd V Class II, -ATR. English: take with mtumwa]
force [Swahili: nyang’anya] àsìmdʒàndùméːd N SG. English: Asimjeeg 
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culture [Swahili: Uasimjeega] English: escape [Swahili: ponyoka (na 
àsìmdʒéːg N PL. English: slaves [Swahili: uende)]
watumwa] àtìnaːnì V Class II, +ATR, AM, VEN. 
àskʷar N SG. English: afternoon [Swahili: English: escape [Swahili: ponyoka (na uje)]
mchana] àtíŋdà V Class II, +ATR, ITV. English: raise, 
àskʷàrdʒòdʒíg N PL. English: afternoons lift (there) [Swahili: nyanyua, pandisha (na 
[Swahili: mchana] uende)]
àstʃɛɛ́w V Class II, -ATR. English: belch àtíŋnì V Class II, +ATR, VEN. English: raise,
[Swahili: cheua] lift (here) [Swahili: pandisha (na uje)]
àʃaːlàn V Class II, +ATR. English: be àtíŋsìn V Class II, +ATR. English: load a 
finished [Swahili: isha] package [Swahili: pakiza]
àʃàŋʃaŋ V Class II, -ATR. English: boil s.th. àtìrʃaːn V Class II, +ATR. English: sneeze 
[Swahili: pasha] [Swahili: piga chafya]
àʃèdawàn V Class II, +ATR. English: lead, àtís V Class II, +ATR. English: leave s.o. 
guide [Swahili: -ongoza] [Swahili: mwacha mtu]
àʃɔɛ́ːɲ V Class II, -ATR. English: diminish àtɔɛ̀ ːbíw V Class II, -ATR. English: straighten, 
[Swahili: punguza] stretch, accompany [Swahili: nyoosha, 
àtardà V Class II, -ATR, ITV. English: spread sindikiza]
tr (there) [Swahili: sambaza (na uende)] àtɔɛ́ːs V Class II, -ATR. English: put s.th. on 
àtàrɛɛ́ːsanìːd V Class II, -ATR. English: make the head carry [Swahili: twika]
smooth [Swahili: lainisha] àtɔɛ̀ndɔɛ́ːr V Class II, -ATR. English: peel, shell
àtarnì V Class II, -ATR, VEN. English: [Swahili: menya (ndizi, maharage, kiazi), 
spread tr (here) [Swahili: sambaza (na uje)] bangua]
àtaw V Class II, -ATR. English: give [Swahili:àtʃagdà V Class II, +ATR, ITV. English: send
kupa (mpe)] [Swahili: tuma]
àtélnì V Class II, +ATR, VEN. English: returnàtʃaw V Class II, +ATR. English: threaten 
s.th., avoid s.th. [Swahili: rudisha] [Swahili: tisha]
àtémʃèːn V Class II, +ATR. English: think àtʃóːn bàst V Class II, +ATR. English: get a 
[Swahili: fikiri / -waza] burn [Swahili: choma moto]
àtɛɛ́ːl V Class II, -ATR. English: prevent àtʃɔɛ́ːp V Class II, -ATR. English: look at, 
[Swahili: zuia] check out [Swahili: angalia]
àtgùʃt V Class II, +ATR. English: choke àtúnːì V Class II, +ATR, VEN. English: 
[Swahili: palia] revive [Swahili: fufua]
àtíːw V Class II, +ATR. English: keep/save àwèːd N SG. English: night [Swahili: usiku]
[Swahili: hifadhi] àwéːg N PL. English: good health, goodness 
àtín V Class II, +ATR. English: open [Swahili: uzima]
[Swahili: fungua] àwèːʃíːd V Class II, +ATR. English: polish 
àtìnaːdà V Class II, +ATR, AM, ITV. [Swahili: ng’arisha]
286
àwèːtʃand N SG. English: day [Swahili: siku] ganda la mti]
àwén’g N PL. English: nights [Swahili: usiku] bàdàw PREP SG. English: back (of) [Swahili:
àwíːdà V Class II, +ATR, ITV. English: nyuma]
unwrap [Swahili: kunjua] bàdàwúk N PL. English: backs [Swahili: 
àwòːdʒíg N PL. English: days [Swahili: siku] migongo]
àwɔɛ́ːl ~ àwaːl V Class II, -ATR. English: cook bàdéːd N SG. English: goodness, humanity 
[Swahili: pika] [Swahili: utu]
àwúːn V Class II, +ATR. English: wash bàdílík V . English: change [Swahili: 
clothes [Swahili: fua] badilika]
àwúːʃèn V Class II, +ATR. English: wash, bàjda V Class I, -ATR, ITV. English: be kind 
bathe [Swahili: oga] [Swahili: hurumia]
bàjíːg N PL. English: walking sticks [Swahili:
/b/ fimbo / mikongojo]
bàlag V Class I, +ATR. English: move away 
bàː V.COP . English: to be of s.th. [Swahili: [Swahili: hama (na uende)]
kuwa ya] bàlaŋd N SG. English: salt [Swahili: chumvi]
baːs ADV . English: well, ok then [Swahili: balaŋgʷ N PL. English: deserts, salt [Swahili:
basi] jangwa, chumvi]
baːʃ V Class I, -ATR. English: tear [Swahili: bàlaŋnì V Class I, +ATR, VEN. English: 
pasua] move away [Swahili: hama (na uje)]
bàːʃan V Class I, -ATR. English: burst bàlːand N SG. English: boy, youth [Swahili: 
[Swahili: pasuka] mvulana, kijana]
baːt N SG. English: speed, trip [Swahili: bàlːòdʒíg N PL. English: boys, youth 
mwendo, safari] [Swahili: wavulana, vijana]
bàbók N SG. English: father’s younger bàlóːl V Class I, +ATR. English: chat 
brother [Swahili: baba mdogo] [Swahili: zungumza]
bad maŋg V Class I, +ATR. English: bow bàlóːld N SG. English: speech [Swahili: 
[Swahili: sujudu] maongezi]
bàdàdg búrúŋg N PL. English: eggshells bàmbàlːàdʒand N SG. English: waterfall 
[Swahili: maganda ya yai] [Swahili: poromoko]
bàdàdg géːdíg N PL. English: bark [Swahili: bàmbàlːàdʒéːg N PL. English: waterfalls 
ganda la mti] [Swahili: poromoko]
bàdajd N SG. English: back [Swahili: bàmùk N PL. English: brother in law (spoken
mgongo] by men only) [Swahili: shemeji]
bàdàtʃànd búrɲand N SG. English: eggshell bànàjd N SG. English: knife [Swahili: kisu]
[Swahili: ganda la yai] bànand N SG. English: Member of the 
bàdàtʃànd géːt N SG. English: bark [Swahili:Banandi group that the Asimjeeg was traveling with while migrating, presumably a 
287
Datooga group. [Swahili: Banandi] barèːrí N SG. English: clan name of the 
bànànéd N SG. English: orphan [Swahili: Asimjeeg [Swahili: jina la ukoo wa 
yatima] Waasimjeega]
bànaŋg N PL. English: orphans [Swahili: bàrgɛɛ́t N SG. English: Name of a river near 
yatima] Someega, and also the name of a historical 
bànàwak N PL. English: knives [Swahili: leader of the Asimjeeg. [Swahili: Barget]
visu] bàríɲ V Class I, -ATR. English: love 
banː V Class I, +ATR. English: circumsize [Swahili: penda]
[Swahili: tahiri] bàríɲ gíjèːt V . English: love each other 
bàɲéːg N PL. English: meats [Swahili: [Swahili: pendana]
nyama] bàróːd N SG. English: farming [Swahili: 
bar V Class I, -ATR. English: hit, farm kilimo]
[Swahili: chapa, lima, piga] bàróːg N PL. English: bark [Swahili: 
bar gajdòd V.PHRASE Class I, -ATR. maganda]
English: swim [Swahili: ogelea] bàrsíːn V Class I. English: weed [Swahili: 
bar laqaŋg V Class I, -ATR. English: devine palilia]
[Swahili: piga bao] bàrsìːn ʃajéːd V Class I. English: haggle 
baràk ADJ bárágì. English: flat [Swahili: [Swahili: piga bei]
bapa] bàrùwàdʒand N SG. English: permission 
bàrand N SG. English: trip [Swahili: safari] [Swahili: kibali]
bàràɲéːk N PL. English: trips [Swahili: bàsaːt ADJ bàsáádì. English: be thin 
safari] [Swahili: embamba]
bàrbàjand N SG. English: a Barabaiga bàsbas V Class I. English: be shy [Swahili: 
person [Swahili: Mbarabaiga] ona aibu]
bàrbàjíːg N PL. English: Barabaiga people bàsbàséːg N PL. English: shyness [Swahili: 
[Swahili: Wabarabaiga] aibu]
bàrband N SG. English: person [Swahili: bàskèːl N SG. English: bicycle [Swahili: 
mtu] baiskeli]
bàrbar V Class I, -ATR. English: rub, pierce bàskèːràdʒand N SG. English: bicycle 
holes into [Swahili: chua, sugua, pekecha] [Swahili: baiskeli]
bàrbàrand N SG. English: poverty [Swahili: bàskùmàdʒand N SG. English: Sukuma 
umaskini] person [Swahili: Msukuma]
bàrdʒàːdíŋg N PL. English: quarrels bàskùmàdʒéːg N PL. English: Sukuma 
[Swahili: ugomvi wa kupigana] people [Swahili: Wasukuma]
bàrdʒéːd N SG. English: quarrel [Swahili: bàskʷéːg N PL. English: oceans [Swahili: 
ugomvi wa kupigana] bahari]
bàrdʒèéɛ́n V Class I, -ATR. English: fight bàsòːd N SG. English: lake [Swahili: ziwa]
[Swahili: pigana] bàst N SG. English: fire, cattle brand 
288
[Swahili: moto, chapa] bíd V Class I. English: pick or harvest fruit 
bàstʃéːk N PL. English: fires, cattle brands [Swahili: vuna, chuma matunda]
[Swahili: mioto, chapa] bìjàndʒíːd N SG. English: Member of the 
baʃ V Class I, -ATR. English: dig [Swahili: Biyanjida group [Swahili: Biyanjida]
chimba] bíjàr ADV . English: west [Swahili: 
bàʃòːd sírótʃ N SG. English: bedroom magharibi]
[Swahili: chumba cha kulala] bìjéːd N SG. English: meat [Swahili: nyama]
bàʃód N SG. English: room [Swahili: bìjòːnéːd N SG. English: stick [Swahili: 
chumba] fimbo]
bàʃón’g N PL. English: rooms [Swahili: bìjóŋg N PL. English: medicine man stick 
vyumba] [Swahili: fimbo za kiganga]
bàʃòn’g sírótʃ N PL. English: bedrooms bìkbík N SG. English: motorcycle [Swahili: 
[Swahili: vyumba vya kulala] pikipiki]
bàtawíːn gɛɛ́ːw V Class I, -ATR. English: lean bìkbìkàdʒéːg N PL. English: motorcycles 
[Swahili: egemea] [Swahili: pikipiki]
batís N . English: baptism [Swahili: batizo] bìlaːst N SG. English: plastic bucket [Swahili:
bàtʃéŋg N PL. English: speeds [Swahili: ndoo]
mwendo] bìlàŋgíd N SG. English: walking stick 
béːg N PL. English: water [Swahili: maji] [Swahili: fimbo / mkongojo]
bèːʃak N PL. English: elephants [Swahili: bìlàstàdʒéːg N PL. English: plastic buckets 
tembo] [Swahili: ndoo]
bèjàdʒand N SG. English: wood [Swahili: bìlbílàːn V Class I. English: be scarce 
mti / ubao] [Swahili: adimika]
bèjàdʒéːg N PL. English: wood [Swahili: miti bìrbín V Class I, +ATR. English: squeeze 
/ bao] [Swahili: bana]
bèjònèd róqd N SG. English: hunting stick bìrdʒàjand N SG. English: dust [Swahili: 
(used for balance and for starting fires and forvumbi]
carrying quivers) [Swahili: fimbo ya podo bìrdʒàjaɲèk N PL. English: dust [Swahili: 
(mbogosho)] vumbi]
bèjòŋg róqak N PL. English: hunting sticks bìrgídg N PL. English: pus [Swahili: usaha]
(used for balance and for starting fires and forbìrgìtʃand N SG. English: pus [Swahili: 
carrying quivers) [Swahili: fimbo za podo usaha]
(mibogosho)] bírr V Class I, +ATR. English: squeeze 
béʃt N SG. English: elephant [Swahili: tembo] [Swahili: kanda]
bɛɛ́ːʃ V Class I, -ATR. English: cook bìsìrdʒand N SG. English: bedbug [Swahili: 
(corn/meat) [Swahili: choma] kunguni]
bíːd V Class I, +ATR. English: live [Swahili: bìsìríːd N PL. English: bedbugs [Swahili: 
ishi] kunguni]
289
bìtʃand N SG. English: warthog [Swahili: bùgda V Class I, +ATR, ITV. English: return 
ngiri] [Swahili: rudi (na uende)]
bìtʃék N PL. English: warthogs [Swahili: búgèmb N SG. English: millet [Swahili: wele]
ngiri] bùgèmb N SG. English: a type of food that 
bóg N PL. English: crops [Swahili: mazao ya was eaten before agriculture became common
nafaka] [Swahili: aina ya chakula cha zamani]
bògíd V Class I, +ATR. English: be drunk bùgèmbàdʒéːg N PL. English: millet 
[Swahili: lewa] [Swahili: mawele]
bòlbòlːand N SG. English: circle [Swahili: bùgòːd N SG. English: small grove [Swahili: 
nviringo] kichaka]
bòlbólːèːk N PL. English: circles [Swahili: bùgòːd alaqʷéŋg N SG. English: grove of 
nviringo] thorny bushes [Swahili: kichaka cha miiba]
bòmbàdʒand N SG. English: water tap bùgòn’ŋak N PL. English: small groves 
[Swahili: bomba] [Swahili: vichaka]
bórbóréːt N SG. English: a type of tree that bùgús V Class I, +ATR. English: turn 
bears edible fruit [Swahili: aina ya mti] [Swahili: pindua]
bòrdʒand N SG. English: yellow thing bùgúst PREP . English: between [Swahili: 
[Swahili: (kitu) njano] kati]
bòréːg N PL. English: yellow things [Swahili: bùhúgdà V Class I, +ATR, ITV. English: 
(vitu) njano] push [Swahili: sukuma]
bòwand N SG. English: crops [Swahili: bùkgùshíːd N SG. English: finger millet 
mazao ya nafaka] [Swahili: ulezi]
bɔɛ̀ːdan V Class I, -ATR. English: shiver, bùléːd N SG. English: hoof [Swahili: kwato]
tremble [Swahili: tetemeka / tapatapa] bùlèːd dígèːd PHRASE . English: phrase used
búːsà N SG. English: corn alcohol [Swahili: to indicate that a group of people are close 
pombe ya mahindi] together, lit ‘the hoof of a donkey’ [Swahili: 
bùdàjd N SG. English: joke [Swahili: utani] kwato la punda]
bùdand N SG. English: Hair [Swahili: búmbùn ADJ búmbúnì. English: soft 
nywele] [Swahili: nyororo]
bùdéːg N PL. English: hairs [Swahili: nywele]bùmbúnìːt V . English: be soft [Swahili: 
bùdúlg N PL. English: fingernails [Swahili: kuwa laini]
makucha] bùnéːd N PL. English: people [Swahili: watu]
bùdùlːand N SG. English: fingernail [Swahili:búɲ V Class I, +ATR. English: bury [Swahili:
ukucha] zika]
bùdʒàbúlg N PL. English: hooves [Swahili: bùŋàːdíŋg N PL. English: funeral holes 
kwato] [Swahili: kaburi]
bùdʒàbúlːéd N SG. English: hoof [Swahili: bùŋéːd N SG. English: funeral hole [Swahili: 
kwato] kaburi]
290
bùŋní V Class I, +ATR, VEN. English: return
[Swahili: rudi (na uje)] da V Class I, -ATR, ITV. English: see 
bùqàl NUM . English: hundred [Swahili: mia][Swahili: ona]
búqal aː ag / bùqàlːàdʒand aː àg NUM . dà PRO . English: (thing) of [Swahili: (kitu) 
English: one hundred and one [Swahili: mia cha]
moja na moja] dà dʒéːd àkàlɛɛ́ːlɛɛ̀ ː PHRASE . English: of one 
bùqàlàdʒéːg íjèɲ NUM . English: two stomach, of the same mother [Swahili: wa 
hundred [Swahili: mia mbili] tumbo moja]
búr V Class I, +ATR. English: be tired dàːbat ADV . English: three days from now 
[Swahili: choka] [Swahili: tondogoo]
bùràːdíg N PL. English: Buradiga people dàːbatétìta ADV . English: four days from 
[Swahili: Waburadiga] now [Swahili: siku baada ya tondogoo]
bùràːdíŋg N PL. English: tiredness [Swahili: daːnqɔɛ́ːdʒɛɛ̀ ː N PL. English: riddles [Swahili: 
uchovu] vitendawili]
bùraːt N SG. English: pregnant woman dàb PREP . English: of, followed by a 
[Swahili: mjamzito] numeral to express an ordinal number 
bùràːtʃan N SG. English: Buradiga person [Swahili: ya, wa]
[Swahili: Mburadiga] dàbàgdʒand N SG. English: tear [Swahili: 
bùrand N SG. English: tiredness [Swahili: chozi / machozi]
uchovu] dàbak N PL. English: tears [Swahili: 
búrd N SG. English: cooking pot [Swahili: machozi]
chungu ] dàban’g N PL. English: feathers [Swahili: 
bùrdʒéːk N PL. English: cooking pots nyoya]
[Swahili: chungu ] dàbàn’g gadg N PL. English: quivers 
bùrgàdéd N SG. English: valley [Swahili: [Swahili: podo (manyoya ya mshale)]
bonde] dàbàn’g gatʃéːd N SG. English: quiver 
bùrgúdg N PL. English: valleys [Swahili: [Swahili: podo (manyoya ya mshale)]
mabonde] dàbànɲand N SG. English: feather [Swahili: 
bùrnɲand N SG. English: egg [Swahili: yai] nyoya]
bùrúŋg N PL. English: eggs [Swahili: mayai] dàbàqéːg N PL. English: Maasai [Swahili: 
bùʃaŋg N PL. English: things that have give Wamasai]
off a bad smell [Swahili: muozo] dàbàrdʒand N SG. English: small hawk 
bùʃóːd N SG. English: something that has [Swahili: mwewe]
been destroyed and gives off a bad smell dàbàrdʒòːdʒíg N PL. English: small hawks 
[Swahili: muozo] [Swahili: mwewe]
dàbàsdʒòːdʒíg N PL. English: pools 
/d/ [Swahili: dimbwi]
dàbàstʃand N SG. English: pool [Swahili: 
291
dimbwi] goat [Swahili: mwanambuzi]
dàbdab V Class I. English: feel, touch dàmalg N PL. English: branches [Swahili: 
[Swahili: papasa] matawi]
dàdí N SG. English: corn alcohol [Swahili: dàmàlːand N SG. English: branch [Swahili: 
pombe ya mahindi] tawi]
dàftàràdʒéːg N PL. English: notebooks dàmàn NUM . English: ten [Swahili: kumi]
[Swahili: madaftari] dàmàn aŋʷàn NUM . English: fourteen 
dàg qɔɛ́jand V.PHRASE Class I. English: fish [Swahili: kumi na nne]
[Swahili: vua samaki] dàmàn íjèɲ NUM . English: twelve [Swahili: 
dàgaj N . English: sardine [Swahili: dagaa] kumi na mbili]
dagaléd N SG. English: dewlap [Swahili: dàmàn ísːpò NUM . English: seventeen 
chembwewele] [Swahili: kumi na saba]
dàgàlóːg N PL. English: a type of food made dàmàn la NUM . English: sixteen [Swahili: 
from animal skins [Swahili: aina ya chakula] kumi na sita]
dàgàlòdʒíg N PL. English: dewlaps [Swahili: dàmàn mút NUM . English: fifteen [Swahili: 
chembwewele] kumi na tano]
dàgdàgànòd asétʃànd N SG. English: dàmàn samògʷ NUM . English: thirteen 
sunrise [Swahili: mawio] [Swahili: kumi na tatu]
dàgùg múɲasì N PL. English: bad things, dàmàn sís NUM . English: eighteen [Swahili:
dangerous things [Swahili: vitu kibaya, vitu kumi na nane]
hatari] dàmàn ʃagàʃ NUM . English: nineteen 
dàjéːg N PL. English: children [Swahili: [Swahili: kumi na tisa]
wana, watoto] dàmànag NUM . English: eleven [Swahili: 
dàjéːg N PL. English: threads [Swahili: kumi na moja]
kamba ndogo] dàmːànd N SG. English: season, time 
dàjèːg gísìlg N PL. English: lambs [Swahili: [Swahili: msimu, wakati]
wanakondoo] dàmːànɲéːk N PL. English: seasons, times 
dàjèːg gúlbèːd N PL. English: cotton fruits [Swahili: misimu, wakati]
[Swahili: matunda la pamba] dàmŋand N SG. English: guinea fowl 
dàjèːg nóːg N PL. English: kids, young goats [Swahili: kanga]
[Swahili: wanambuzi] dàmŋéːg N PL. English: guinea fowls 
dàjénd N SG. English: child [Swahili: [Swahili: kanga]
mwana, mtoto ] dàmùjand N SG. English: Beard [Swahili: 
dàjènd gísílːand N SG. English: lamb ndevu]
[Swahili: mwanakondoo] dàmúk N PL. English: beards [Swahili: 
dàjènd gúlbèːd N SG. English: cotton fruit ndevu]
[Swahili: tunda la pamba] dànːàdéːd N SG. English: ulcer [Swahili: 
dàjènd ḿbójd N SG. English: kid, young donda]
292
dànːàdídg N PL. English: ulcers [Swahili: dàraʃnì V Class I, -ATR, VEN. English: slide 
donda] [Swahili: teleza (na uje)]
dàɲéwà PRO . English: 3 PL possessive dàraʃtà V Class I, -ATR. English: slide 
pronoun, SG stem [Swahili: teleza (na uende)]
dàŋàtʃand N SG. English: thing [Swahili: dàrda V Class I, -ATR, ITV. English: spread 
kitu] (ITV) [Swahili: sambaa (na uende)]
dàqàdùnatk N PL. English: chests [Swahili: dàrdaːdà V Class I, -ATR, AM, ITV. English:
vifua] spread again and again (ITV) [Swahili: 
dàqàqàmàdʒéːg N PL. English: traditional sambaasambaa (na uende)]
hoes made from a branches [Swahili: dàrdaːnì V Class I, -ATR, AM, VEN. English:
majembe ya tawi] spread again and again (VEN) [Swahili: 
dàqàqàmóːd N SG. English: a traditional hoe sambaasambaa (na uje)]
made from a branch [Swahili: jembe la tawi] dàréːd N SG. English: ashes [Swahili: majivu]
dàqat N SG. English: Chest [Swahili: kifua] dàrèsnat N SG. English: something smooth 
dàqàwàdíŋg N PL. English: living rooms [Swahili: (kitu) laini]
[Swahili: sebule] dàrèsnàtʃéŋg N PL. English: smooth things 
dàqàwéd N SG. English: living room [Swahili: (vitu) laini]
[Swahili: sebule] dàrɲand N SG. English: dirt [Swahili: chafu]
dàqdàqéːd N SG. English: a type of bead dàróːrd N SG. English: earth, ground 
[Swahili: aina ya ushanga] [Swahili: ardhi]
dàqʷald N SG. English: beehive [Swahili: dàròjd N SG. English: metal rings worn on 
mzinga wa nyuki] the neck by women [Swahili: waya / pambo 
dàqʷalg N PL. English: beehives [Swahili: la shingoni (kwa wanawake)]
mizinga wa nyuki] dàròjék N PL. English: metal rings worn on 
dàràbèdak N PL. English: the bush, parks, the neck by women [Swahili: waya / pambo 
forests [Swahili: pori, misitu] la shingoni (kwa wanawake)]
dàràbét N SG. English: the bush, park, forest dàròràdʒand N SG. English: This term is 
[Swahili: pori, msitu] often used to refer to non-Asimjeeg Datooga,
dàràdʒéːg N PL. English: ashes [Swahili: but has also been reported to be the name of 
majivu] an actual Datooga sub-group located near 
dàragʷàdʒéːg N PL. English: homes Karatu. [Swahili: Mang’ati, Datooga, 
[Swahili: makazi] Darorajeega person]
dàràgʷàdʒéːg N PL. English: Daragwajeega dàròràdʒéːg N PL. English: This term is 
people [Swahili: Wadaragwajeega] often used to refer to non-Asimjeeg Datooga,
dàraŋg N PL. English: flour [Swahili: unga] but has also been reported to be the name of 
daraqàmùndand N SG. English: a species ofan actual Datooga sub-group located near 
tree used to make spears [Swahili: aina ya Karatu. [Swahili: Mang’ati, Datooga, 
mti] Darorajeega person]
293
dàrùmŋàdʒand N SG. English: leader, family [Swahili: jamii]
medicine man [Swahili: mtemi, kiongozi, dàwìʃadéːd N SG. English: Molar tooth 
mganga] [Swahili: gego]
dàrwèːdíg N PL. English: gazelles [Swahili: dàwìʃíʃk N PL. English: molar teeth 
swala] [Swahili: magego]
dàrwéːt N SG. English: gazelle [Swahili: dàwúd N SG. English: cooking pot [Swahili: 
swala] chungu]
dàs V Class I, -ATR. English: kick [Swahili: dàwùd anaqéːd N SG. English: metal pot 
kupiga teke] [Swahili: sufuria]
dàsél N SG. English: big hawk [Swahili: dàwùnatk N PL. English: cooking pots 
mwewe] [Swahili: chungu]
dàsèlàdʒéːg N PL. English: big hawks dàwùnàtk anaqèéd N PL. English: metal 
[Swahili: mwewe] pots [Swahili: sufuria]
dàstʃòːdʒíg N PL. English: areas [Swahili: dèːbúg N PL. English: children [Swahili: 
maeneo] watoto]
dàtaːɲ PRO . English: 1 PL possessive déːd N SG. English: cow [Swahili: ng’ombe]
pronoun, SG stem dèːd arèːr N SG. English: red cow [Swahili: 
dàtaːŋʷ PRO . English: 2 PL possessive ng’ombe mwekundu]
pronoun, SG stem dèːd éːʃ / dèːd wéːʃ N SG. English: white cow
dàtaɲ PRO . English: 3 SG possessive [Swahili: ng’ombe mweupe]
pronoun, SG stem dèːd hós N SG. English: old cow [Swahili: 
dàtaŋʷ PRO . English: 2 SG possessive ng’ombe mzee]
pronoun, SG stem dèːd múr N SG. English: brown cow 
dàtas V Class I. English: stamp the feet [Swahili: ng’ombe mpauko]
[Swahili: kanyaga] dèːd qúlqúl N SG. English: cow with spots 
dàtéɲ PRO . English: 1 SG possessive [Swahili: ng’ombe mwenye rangi ya madoti]
pronoun, SG stem dèːd réːr N SG. English: a cow that is still 
dàtóːg N PL. English: Datooga people drinking milk [Swahili: ng’ombe 
[Swahili: Wamang’ati, Wadatoga] anayenyonya ziwa]
dàtòɲand N SG. English: Datooga person déːs V . English: build, complete [Swahili: 
[Swahili: Mmang’ati, Mdatoga] jenga, timiza]
dàwíːd N SG. English: community, extended dèːtú / dèːd dú N SG. English: black cow 
family [Swahili: jamii] [Swahili: ng’ombe mweusi]
dawìːʃ ADJ dáwììrì. English: blunt [Swahili: dèbàdʒand N SG. English: tank or container 
butu] [Swahili: debe]
dàwíːtúméːd N SG. English: suffering dèɲéːn V Class I. English: be  ̛the same 
[Swahili: mahangaiko] [Swahili: kuwa sawa]
dàwín’g N PL. English: community, extendeddèrònéːd N SG. English: well, waterhole 
294
[Swahili: kisima] ascend (ITV) [Swahili: panda (na uende)]
dɛɛ̀qɛɛ́tk N PL. English: bamboo [Swahili: tete] dìjaːnì V Class I, +ATR, AM, VEN. English: 
dɛɛ̀qɛɛ̀tʃand N SG. English: bamboo [Swahili: ascend (VEN) [Swahili: panda (na uje)]
tete] dìjaːŋg N PL. English: animals [Swahili: 
dìːléːg N PL. English: a type of bead made wanyama]
from part of the top of a tree [Swahili: aina dìjàdàjd PREP . English: above [Swahili: juu
ya ushanga] ya]
dìbàjóːkt N SG. English: a type of tree that dìjàjd N SG. English: animal [Swahili: 
was traditionally cooked and eaten [Swahili: mnyama]
aina ya mti] dìjíːdà V . English: protect, keep [Swahili: 
dìbanɲèːg N SG. English: spider [Swahili: hifadhi]
buibui] díl V Class I. English: be defeated [Swahili: 
dìbaɲègàdʒéːg N PL. English: spiders shindwa]
[Swahili: buibui] dìmàmàndàdʒéːg N PL. English: lightning 
dígahaɲ N SG. English: sister [Swahili: [Swahili: umeme]
dada] dìmàmandéːd N SG. English: lightning 
dìgan ADV . English: never [Swahili: kamwe][Swahili: umeme]
dìgdam / dìktam NUM . English: twenty dìmàràdʒand N SG. English: spitting cobra 
[Swahili: ishirini] [Swahili: swira]
dìgdam àː damàn NUM . English: thirty dìmàràdʒéːg N PL. English: spitting cobras 
[Swahili: thelathini] [Swahili: swira]
dìgèːd N SG. English: donkey [Swahili: dìŋda V Class I, +ATR, ITV. English: ascend 
punda] (there) [Swahili: panda (na uende)]
dìgén’g N PL. English: donkeys [Swahili: dìŋdaːdà V Class I, +ATR, AM, ITV. 
punda] English: ascend (ITV) [Swahili: pandapanda 
dìgìjód N SG. English: date tree [Swahili: (na uende)]
mtende] díŋgà N SG. English: anteater [Swahili: 
dìgín V Class I, +ATR. English: groan from mhanga]
pain [Swahili: koroma kwa maumivu] dìqàmìʃtʃand N SG. English: a traditional 
dìgìnaːɲèːk N PL. English: groans from pain hoe made from a branch [Swahili: jembe la 
[Swahili: koroma kwa maumivu] tawi]
dìgìnand N SG. English: groans from pain dìqand N SG. English: boundary [Swahili: 
[Swahili: koroma kwa maumivu] mpaka]
dìhíhì N SG. English: owl [Swahili: bundi] dìqaràjàdʒéːg N PL. English: chameleons 
dìhíhìjàdʒéːg N PL. English: owls [Swahili: [Swahili: vinyonga]
bundi] dìqaràjéːg N SG. English: chameleon 
dìja DET . English: very [Swahili: sana] [Swahili: kinyonga]
dìjaːdà V Class I, +ATR, AM, ITV. English: dìranadʒéːg N PL. English: supporting 
295
columns [Swahili: nguzo] living in Someega, and Ewanda is said to 
dìrànéːd N SG. English: supporting column have foretold its appearance [Swahili: aina ya
[Swahili: nguzo] ugonjwa]
dìratgéw N SG. English: bat [Swahili: popo] dúgúmèld N SG. English: tortoise [Swahili: 
dìratgèwàdʒéːg N PL. English: bats [Swahili:kobe]
mapopo] dúgúmèldàdʒéːg N PL. English: tortoises 
dòːɲóːd N SG. English: mosquito [Swahili: [Swahili: kobe]
mbu] dùgúɲ V Class I, +ATR. English: kneel 
dòbìwd N SG. English: honest (person) [Swahili: piga magoti]
[Swahili: mwaminifu] dúgúɲàːdà V Class I, +ATR, ITV. English: 
dòbìwnatʃèŋg N PL. English: honest crawl [Swahili: tambaa]
(people) [Swahili: waaminifu] dúgʷ N PL. English: cows [Swahili: ng’ombe]
dòʃíŋg N PL. English: gates of boma, or dùgʷ arèːrì N PL. English: red cows 
clans [Swahili: milango ya boma / ukoo] [Swahili: ng’ombe wekundu]
dóʃt N SG. English: gate or door of boma, or dùgʷ dúwàsì N PL. English: black cows 
clan [Swahili: mlango wa boma / ukoo] [Swahili: ng’ombe weusi]
dówaŋàdʒéːg N PL. English: bird species dùgʷ hósì N PL. English: old cows [Swahili: 
[Swahili: korongo] ng’ombe wazee]
dówaŋg N SG. English: bird species [Swahili: dùgʷ mùhóʃt N SG. English: Name of a rural
korongo] Asimjeeg community near Yaeda Chini 
dɔɛ̀ːbíw V Class I, -ATR. English: be straight [Swahili: Dugwamuhosht]
[Swahili: nyooka] dùgʷ mùrdʒéwì N PL. English: brown cows 
dú ADJ dúwásì. English: black [Swahili: [Swahili: ng’ombe wapauko]
nyeusi] dùgʷ qùlódʒ N PL. English: cows with spots 
dúb V . English: follow s.th., occur after s.th. [Swahili: ng’ombe wenye rangi ya madoti]
[Swahili: fuata] dùgʷ réːr N PL. English: cows that still drink 
dùbadà V Class I, ITV. English: follow (ITV)milk [Swahili: ng’ombe wanaonyonya 
[Swahili: fuata (na uende)] maziwa]
dùbanì V Class I, VEN. English: follow dùgʷ wéːʃìʃì / dùgʷ éːʃìʃì N PL. English: 
(VEN) [Swahili: fuata (na uje)] white cows [Swahili: ng’ombe weupe]
dùftʃàːdíŋg N PL. English: relatives / dùkʷànàdʒéːg N PL. English: stores 
relatedness / relation [Swahili: undugu] [Swahili: maduka]
dùftʃéːd N SG. English: relatives / dùlanòːd N SG. English: end [Swahili: 
relatedness / relation [Swahili: undugu] mwisho]
dùgda V Class I, ITV. English: cover dùlda V Class I, +ATR, ITV. English: finish 
[Swahili: funika, ziba] for s.o. [Swahili: malizia (na uende)]
dùgówójd N SG. English: A certain disease dùlní V Class I, +ATR, VEN. English: finish 
that afflicted the Asimjeeg when they were (VEN) [Swahili: maliza (na uje)]
296
dùmàdʒand N SG. English: can [Swahili: skins that were traditionally worn [Swahili: 
dumu] ngozi ndogo za kuvaliwa]
dùmbàt N SG. English: tobacco [Swahili: dùqdùqjand N SG. English: fool [Swahili: 
tumbako] mjinga]
dùmbàtàdʒéːg N PL. English: tobacco dùqùwàdʒand N SG. English: crow [Swahili:
[Swahili: tumbako] kunguru]
dúmd N SG. English: ngoma [Swahili: dùqùwàdʒéːg N PL. English: crows [Swahili:
ngoma] kunguru]
dùmd lóqúmàdʒéːg N SG. English: dúrmàn ADJ dúrmánì. English: heavy 
circumcision or worship celebration [Swahili: [Swahili: nzito]
ngoma ya matambiko au jando] dùrmànàːtʃéŋg N PL. English: weights 
dùmd ɲaŋgíːd N SG. English: wedding [Swahili: uzito]
dance [Swahili: ngoma ya harusi] dùrmànat N SG. English: weight [Swahili: 
dùmd qadówéːd N SG. English: ancestral uzito]
celebration [Swahili: ngoma ya ibada] dùrmàníːd V . English: be pregnant [Swahili:
dùmdʒéŋg / dùmɲéŋg N PL. English: kuwa mjamzito]
ngoma, dance, song [Swahili: ngoma] dùrmànìːt N SG. English: pregnancy 
dùmdʒèŋg lóqúmàdʒéːg N PL. English: [Swahili: mimba]
circumcision or worship celebrations dùrùjd N SG. English: group of birds 
[Swahili: ngoma za matambiko au jando] [Swahili: kundi la ndege]
dùmdʒèŋg ɲaŋgadʒéːg / dùmdʒèŋg dùwàːdíŋg N PL. English: firstborns 
ɲaŋgíːd N PL. English: wedding dances [Swahili: vifungua mimba (watoto wa 
[Swahili: ngoma za harusi] kwanza)]
dùmdʒèŋg qadówàdʒéːg N PL. English: dùwàːtʃéːd N SG. English: firstborn [Swahili:
ancestral celebrations [Swahili: ngoma za kifungua mimba (mtoto wa kwanza)]
ibada] dùwàʃand N SG. English: duck [Swahili: 
dùnːí V Class I, +ATR, VEN. English: revive bata]
yourself [Swahili: fufuka] dùwàʃèékɛ́  N PL. English: ducks [Swahili: 
dùŋód N SG. English: mucus [Swahili: bata]
kamasi]
dùŋók N PL. English: mucus [Swahili: /dʒ/
kamasi]
dùŋɔɛ̀bɛɛ́ːʃ N SG. English: Place name 
[Swahili: ] dʒaːdʒí N SG. English: grandfather [Swahili: Dongobesh
dùŋʷénd N SG. English: a small animal skin babu]
that was traditionally worn worn [Swahili: dʒàːdʒí / dʒàːdʒíːd N SG. English: 
] grandfather [Swahili: babu / nyanya]ngozi ndogo ya kuvaliwa
dùŋʷèndàdʒéːg N PL. English: small animal dʒaːm V Class I, -ATR. English: dry out 
297
[Swahili: kauka] njaa]
dʒàːméːd N SG. English: wind [Swahili: dʒam V . English: grow [Swahili: kua]
upepo] dʒàmèːd N SG. English: coldness [Swahili: 
dʒaːqàd ADV . English: tomorrow [Swahili: baridi]
kesho] dʒàmnóːd N SG. English: upbringing 
dʒàːqàd qùt mùtʃóːd PHRASE . English: [Swahili: malezi]
phrase meaning ‘tomorrow morning’ [Swahili:dʒap V . English: build [Swahili: jenga]
kesho asubuhi] dʒaw V Class I, +ATR. English: be afraid 
dʒàbàgand N SG. English: testicle [Swahili: [Swahili: ogopa]
pumbu] dʒàwand N SG. English: fear [Swahili: uoga,
dʒàbàgéŋg N PL. English: testicles [Swahili: woga]
pumbu] dʒàwàràr N SG. English: pepper [Swahili: 
dʒad V Class I, -ATR. English: open pilipili]
[Swahili: fungua] dʒèːd N SG. English: stomach, inside 
dʒàdan V Class I, -ATR. English: be open [Swahili: tumbo, ndani]
[Swahili: funguka] dʒèːsíŋg N PL. English: stomachs [Swahili: 
dʒàdʒíjèːk / dʒàdʒìnŋʷak N PL. English: tumbo]
grandfathers [Swahili: babu / nyanya] dʒèrkʷèːd N SG. English: field [Swahili: 
dʒaft N SG. English: child [Swahili: mtoto] shamba]
dʒàft darwàjand N SG. English: a child borndʒèrùmàndʒand N SG. English: German 
out of wedlock [Swahili: mtoto wa nje] person [Swahili: mjerumani]
dʒàft qasqasat N.PHRASE SG. English: dʒɛɛ́ːɲ V Class I, -ATR. English: skin an 
young child [Swahili: mtoto mdogo] animal [Swahili: chuna]
dʒaftʃàndùmèːd N SG. English: childhood dʒíːl V Class I, +ATR. English: give birth 
[Swahili: utoto] [Swahili: zaa]
dʒàgda V Class I, +ATR, ITV. English: throwdʒìːlóːd N SG. English: birth [Swahili: uzazi]
[Swahili: tupa] dʒìːrúgʷ / dʒìrùgʷak N PL. English: male 
dʒàgìstʃòtʃand N SG. English: shepherd (of any animal) [Swahili: dume]
[Swahili: mchungaji] dʒìgakt N SG. English: magical power 
dʒàgʷad V Class I. English: steal [Swahili: [Swahili: uwezo wa kichawi]
iba] dʒìgda V Class I, +ATR, ITV. English: limp 
dʒàlàdíŋg N PL. English: conflicts [Swahili: [Swahili: chechemea]
ugomvi] dʒìgdaːdà V Class I, +ATR, AM, ITV. 
dʒalíːd N SG. English: conflict [Swahili: English: limp (ITV) [Swahili: chechemea (na 
ugomvi] uende)]
dʒàlóːd N SG. English: hunger [Swahili: dʒìgdaːnì V Class I, +ATR, AM, VEN. 
njaa] English: limp (VEN) [Swahili: chechemea 
dʒàlònŋʷak N PL. English: hunger [Swahili: (na uje)]
298
dʒìrúgd N SG. English: male (of any animal) [Swahili: makundi ya watu]
[Swahili: dume] éːnd N SG. English: river [Swahili: mto]
dʒìrùgd héjd N SG. English: an old male èd PREP . English: of, place of, place 
cow [Swahili: ng’ombe dume] [Swahili: kwa, mahali]
dʒìrùgd ŋǵ’qaqód N SG. English: rooster èlíːméːd N SG. English: education [Swahili: 
[Swahili: jogoo] elimu]
dʒìrùgʷ héwg N PL. English: old male cows ènd qàdʒam N SG. English: dry riverbed 
[Swahili: ng’ombe dume] [Swahili: mto uliokauka]
dʒìrùgʷ ŋǵ’qaqàdʒéːg N PL. English: ènŋʷak / én’g N PL. English: rivers [Swahili: 
roosters [Swahili: jogoo] mito]
dʒòːmàdʒéːg N PL. English: axes [Swahili: ènŋʷàk gàdʒamì / èn’g gàdʒamì N PL. 
shoka] English: dry riverbeds [Swahili: mito 
dʒòːmóːd N SG. English: axe [Swahili: iliyokauka]
shoka] èʃíːn V Class I, +ATR. English: tell [Swahili: 
dʒóːr V . English: be tired [Swahili: choka] ambia]
dʒón V Class I, +ATR. English: smell èwànd N SG. English: Name of historical 
[Swahili: nusa] leader of the Asimjeeg when they were 
dʒòsèːg búrɲand N SG. English: egg yolk residing in Someega, killed by Saygilo. 
[Swahili: kiini cha yai] [Swahili: Ewanda]
dʒòsèːg búrúŋg N PL. English: egg yolks 
[Swahili: viini cha yai] /f/
dʒɔɛ́ːr V . English: be defeated [Swahili: 
wezwa]
dʒùbaŋg N PL. English: soup [Swahili: fadʒ V Class I, -ATR (SG)/+ATR (PL). 
] English: run [Swahili: kimbia]mchuzi
dʒùbùqajd fàgda V Class I, ITV. English: undress (ITV) N SG. English: a plant that was 
traditionally eaten [Swahili: [Swahili: vua (na iende)]aina ya mgoba fàgìjàdʒéːg N PL. English: brushes [Swahili: 
iliyokuwa chakula cha asili] fagio]
/e/ fàgní V Class I, VEN. English: undress (VEN) [Swahili: vua (na ije)]
fàjgʷéːg N PL. English: arrow bodies 
éːjàsìːɲéːn wéŋg PHRASE . English: phrase [Swahili: mikumbo wa mshale]
used to mean ‘let’s get along,’ lit. ‘let’s make fàjòːd N SG. English: body of an arrow 
heads meet’ [Swahili: tukutanishe vichwa] [Swahili: mkumbo wa mshale]
èːmèːd N SG. English: group of people fàrɛɛ́ːdʒ N SG. English: stream [Swahili: 
[Swahili: kundi la watu] mfereji]
èːmòːdʒíg N PL. English: groups of people fàrɛɛ̀ ːdʒàdʒéːg N PL. English: streams 
299
[Swahili: mifereji] fúɲ gɛɛ̀ ːw V . English: hide oneself [Swahili: 
fìjèːg dúgʷ N PL. English: cow dung jificha]
[Swahili: mavi ya ng’ombe] fùqàréːd N SG. English: skill, cunning, mind 
fìríɲ V Class I, -ATR. English: scratch [Swahili: akili]
[Swahili: chakura, kwaruza] fúr V Class I, +ATR. English: protect 
fɔɛ́ːl V . English: be angry [Swahili: dharau] [Swahili: linda]
fɔɛ́r V Class I, -ATR. English: scrape, carve fùrdʒéːd N SG. English: conflict [Swahili: 
[Swahili: kwangua, chonga] ugomvi]
fràjgʷéːg N PL. English: jackals [Swahili: fùrgʷèːg ítʃífkéːg N PL. English: snake 
bweha] poisons [Swahili: sumu za nyoka]
fràjòːd N SG. English: jackal [Swahili: fùrqàɲand N SG. English: a type of tree 
bweha] whose fruits were traditionally used as 
frìɲàdéːd N SG. English: bruise [Swahili: medicine [Swahili: aina ya mti]
chubuko] fùrwèːg gadg N PL. English: arrow poisons 
frìɲídg N PL. English: bruises [Swahili: [Swahili: sumu za mshale]
chubuko] fùwad N SG. English: Placename for the 
fròːd gatʃéːd N SG. English: arrow poison Ngorongoro conservation area, that the 
[Swahili: sumu ya mshale] Asimjeeg supposedly inhabited briefly before 
fròːd ítʃíbòːd N SG. English: snake poison settling in Someega [Swahili: Ngorongoro]
[Swahili: sumu ya nyoka] fùwànd qúwaŋd N SG. English: bow string 
fúf V Class I, +ATR. English: rest [Swahili: [Swahili: kamba ya upinde]
pumzika] fùwèːg qúwaŋg N PL. English: bow strings 
fùfand N SG. English: rest [Swahili: [Swahili: kamba za upinde]
pumziko]
fùfàɲéːk N PL. English: rest [Swahili: /g/, /gʷ/
pumziko]
fúg N PL. English: people [Swahili: watu]
fùg gahéːs N PL. English: older people gà PRO . English: (things) of [Swahili: (vitu) 
[Swahili: vya]watu wakubwa]
fùg léːjʃatʃ N PL. English: drunks, alcoholicsgàban ADV . English: always [Swahili: 
[Swahili: daima]walevi]
fùg ŋúʃt N PL. English: medicine men, gàbís ADV . English: totally [Swahili: kabisa]
witches [Swahili: gàdàgèd N SG. English: trap an animal waganga]
fújéːg N PL. English: dung [Swahili: [Swahili: mtego wa wanyama]mavi]
fùndaːr V Class I, +ATR. English: squat gàdàgòːdʒíg N PL. English: animal traps 
[Swahili: [Swahili: mitego ya wanyama]chuchumaa]
fúɲ V Class I, -ATR. English: hide s.th. gàdàrómd N SG. English: community, 
[Swahili: extended family [Swahili: jamii]ficha]
300
gàdàrómɲèk N PL. English: community, gàjéw ADV . English: east [Swahili: 
extended family [Swahili: jamii] mashariki]
gàdémg N PL. English: women [Swahili: gàjwak N PL. English: giraffes [Swahili: 
wanawake] twiga]
gadg N PL. English: arrows [Swahili: gàkaːgʷ PRO . English: 2 PL possessive 
mishale] pronoun, PL stem
gàdìjéd N SG. English: work [Swahili: kazi] gàkaːs PRO . English: 1 PL possessive 
gàdìjòdʒíg N PL. English: work [Swahili: pronoun, PL stem
kazi] gàkagʷ PRO . English: 2 SG possessive 
gàdʒalóːd N SG. English: girl [Swahili: pronoun, PL stem
msichana] gàkàɲand N SG. English: a species of tree 
gàdʒalóːdíg N PL. English: girls [Swahili: [Swahili: aina ya mti]
wasichana] gàkastʃ PRO . English: 3 SG possessive 
gàfkàdʒéːg N PL. English: bones [Swahili: pronoun, PL stem
mifupa] gàkés PRO . English: 1 SG possessive 
gàfkàdʒèːg badawúk N PL. English: upper pronoun, PL stem
spines [Swahili: uti wa mgongo] gal V Class I, +ATR. English: try, head 
gàfkàdʒèːg sén N PL. English: skeleton, all towards [Swahili: jaribu, elekea]
of the bones [Swahili: mifupa yote] gàlàkàlàdʒéːg N PL. English: butterflies 
gàfkàdʒèːg wéŋg N PL. English: skulls [Swahili: vipepeo]
[Swahili: fuvu] gàlàkaléd N SG. English: butterfly [Swahili: 
gàfkéːd N SG. English: bone [Swahili: kipepeo]
mfupa] galàɲà ADV . English: another day, another 
gàfkèːd badajd N SG. English: upper spine time [Swahili: siku nyingine, wakati 
[Swahili: uti wa mgongo] mwingine]
gàfkèːd úùd N SG. English: skull [Swahili: gàlaɲand N SG. English: time period 
fuvu] [Swahili: kipindi]
gàftàlàjéːg N PL. English: pairs of shorts gàlàɲéːk N PL. English: time periods 
[Swahili: kaptula] [Swahili: vipindi]
gàhajd N SG. English: dry season [Swahili: gàlèːd N SG. English: stomach [Swahili: 
kiangazi] tumbo]
gàhajèːk N PL. English: dry season [Swahili: gàléːg N PL. English: stomachs [Swahili: 
kiangazi] tumbo]
gàhàr N SG. English: home [Swahili: galg N PL. English: homes [Swahili: nyumba]
nyumba] gàlg dúgʷ N PL. English: cattle huts [Swahili:
gàjd N SG. English: giraffe [Swahili: twiga] mabanda ya ng’ombe]
gàjèːwàdʒéːg N PL. English: areas to the east gàlg gíwósàdʒéːg N PL. English: kitchens 
[Swahili: maeneo ya mashariki] [Swahili: vyumba vya jiko]
301
gàlg múhóg N PL. English: calf huts utaya]
[Swahili: mabanda ya ndama] gàɲàmúdg N PL. English: jaws [Swahili: 
gàlg ʃórìːd N PL. English: nests [Swahili: utaya]
viota] gàɲéwà PRO . English: 3 PL possessive 
gàmàmbúr N SG. English: a type of tree pronoun, PL stem
used to treat coughs [Swahili: aina ya mti] gàptùlàdʒand N SG. English: a pair of shorts
gàmbàdʒéːg N PL. English: shields [Swahili: [Swahili: kaptula]
ngao] gàraːdí ADJ PL. English: hot [Swahili: ya 
gàmbòːd N SG. English: shield [Swahili: moto]
ngao] gàràngàréːt N SG. English: the bush 
gàmèʃ N PL. English: worms [Swahili: [Swahili: pori]
minyoo] gàrat N SG. English: the town of Karatu 
gàn maléːd V Class I, +ATR. English: take [Swahili: Karatu]
honey [Swahili: chukua asali] garbabù ADJ PL. English: cold [Swahili: 
gànàkóːd N SG. English: calabash dipper baridi]
[Swahili: kipeo] garbàp ADJ SG. English: cold [Swahili: 
gànàkʷàdʒéːg N PL. English: calabash baridi]
dippers [Swahili: vipeo] gàrbíːdà V . English: cool down [Swahili: 
gànèŋgànéŋgʷ N PL. English: a type of tree poa]
used for head pains [Swahili: aina ya mti] gàréːt N SG. English: tsetse fly [Swahili: 
gànéʃ N SG. English: bush baby [Swahili: mbungo]
komba] gàrm N SG. English: woman [Swahili: 
gànèʃàdʒéːg N PL. English: bush babies mwanamke]
[Swahili: komba] garóːŋg N PL. English: Name of one of the 
ganíːs(a) N SG/PL. English: church [Swahili: three original Asimjeeg sub-groups. [Swahili:
kanisa] Wagarongo]
gànːí V Class I, +ATR, VEN. English: take gàrtas N SG. English: piece of paper 
[Swahili: chukua] [Swahili: karatasi]
gàɲamd N SG. English: stopper [Swahili: gas V Class I, +ATR. English: need, want 
mfuniko wa kibuyu] [Swahili: hitaji, taka]
gàɲàmd róqd N SG. English: top/cap for gàsíːs N PL. English: potatoes [Swahili: viazi]
arrow bag [Swahili: mfuniko wa mbogosho] gàsìsàdʒand N SG. English: potato [Swahili: 
gàɲàmíg N PL. English: stoppers [Swahili: kiazi]
mifuniko wa kibuyu] gàtínd N SG. English: arm [Swahili: mkono]
gàɲàmɲèk róqak N PL. English: tops/caps gàtìnd ŋút ADV.PHRASE . English: right 
for arrow bag [Swahili: mifuniko wa [Swahili: kulia]
mbogosho] gàtìnd qadàm ADV.PHRASE . English: left 
gàɲàmòːd N SG. English: Jaw [Swahili: [Swahili: kushoto]
302
gàtíŋg N PL. English: arms [Swahili: mikono]matibabu]
gàtʃéːd N SG. English: arrow [Swahili: gèjòːɲand N SG. English: a species of tree 
mshale] with small thorns [Swahili: aina ya mti yenye 
gaw ADJ gáwì. English: long, tall [Swahili: miiba midogo midogo]
ndefu] gèjónŋʷàk N PL. English: sicknesses 
gàwìnd qaŋd N.PHRASE gàwìɲèŋg qááɲìŋg. [Swahili: magonjwa]
English: desire [Swahili: tamaa] gèk múʃk N PL. English: cowhide sandals 
gàwúrdʒìːn PHRASE . English: how is it, [Swahili: malapa za ngozi ya ng’ombe]
how are things [Swahili: vipi, inakuwaje] gèndàrdʒand N SG. English: baobab tree 
gèːbòːd N SG. English: vein [Swahili: mshipa [Swahili: mbuyu]
wa damu] gèndarg N PL. English: baobab trees 
gèːdíg N PL. English: trees [Swahili: miti] [Swahili: mibuyu]
gèːfkéːg N PL. English: veins [Swahili: gèrèràdʒéːg N PL. English: crocodiles 
mishipa wa damu] [Swahili: mamba]
gèːjóːd N SG. English: sickness [Swahili: gèréríːd N SG. English: crocodile [Swahili: 
ugonjwa] mamba]
géːk N PL. English: shoes [Swahili: viatu] gèskʷéːg N PL. English: alcohol [Swahili: 
géːsarèːɲ bast PHRASE . English: phrase pombe]
used to indicate the lack of a clear direction gèʃàdéːd N SG. English: tooth [Swahili: jino]
for a group, lit. ‘we are carrying fire’ [Swahili:gèʃadg N PL. English: teeth [Swahili: meno]
tumebeba moto, hatuna mwelekeo] gèwèd múnd N SG. English: cowhide sandal 
gèːsùːd N SG. English: alcohol [Swahili: [Swahili: malapa ya ngozi ya ng’ombe]
pombe] gɛɛ́ːrɔɛ́ːn N SG. English: traditional dance 
gèːʃàŋg N PL. English: legs [Swahili: miguu] [Swahili: aina ya ngoma ya asili]
gèːt N SG. English: tree [Swahili: mti] gìːbìnd N SG. English: life [Swahili: maisha]
gèːt harɛɛ̀ ːr N SG. English: a species of tree gìːdìːnɲand N SG. English: fault [Swahili: 
used for traditional medicine [Swahili: aina hatia/kosa]
ya mti] gìːdìːɲaɲèːk N PL. English: faults [Swahili: 
gèːt ŋaft N SG. English: comb [Swahili: hatia/makosa]
chanuo] gìːdʒèːd N SG. English: mountain [Swahili: 
gèːwéːd N SG. English: shoe [Swahili: kiatu] mlima]
gèdàŋòdíg N PL. English: blacksmiths gìːdʒéːg N PL. English: mountains [Swahili: 
[Swahili: wahunzi (kabila la wahunzi)] milima]
gèdàŋòtʃand N SG. English: blacksmith gìːdʒìwéːd N SG. English: village center 
[Swahili: mhunzi (kabila la wahunzi)] [Swahili: kijiweni]
gèdìg ŋaftajèk N PL. English: combs gìːkóːd N SG. English: calabash dipper 
[Swahili: chanuo] [Swahili: kipeo]
gègàlíːd N SG. English: treatment [Swahili: gìːkʷàdʒéːg N PL. English: calabash dippers 
303
[Swahili: vipeo] gìdmaws n SG. English: Name of a historical
gìːlàbajèːk N PL. English: animal tracks leader of the Asimjeeg, father of Barget 
[Swahili: nyayo] [Swahili: Gidamawsa]
gìːlàbìd N SG. English: animal tracks gìdŋʷand N SG. English: bile [Swahili: 
[Swahili: nyayo] nyongo]
gìːlèwd N SG. English: grassland [Swahili: gìdóːn N SG. English: what is coming 
mbuga] [Swahili: kinachokuja]
gìːlèwdʒéːk N PL. English: grasslands gìdʒíːdʒ N SG. English: village [Swahili: 
[Swahili: mbuga] kijiji]
gìːlùld N SG. English: announcement gídʒòsàdʒéːg N PL. English: cowards 
[Swahili: tangazo] [Swahili: wasiohodari]
gìːŋèːtʃéŋg N PL. English: beginnings gìgʷàɲéːd N SG. English: compromise 
[Swahili: mianzo] [Swahili: upatanisho]
gìːŋèt N SG. English: beginning [Swahili: gìhàjdajd N SG. English: breath [Swahili: 
mwanzo] pumzi]
gìːràrnòd asétʃànd N SG. English: sunrise gìhàjdajèːk N PL. English: breaths [Swahili: 
[Swahili: mawio] pumzi]
gìːʃàːl N SG. English: end [Swahili: mwisho] gìhòjéd N SG. English: quarrel (vocal) 
gìbàrú ADV . English: to do part time work [Swahili: ugomvi wa sauti]
[Swahili: kibarua] gìjìɲéːd N SG. English: compromise 
gìbést N SG. English: thigh [Swahili: paja] [Swahili: suluhu]
gìbèsúk N PL. English: thighs [Swahili: paja] gìkʷèndàndéèd N SG. English: thunderstorm
gìd N SG. English: thing [Swahili: kitu] [Swahili: ngurumo ya mvua]
gìd madéːd PHRASE . English: the first thing gìlàgʷéːndʒèːd N SG. English: game of 
[Swahili: kitu cha kwanza] herding sticks [Swahili: mchezo wa fimbo]
gìd múɲì N SG. English: bad thing, gìlèɲand N SG. English: bead [Swahili: 
dangerous thing [Swahili: kitu kibaya, kitu shanga]
hatari] gìlèɲànd manand N SG. English: beads 
gìdàb CONJ . English: reason, that [Swahili: worn on the waist [Swahili: ushanga wa 
sababu, kwamba] kiuno]
gìdagʷ N SG. English: what caused s.th. gìléŋg N PL. English: beads [Swahili: 
[Swahili: kinachosababisha] shanga]
gìdbùgéːr N SG. English: area called gìlèŋg manand N PL. English: beads worn 
Gidabugeer, near Yaeda Chini [Swahili: eneo on the waist [Swahili: ushanga wa kiuno]
la Gidabugeer, karibu na Yaeda Chini] gìlèwdʒand N SG. English: clay dirt 
gìdgʷandàːn N SG. English: development, [Swahili: udongo wa mbugani]
gloabalization [Swahili: maendeleo, gìlèwdʒéːk N PL. English: clay dirt [Swahili: 
utandawazi] udongo wa mbugani]
304
gìmòrmòr N SG. English: sickle [Swahili: [Swahili: kazia]
mundu] gìròŋéd N SG. English: shadow, shade 
gìmòrmòràdʒéːg N PL. English: sickles [Swahili: kivuli]
[Swahili: mundu] gìróŋg N PL. English: shadows, shade 
gìnànaːn N SG. English: Historical leader of [Swahili: vivuli]
the Asimjeeg [Swahili: Ginanana] gís V Class I, +ATR. English: pull [Swahili: 
gìndàdʒéːg N PL. English: food storage vuta]
containers [Swahili: ghala] gís gíhàjdajd V.PHRASE Class I, +ATR. 
gìndàjéːd ADV . English: together [Swahili: English: breathe [Swahili: vuta pumzi]
pamoja] gìsambéj N SG. English: a type of root that 
gìndíːd N SG. English: food storage containerwas traditionally eaten [Swahili: aina ya 
[Swahili: ghala] mzizi]
gìnéːd N SG. English: lie [Swahili: uongo] gìsàmdʒand N SG. English: Gisamjanga 
gíɲ V Class I, +ATR. English: be broken person [Swahili: Mgisamjanga]
[Swahili: vunjika] gìsànàdʒand N SG. English: a type of bangle
gìŋàwand N SG. English: insult [Swahili: [Swahili: aina ya bangili]
tukano / tusi] gìsgìsàdʒéːg N PL. English: whisks [Swahili: 
gìŋʷak N PL. English: insults [Swahili: vipekecho]
tukano / tusi] gìsílg N PL. English: sheep [Swahili: kondoo]
gìpìːsàdʒand N SG. English: part [Swahili: gìsìlːand N SG. English: sheep [Swahili: 
kipande] kondoo]
gìràmbóːd N SG. English: chewing tobacco gìsìrdʒaːnd N SG. English: hoe [Swahili: 
[Swahili: ugoro] jembe]
gìrdʒaːnd N SG. English: intestinal worm gìsìrén’g N PL. English: hoes [Swahili: 
[Swahili: mnyoo] jembe]
gìrdʒèŋd ʃéːd N SG. English: new moon gìstʃéwd N PL. English: neighbors [Swahili: 
[Swahili: mwezi mwandamo / mpevu] majirani]
gìrèdʒàdʒéːg N PL. English: porcupines gìstʃèwòtʃand N SG. English: neighbor 
[Swahili: nungunungu] [Swahili: jirani]
gìrèdʒéːd N SG. English: porcupine [Swahili: gìsùŋgsúŋg N SG. English: The Sungusungu 
nungunungu] justice organizations [Swahili: Sungusungu]
gìrgʷàgéːd N SG. English: youth meeting gìʃadg N PL. English: stoves [Swahili: jiko]
[Swahili: kikao cha vijana] gìʃàʃand N SG. English: rib [Swahili: ubavu]
gìrgʷàgúdíg N PL. English: youth meetings gìʃàʃéːg N PL. English: ribs [Swahili: bavu]
[Swahili: vikao vya vijana] gìʃìːdàdʒéːgà N PL. English: skirts [Swahili: 
gìrírg N PL. English: intestinal worms sketi]
[Swahili: minyoo] gìʃʃàdéːd N SG. English: cooking stone 
gìrísìːn V Class I, +ATR. English: tighten [Swahili: figa]
305
gìʃʃadg N PL. English: cooking stones gòlóːd N SG. English: dove [Swahili: njiwa]
[Swahili: mafiga] gón V Class I, +ATR. English: give [Swahili: 
gìʃt N SG. English: leg [Swahili: mguu] kupa]
gìtàbàdʒand N SG. English: book [Swahili: gònːí V Class I, +ATR, VEN. English: pass by
kitabu] (VEN) [Swahili: pitia (na uje)]
gìtàbàdʒéːg N PL. English: books [Swahili: gòrògèːd N SG. English: coldness [Swahili: 
vitabu] baridi]
gìtarìːŋgʷ N SG. English: thumb piano gòwajd N SG. English: liver [Swahili: ini]
[Swahili: malimba] gòwàjéːk N PL. English: livers [Swahili: ini]
gìtarìːŋgʷàdʒéːg N PL. English: thumb gúd V . English: prepare an animal skin by 
pianos [Swahili: malimba] scraping it [Swahili: kuna]
gìtìrʃand N SG. English: sneeze [Swahili: gùdàdʒéːg N PL. English: dogs [Swahili: 
chafya] mbwa]
gìtìrʃaɲèk N PL. English: sneezes [Swahili: gùdéːd N SG. English: dog [Swahili: mbwa]
chafya] gùdgútà V Class I, +ATR. English: push, 
gìtʃ à gìtʃà ADV . English: often [Swahili: continue [Swahili: sukuma]
mara nyingi] gùdìːríg N PL. English: thieves [Swahili: 
gìtʃà ADV . English: again [Swahili: tena] wezi]
gìtʃí N SG. English: room [Swahili: chumba] gùdùràdʒéːg N PL. English: jugs [Swahili: 
gìtʃìjàdʒég N PL. English: rooms [Swahili: magudulia]
vyumba] gùdùrdʒand N SG. English: thief [Swahili: 
gìtʃìjàdʒèg sírótʃ N PL. English: bedrooms mwizi / mwivi]
[Swahili: vyumba vya kulala] gùdʒak N PL. English: horns [Swahili: 
gìtʃìjèd sìrótʃ N SG. English: bedroom mapembe]
[Swahili: chumba cha kulala] gùdʒàwéːd N SG. English: horns [Swahili: 
gód V Class I, +ATR. English: touch, pass by pembe]
(ITV) [Swahili: gusa, pitia (na uende)] gùdʒòndʒòndʒgʷéːg N PL. English: 
gòdaːdà V Class I, +ATR, AM, ITV. English: hares/rabbits [Swahili: sungura]
touch, pass by again and again (ITV) gùdʒòndʒóòd N SG. English: hare/rabbit 
[Swahili: pitapita (na uenda)] [Swahili: sungura]
gójgój ADV . English: bad, not well [Swahili: gùhóːr N SG. English: urine [Swahili: mkojo]
vibaya] gúl V Class I, +ATR. English: bump, beat, 
gòkajd N SG. English: grandmother [Swahili:castrate [Swahili: gonga, ponda, hasi]
bibi] gùlan V Class I, +ATR. English: hit two 
gòkàjéːk N PL. English: grandmothers things together [Swahili: gonganisha]
[Swahili: bibi] gùlànéːd N SG. English: neutered male cow 
gòlàdʒéːg N PL. English: doves [Swahili: [Swahili: mnyama dume aliyehasiwa]
njiwa] gùlaŋg N PL. English: neutered animals 
306
[Swahili: wanyama dume aliyehasiwa] kengele]
gùlbèːd N SG. English: thread, cotton gùrajèːk N PL. English: bells [Swahili: 
[Swahili: uzi / nyuzi / pamba] kengele]
gùlbéŋg N PL. English: threads, cotton gùrda V Class I, +ATR, ITV. English: call 
[Swahili: uzi / nyuzi / pamba] (someone) [Swahili: ita]
gùlgúl V . English: hit multiple times gùròràdʒéːg N PL. English: hearts [Swahili: 
[Swahili: gongagonga, pondaponda] mioyo]
gùlùfkak N PL. English: clubs [Swahili: gùròróːd N SG. English: heart [Swahili: 
rungu] moyo]
gùlùft N SG. English: club [Swahili: rungu] gùrúdg N PL. English: ropes [Swahili: 
gùmbèːd N SG. English: gizzard [Swahili: kamba za nyuzi]
firigisi] gùrùtʃand N SG. English: rope [Swahili: 
gùmbén’g N PL. English: gizzards [Swahili: kamba ya nyuzi]
firigisi] gùrwadg N PL. English: dreams [Swahili: 
gùmd N SG. English: bulb [Swahili: shina] ndoto]
gùmd géːt PHRASE . English: under a tree, gùrwàdʒand N SG. English: wild pig 
lit. ‘the bulb or root of a tree’ [Swahili: chini [Swahili: nguruwe pori]
ya mti] gùrwàdʒéːg N PL. English: wild pigs 
gùmèːd N SG. English: carcass [Swahili: [Swahili: nguruwe pori]
mzoga] gùrwàtʃand N SG. English: dream [Swahili: 
gùmén’g N PL. English: carcasss [Swahili: ndoto]
mizoga] gùsat N SG. English: vagina [Swahili: uke]
gùmʃak N PL. English: bulbs [Swahili: gùsàtʃéŋg N PL. English: vaginas [Swahili: 
shina] uke]
gùndàːróːd N SG. English: dust storm gùsíːn V Class I, +ATR. English: sprinkle 
[Swahili: vumbi na upepo kali] [Swahili: nyunyiza]
gùnùnèːga N PL. English: Name of one of gʷàːrúgʷ N PL. English: elders [Swahili: 
the three original Asimjeeg sub-groups. wazee]
[Swahili: Wagununega] gʷàːrùgʷ síːkʷàdʒ N PL. English: fathers in 
gùɲàwɲàw N SG. English: mole [Swahili: law [Swahili: baba mkwe]
karunguyeye] gʷàdéːn ADV . English: just, only [Swahili: 
gùɲàwɲàwàdʒéːg N PL. English: moles tu]
[Swahili: karunguyeye] gʷàjamùdʒ ADV . English: various [Swahili: 
gùɲgʷéːg N PL. English: mortars [Swahili: Tofautitofauti / mbalimbali]
viuri / vinu] gʷàjd N SG. English: year [Swahili: mwaka]
gùɲòːd N SG. English: mortar [Swahili: kiuri gʷàjd éʃ N SG. English: new year [Swahili: 
/ kinu] mwaka mpya / mwaka mweupe]
gùrajànd N SG. English: bell [Swahili: gʷàjd múqùʃ PHRASE . English: for the 
307
entire year [Swahili: mwaka mzima] kovu]
gʷàlàdíŋg N PL. English: caves [Swahili: hàːbídg N PL. English: scars [Swahili: kovu]
mapango] hàːdís N SG. English: story [Swahili: hadithi]
gʷàlàɲand N SG. English: elder (male) hab V Class I, -ATR. English: get well 
[Swahili: mzee wa kiume / mume] [Swahili: pona]
gʷàlàɲéːk N PL. English: elders (male) habí / hapí V.PHRASE . English: come 
[Swahili: wazee wa kiume / waume] [Swahili: ebu]
gʷàlèːd N SG. English: cave [Swahili: pango] had V . English: increase s.th. [Swahili: 
gʷàɲéːk N PL. English: years [Swahili: ongeza]
miaka] hàdíg N PL. English: men [Swahili: 
gʷàɲèk éʃíʃì N PL. English: new years wanaume]
[Swahili: miaka mipya / miaka meupe] halóːt N SG. English: danger [Swahili: hatari]
gʷàŋgʷaladʒéːg N PL. English: millipedes hàlòhéːd N SG. English: appeal [Swahili: 
[Swahili: jongoo] uzuri]
gʷàŋgʷalóːd N SG. English: millipede hàlúld N SG. English: Shoulder [Swahili: 
[Swahili: jongoo] bega]
gʷàrgʷ N SG. English: elder [Swahili: mzee] hàlùlék N PL. English: shoulders [Swahili: 
gʷàrgʷèːd síːkʷàdʒ N SG. English: father in mabega]
law [Swahili: baba mkwe] hàmàdíŋg N PL. English: hunting blinds 
gʷàrsíːn V Class I, +ATR. English: [Swahili: sehemu za kusubiria wanyama]
congratulate [Swahili: pongeza, sifu] hamba ADV . English: hey, well [Swahili: 
gʷàsíːnà V.PHRASE . English: it’s like this hebu]
[Swahili: ndiyo hivyo] hàmèd N SG. English: hunting blind 
gʷatʃ ADV . English: that time [Swahili: saa [Swahili: sehemu ya kusubiria wanyama]
zile, wakati ule] hàmít / àmít N SG. English: ugali [Swahili: 
gʷatʃ gídabàl PHRASE . English: it would be ugali]
best [Swahili: ingekuwa bora] hàmtʃòdʒíg / àmtʃòdʒíg N PL. English: 
gʷèːràdʒéːg N PL. English: baobab shells ugali [Swahili: ugali]
[Swahili: vipeo] haɲà ADJ . English: sweet [Swahili: tamu]
gʷèːríːd N SG. English: baobab shell haŋd N SG. English: clothes [Swahili: nguo]
[Swahili: kipeo] hàŋd gaw géʃaŋg N SG. English: pants 
[Swahili: suruali]
/h/ hàŋéːd N SG. English: livestock herding 
[Swahili: uchungaji]
ha PARTCL . English: well, well then, then haŋòɲ ADJ háŋòɲì. English: hard [Swahili: 
[Swahili: basi] -gumu]
hàːbàdéːd N SG. English: scar [Swahili: hàŋʷak N PL. English: clothes [Swahili: 
nguo]
308
hàŋʷàk gaw géʃaŋg N PL. English: pants héːlg N PL. English: rituals, dung applied to 
[Swahili: suruali] the stomach during birth [Swahili: 
hàqʷan’g N PL. English: female animals that matambiko, mavi yanayoweka tumboni 
haven’t given birth [Swahili: jike ambaye wakati wa kuzaa]
hajazaa] hèdóːd N SG. English: light [Swahili: nuru]
hàqʷand N SG. English: female cow hèdòːd aséːtʃànd N.PHRASE . English: 
[Swahili: jike ambaye hajazaa] sunshine [Swahili: nuru kutoka jua]
hàqʷéːd N SG. English: leadership [Swahili: hèdòːd míŋgʷ N.PHRASE . English: starlight 
uongozi] [Swahili: nuru kutoka nyota]
hàràdʒéːg N PL. English: leftovers [Swahili: hèdòːd ʃéd N.PHRASE . English: moonshine 
viporo] [Swahili: nuru ya mwezi]
hàran N SG. English: inheretiance [Swahili: héjd N SG. English: bull [Swahili: ng’ombe 
urithi] dume]
hàrànéːg N PL. English: inheretiance hèkàdʒand N SG. English: acre [Swahili: 
[Swahili: urithi] eka, ekari]
harèːr ADJ háréérì. English: red [Swahili: hèlèd nawéd N.PHRASE hèlèd ná\wádíŋg. 
nyekundu] English: fork in path [Swahili: njia panda]
hàrúd N SG. English: leftovers [Swahili: hèlːéːn V Class I. English: be different 
kiporo] [Swahili: kuwa tofauti]
hasàs ADJ hásásì. English: light (not heavy) hènːí V Class I, +ATR, VEN. English: grow 
[Swahili: nyepesi] up [Swahili: kua]
hàsàsand N SG. English: lightness [Swahili: hènóːd N SG. English: adulthood, growth 
uwepesi] [Swahili: uzima, ukuaji]
hàsàsaɲèk N PL. English: lightness [Swahili: hét ADV . English: yesterday [Swahili: jana]
uwepesi] héwg N PL. English: bulls [Swahili: ng’ombe 
haw ADJ hésì. English: big [Swahili: kubwa] dume]
hàwànd dúgʷ N SG. English: herd of cattle hɛɛ́ːd V Class I, -ATR. English: wake s.o. up 
[Swahili: kundi la ng’ombe] [Swahili: amsha, waka]
hàwàɲèk dúgʷ N PL. English: herds of cattle hɛɛ̀ːdhɛɛ́ːd V Class I, -ATR. English: fan s.th. 
[Swahili: makundi ya ng’ombe] [Swahili: pepea]
hàwéːg N PL. English: girls [Swahili: hɛɛ́ːʃ V Class I, -ATR. English: apply ointment
wasichana] [Swahili: paka]
hàwúnd N SG. English: size [Swahili: hɛɛ̀ːwan V Class I, -ATR. English: deny 
ukubwa] [Swahili: kana]
hàwùnɲand N SG. English: root [Swahili: hɛɛ̀wɛɛ́wìːn V Class I, -ATR. English: forbid 
mzizi] [Swahili: kataza]
hàwúŋg N PL. English: roots [Swahili: hìdʒ àg PHRASE . English: one place, that 
mizizi] one place [Swahili: sehemu moja, huko moja]
309
hìdʒì ADV . English: here [Swahili: hapa] hɔɛ̀ːtɛɛ́ːl N SG/PL. English: restaurant [Swahili:
hìndajd gɛɛ́ːw V.PHRASE Class I. English: hoteli]
imitate [Swahili: iga] hɔɛ́n V Class I, -ATR. English: drive away 
hìnːí V Class I, -ATR, VEN. English: arrive [Swahili: fukuza]
[Swahili: fika (na uje)] hɔɛ̀nda V . English: go to be instructed in the 
híɲí gɛɛ̀ ːw V.PHRASE Class I, -ATR. English: ways of adulthood [Swahili: kwenda 
bend down, stoop [Swahili: inama] uynagoni]
hìŋàdajd PREP . English: down [Swahili: hɔɛ̀ndàjd N SG. English: instruction for youth 
chini] [Swahili: unyago]
hìŋàdàjd PREP . English: below [Swahili: húd N SG. English: girl [Swahili: msichana]
chini ya] hùd dúrmaníːt N SG. English: pregnant girl 
hìŋàdajd PREP . English: below [Swahili: [Swahili: binti aliyepata mimba]
chini ya] hùdíg N PL. English: bees [Swahili: nyuki]
hìqdéːg N PL. English: hiccups [Swahili: hùdtʃand N SG. English: bee [Swahili: 
kwikwi] nyuki]
hìrdʒén V Class I, +ATR. English: break s.th.húdùmèːd N SG. English: girlhood [Swahili: 
[Swahili: vunja] usichana]
hòːsínd N SG. English: old age [Swahili: hùdʒ N SG. English: porridge [Swahili: uji]
uzee] hùgak N PL. English: cow humps [Swahili: 
hòmínd N SG. English: grazing cattle nundu]
[Swahili: malishoni] húgd / húkt N SG. English: cow hump 
hóndajd N SG. English: division into age [Swahili: nundu]
groups [Swahili: tengwa] hùland N SG. English: home of boys, 
hòrgàdʒéːg N PL. English: chairs [Swahili: building to welcome guests, meeting [Swahili:
viti] nyumba ya vijana, nyumba ya kuwapokea 
hòrgéːd N SG. English: chair [Swahili: kiti] wageni, kikao]
hós ADJ hósì. English: old [Swahili: hùlàɲéːk N PL. English: homes of boys, 
kilichozeeka] buildings to welcome guests, meetings 
hòsan V Class I, +ATR. English: (be) happy, [Swahili: nyumba za vijana, nyumba za 
(be) joyful [Swahili: furahi] kuwapokea wageni, vikao]
hòsìn húdíg V.PHRASE Class I, +ATR. hùma ADV . English: true [Swahili: kweli]
English: harvest honey [Swahili: rina asali] hùmand N SG. English: truth [Swahili: 
hòʃànéːd N SG. English: worker [Swahili: ukweli]
mfanyakazi] hùrméːd N SG. English: look, expression 
hòʃòtʃand N SG. English: worker [Swahili: [Swahili: sura]
mfanyakazi] hùsùsand N SG. English: cheap price 
hòʃú ADV . English: there [Swahili: kule] [Swahili: bei rahisi]
hòwa ADV . English: there [Swahili: kule]
310
hùsùség N PL. English: cheap prices ìsːadʒaŋgàdʒéːg N PL. English: snake 
[Swahili: bei rahisi] species [Swahili: aina ya nyoka]
ísːpò NUM . English: seven [Swahili: saba]
/i/ ìtʃabùndʒ N SG. English: kigger [Swahili: 
funza ya nguruwe]
ìːdíg N PL. English: ears, languages, news ìtʃìbód N SG. English: snake [Swahili: 
[Swahili: masikio, lugha, habari] nyoka]
ìːdú ADV . English: later [Swahili: baadaye] ìtʃìfkéːg N PL. English: snakes [Swahili: 
ìːdʒa ADV . English: if/like [Swahili: kama] nyoka]
ìːjít ADV . English: ok, well… [Swahili: basi 
(ikiwa tayari)] /j/
ìːmútʃ ADV . English: later [Swahili: 
baadaye] jaːd V . English: send s.th. [Swahili: peleka]
ìːnand N SG. English: small intestines? jam V Class I, -ATR. English: turn over, 
[Swahili: utumbo] change, barter [Swahili: pindua, badilisha, 
ìːnéːg N PL. English: small intestines badili]
[Swahili: utumbo] jíːn V Class I, -ATR. English: put, place 
íːt N SG. English: ear, language, news [Swahili: weka]
[Swahili: sikio, lugha, habari] jíːɲ V Class I, -ATR. English: hear [Swahili: 
ìːt gíswàhíːl N SG. English: Swahili language sikia]
[Swahili: lugha ya Kiswahili] jìbda V Class I, +ATR, ITV. English: drown 
ìdʒgʷèːg gísìlg N PL. English: young female [Swahili: zama]
sheep [Swahili: watoto wa kondoo ambao ni jìsta V Class I, -ATR. English: sow (seeds) 
jike] [Swahili: panda (mbegu)]
ìdʒgʷèːg nóːg N PL. English: female goats jùdàdʒaːnd N SG. English: tree with thorns 
[Swahili: mbuzi jike] [Swahili: mti wa “ngoja kidogo”]
ìdʒòːd gísílːand N SG. English: young jùdàʒéːg N PL. English: trees with thorns 
female sheep [Swahili: mtoto wa kondoo [Swahili: miti ya “ngoja kidogo”]
ambaye ni jike]
ìdʒòːd ḿbójd N SG. English: female goat /k/, /kʷ/
[Swahili: mbuzi jike]
íjèɲ NUM . English: two [Swahili: mbili]
índúːwar ADV . English: yesterday [Swahili: kabúréːd ADV . English: instead of [Swahili:
] badala ya]jana
ìrú ADV . English: later [Swahili: ] kàlàmàdʒéːg N PL. English: pencils, pens baadaye
ìsːadʒaŋg . English: snake species [Swahili: kalamu]N SG
[Swahili: ] kèmbàdʒéːg N PL. English: kilograms aina ya nyoka [Swahili: kilo]
311
kèmbùràdʒand N SG. English: wild cat fyolea]
[Swahili: paka mwitu / paka shume] ladʒ ɲéːg úkʷèːd V.PHRASE Class I, -ATR. 
kèmbùràdʒéːg N PL. English: wild cats English: clear the field [Swahili: fyeka 
[Swahili: paka mwitu / paka shume] shamba]
kɔɛ́rɔɛ́fàn gíjèːt V . English: be mad at each làdʒ qaːt V.PHRASE Class I, -ATR. English: 
other [Swahili: korofishana] slaughter [Swahili: chinja shingo]
kúːd V . English: break [Swahili: vunjika] ladʒ qùt V.PHRASE Class I, -ATR. English: 
kùmbùkùmbàdʒéːg N PL. English: click mouth [Swahili: sunya]
memories [Swahili: kumbukumbu] lafóːd N SG. English: uncircumsized boy 
kʷàjàhí N SG/PL. English: choir [Swahili: [Swahili: mvulana asiyetahiriwa]
kwaya] làfóníg N PL. English: uncircumsized boys 
[Swahili: wavulana wasiotahiriwa]
/l/ làganì V Class I, VEN. English: remain 
[Swahili: baki]
la NUM . English: six [Swahili: sita] làgʷénd N SG. English: male sheep [Swahili: 
laːb V . English: wear shoes [Swahili: vaa kondoo dume]
viatu] làgʷèndíg N PL. English: male sheep 
làːban badàw V.PHRASE Class I. English: [Swahili: kondoo dume]
betray [Swahili: mpite kwa nyuma / làkàdʒéːg N PL. English: hundred thousands 
mzunguke] [Swahili: laki]
laːl V Class I. English: unload [Swahili: làladʒ V Class I. English: boil [Swahili: 
pakua] chemka]
laːw N SG. English: Placename for the area làlànóːd N SG. English: eternity [Swahili: 
where the Asimjeeg reside in the Mara regionmilele]
[Swahili: Musoma, Mara] làlaqdà V Class I, -ATR, ITV. English: shake 
làbàdajd N SG. English: cowhide sandal something with power, e.g. shake the dirt out 
[Swahili: malapa ya ngozi ya ng’ombe] of a cloth [Swahili: kung’uta]
làbàdàjék N PL. English: cowhide sandals làmadʒ V Class I, -ATR. English: hasten 
[Swahili: malapa za ngozi ya ng’ombe] [Swahili: harakisha]
làbaj V Class I, +ATR. English: swim lamadʒaːd ADV . English: quickly [Swahili: 
[Swahili: ogelea] kwa haraka]
làdam NUM . English: sixty [Swahili: sitini] làmní V VEN. English: pass (VEN) [Swahili:
làdam àː daːmàn NUM . English: seventy pita (kwa kuja)]
[Swahili: sabini] làníːd N SG. English: fog [Swahili: ukungu]
ladʒ V Class I, -ATR. English: cut [Swahili: làŋní V Class I, +ATR, VEN. English: leave 
kata] s.th. [Swahili: bakiza]
ladʒ mɔɛ́ːl V . English: deceive s.o. [Swahili: làŋúd V Class I, +ATR. English: be sated [Swahili: shiba]
312
làpíː N PL. English: money [Swahili: pesa] lèmlémàn V Class I. English: be loose 
làpìjàdʒand N SG. English: money [Swahili: [Swahili: legea]
pesa] lɛɛ́ V Class I, -ATR. English: drink [Swahili: 
làpìjéːd N SG. English: money [Swahili: kunywa]
pesa] lɛɛ̀hadà V Class I, -ATR, ITV. English: wander
làqàːnèːd ŋaldajd N SG. English: grinding [Swahili: zurura]
stone [Swahili: kimango / jiwe la kusagia] lɛɛ̀qlɛɛ́q V Class I, -ATR. English: be loose, 
làqàːnèːd ŋaʃóːd N SG. English: grinding treat s.o. [Swahili: legea, tibu]
stone [Swahili: kimango / jiwe la kusagia] lìːdàjand N SG. English: a kind of tree that 
làqànèd haw N SG. English: big rock was used for treating stomach problems 
[Swahili: jiwe kubwa] [Swahili: aina ya mti]
làqàŋg hésì N PL. English: big rocks lìːdàjand N SG. English: medicine for 
[Swahili: mawe kubwa] stomach pains [Swahili: dawa ya tumbo]
làqàŋg ŋaldajd N PL. English: grinding lìːdajg N PL. English: a kind of tree that was 
stones [Swahili: vimango / mawe ya kusagia] used for treating stomach problems [Swahili: 
làqàŋg ŋaʃóːd N PL. English: grinding aina ya mti]
stones [Swahili: vimango / mawe ya kusagia] líl V Class I, +ATR. English: sleep [Swahili: 
las banàk V.PHRASE Class I, -ATR. English: lala]
clap (hands) [Swahili: piga makofi] lìlàːn ŋaɲ V.PHRASE Class I, +ATR. 
las dúmd V Class I, -ATR. English: sing English: lie down [Swahili: lala chini]
[Swahili: imba] lìlìʃt N SG. English: shoot [Swahili: chipukizi]
las madaŋd V.PHRASE Class I, -ATR. lːabàŋqʷ N SG. English: monkey [Swahili: 
English: slap [Swahili: zaba kofi] tumbili]
làsàdèːd N SG. English: injury [Swahili: lːabàŋqʷàdʒéːg N PL. English: monkeys 
jeraha] [Swahili: tumbili]
làsóːd N SG. English: hitting, narration lːàqʷàdʒand N SG. English: an area in the 
[Swahili: mapigo, usimuliizi] grassland [Swahili: sehemu ya mbuga ]
làsta V Class I, -ATR. English: drop [Swahili: lːàqʷàdʒéːg N PL. English: areas in the 
angusha] grassland [Swahili: sehemu ya mbuga ]
latʃ V Class I, +ATR. English: divide lːùftàdʒéːg N PL. English: spiders [Swahili: 
[Swahili: gawanya, gawa] mwenda mbio]
làwóːd N SG. English: oath [Swahili: kiapo] lːùftóːd N SG. English: spider [Swahili: 
làwònŋʷak N PL. English: oaths [Swahili: mwenda mbio]
viapo] lòːsíːn V Class I, +ATR. English: weed by 
lèkén’g N PL. English: lizards (species) hand [Swahili: ng’olea]
[Swahili: mjusi (aina ya)] lòqùmàdʒéːg N PL. English: circumcision 
lèkèɲand N SG. English: lizard (species) [Swahili: jandoni]
[Swahili: mjusi (aina ya)] lɔɛ̀ta V Class I, -ATR. English: strip off bark 
313
[Swahili: bandua] [Swahili: mashavu ya samaki]
lúgóːd N SG. English: army [Swahili: jeshi] màdaŋd N SG. English: cheek [Swahili: 
lùgòd ŋútʃéːd N SG. English: boys of war shavu la uso]
[Swahili: vijana wa vita] màdàŋd qójand N SG. English: gill [Swahili:
lùgʷèːg ŋútʃéːd N PL. English: boys of war shavu la samaki]
[Swahili: vijana wa vita] màdèːd PREP . English: in front [Swahili: 
lùqùdaːdà V . English: fade away [Swahili: mbele]
fifia] màdgʷand V.PHRASE . English: there isn’t 
lùqùmàdʒèːg béʃak N PL. English: elephant any more [Swahili: hakuna tena]
trunks [Swahili: mikono wa tembo] màdgʷéːd N SG. English: side, on the side 
lùqùmèd béʃt N SG. English: elephant trunk [Swahili: upande]
[Swahili: mkono wa tembo] màdójd N SG. English: vulture [Swahili: tai]
lùwand N SG. English: fence [Swahili: uzio màdòɲak N PL. English: vultures [Swahili: 
wa miiba] tai]
lùwàɲék N PL. English: fences [Swahili: uzio màdʒéːk ADJ SG. English: healthy [Swahili: 
wa miiba] -zima]
màdʒègdʒéwì ADJ PL. English: healthy 
/m/ [Swahili: -zima]
màdʒgʷéːg N PL. English: medicines 
maːdaːq ADV . English: freely, unconstrained[Swahili: madawa]
[Swahili: bure] màèndèléːwéːd N SG. English: development 
màːrínd N SG. English: bald spot [Swahili: [Swahili: maendeleo]
kipara] màgàrdʒand N SG. English: earring 
màːríɲèːk N PL. English: bald spots [Swahili: heleni za mviringo]
[Swahili: vipara] màgarg N PL. English: earrings [Swahili: 
màːwàːg N PL. English: crops [Swahili: heleni za mviringo]
mazao] màgèmbòdʒíg N PL. English: hoes [Swahili: 
màba ADV . English: never [Swahili: kamwe]majembe]
màbàrdʒ gíl PHRASE . English: they don’t màhàjd N SG. English: courageousness 
have any problems [Swahili: hawana shida] [Swahili: ujasiri]
màdàlàdʒéːg N PL. English: huts [Swahili: màhèmbéːg n PL. English: type of crop 
vibanda] [Swahili: aina ya mazao]
màdàlóːd N SG. English: hut [Swahili: màjd N SG. English: young cow [Swahili: 
kibanda] ndama]
màdàɲak N PL. English: cheeks [Swahili: màjd ŋaʃ N SG. English: Name of a place 
mashavu ya uso] that Saygilo led the Asimjeeg to during their 
màdàɲàk qójèéɛ́g N PL. English: gills initial migration [Swahili: Maydng’ash]màjd réːr N SG. English: Milking calf 
314
[Swahili: ndama wanaonyonya] shamba]
màjd síʃúqú N SG. English: a weaned cow mànand N SG. English: Waist [Swahili: 
[Swahili: ndama anayeachishwa ziwa] kiuno]
màjòkàdʒand N SG. English: pit of the mànànúk N PL. English: waists [Swahili: 
stomach [Swahili: chembe cha moyo] viuno]
màjsíːn V Class I, +ATR. English: dry out manàŋ ADJ mánáŋgì. English: small 
(uninitiated) [Swahili: anika] [Swahili: ndogo]
màjʃèːd N SG. English: life [Swahili: maisha]mànàŋíːt V . English: be small [Swahili: 
màlàmbàdʒéːg N PL. English: canoes kuwa ndogo]
[Swahili: mitumbwi] mànàŋòdíg N PL. English: rich people 
màlàmbóːd N SG. English: canoe [Swahili: [Swahili: watu tajiri]
mtumbwi] mànàŋòtʃand N SG. English: rich person 
màlàsídg N PL. English: honey [Swahili: [Swahili: mtu tajiri]
asali] mànàràdʒéːg N PL. English: worms 
màléːd N SG. English: honey [Swahili: asali] [Swahili: minyoo]
màlèːkʷàdʒéːg N PL. English: trees used for manàw N SG. English: Placename for village
toothbrushes [Swahili: miti ya miswaki] where the Asimjeeg reside, near Issenye in 
màlòːnd N SG. English: worm [Swahili: the Mara region [Swahili: Manawa]
mnyoo] màndan V.PHRASE . English: no, there is 
màlòŋgàdʒéːg N PL. English: bricks none [Swahili: hakuna, hapana]
[Swahili: matofali] màndàwòdʒíg N PL. English: male donkeys 
màlòŋgóːd N SG. English: brick [Swahili: [Swahili: punda dume]
tofali] màndíːd N SG. English: male donkey 
màlòŋqàdʒand N SG. English: spirit of [Swahili: punda dume]
deceased [Swahili: mzimu] mànman V Class I. English: steer, turn 
màlòŋqàdʒéːg N PL. English: spirits of the around, twist, churn [Swahili: endesha, 
deceased [Swahili: mizimu] zungusha, sukasuka]
mam N SG. English: maternal uncle [Swahili:mànmand N SG. English: stomach ache 
mjomba] [Swahili: msokoto]
màmajèːk N PL. English: maternal uncles mànmànéːg N PL. English: stomach aches 
[Swahili: mjomba] [Swahili: misokoto]
màmbàdʒéːg N PL. English: eels [Swahili: maɲ V Class I. English: gossip [Swahili: 
kamongo (samaki)] sengenya]
màmbéːd N SG. English: lungfish [Swahili: màɲàréːg N SG. English: clan name of the 
makamongo] Asimjeeg [Swahili: jina la ukoo wa 
màmbéd N SG. English: eel [Swahili: Kiasimjeeg]
kamongo (samaki)] màɲéːg N PL. English: history [Swahili: 
mànàːr N SG. English: herb [Swahili: mti historia]
315
màɲéɲ N PL. English: ankle bracelets ana kiparo]
[Swahili: udodi (bangili za mguu)] màràrdʒànd níŋgàjd N SG. English: a type 
màɲèɲàdʒand N SG. English: ankle bracelet of jewelry [Swahili: aina ya rembo]
[Swahili: udodi (bangili za mguu)] màréːbàdʒéːg N PL. English: type of crop 
màɲíd N SG. English: kidney [Swahili: figo] [Swahili: aina ya mazao]
màɲìɲak N PL. English: kidneys [Swahili: màrèhand N SG. English: Coughed-up 
figo] mucus [Swahili: kikohozi]
màɲìstʃóːd N SG. English: immigration màrèhaɲèːk N PL. English: coughed-up 
[Swahili: uhamiaji] mucus [Swahili: vikohozi]
màŋaːd N SG. English: Sibiti river, near marɛɛ̀ːw N SG. English: clan name of the 
Matala [Swahili: mto wa Sibiti] Asimjeeg [Swahili: jina la ukoo wa 
màŋèːd N SG. English: wing, front legs Waasimjeega]
[Swahili: bawa, miguu ya mbele] margʷadʒàndùmèːd N SG. English: the state
màŋéːg N PL. English: wings, front legs of being a young mother [Swahili: hali ya 
[Swahili: bawa, miguu ya mbele] kuwa mama mdogo]
maŋg N PL. English: spirits [Swahili: màrìːdak N PL. English: leopards [Swahili: 
mizimu] chui]
màŋgùrdʒand N SG. English: guinea corn màrìːndàdʒéːg N PL. English: skirts 
[Swahili: mtama] [Swahili: sketi]
màŋgùrè N PL. English: guinea corn màrmar V Class I. English: caress [Swahili: 
[Swahili: mtama] bembeleza]
màŋít N SG. English: place [Swahili: mahali] màrwéːg N PL. English: alcohol [Swahili: 
màŋɲand N SG. English: spirit [Swahili: pombe / kileo]
mzimu] mas V Class I, -ATR. English: agree [Swahili:
màŋɲàndénd N SG. English: devil [Swahili: kubali]
shetani] màs ramasànd V Class I, -ATR. English: 
maŋòl N SG. English: Name of a set of admit (a wrong) [Swahili: kubali kosa]
villages in Karatu district where many màsàmbàjand N SG. English: bangle 
Asimjeeg migrated to [Swahili: Mang’ola] [Swahili: bangili]
màŋʃén V Class I, +ATR. English: whisper màsàmbajg N PL. English: bangles [Swahili:
[Swahili: nong’ona] bangili]
màparíːd N SG. English: ditch [Swahili: màsàŋgàrèːt N SG. English: circumcision 
mfereji iliyechimbwa] [Swahili: jandoni]
màpàròdʒíg N PL. English: ditches [Swahili: màsàŋgàrèːtʃand N SG. English: a boy who 
mifereji iliyechimbwa] has been circumcised [Swahili: mvulana 
màqadà V Class I, -ATR, ITV. English: ambaye ameenda jandoni]
follow (take something) [Swahili: fuata] màsìnŋʷand N SG. English: widow [Swahili:
mar ADJ màrdʒéw. English: bald [Swahili: mwanamke mjane]
316
màsìnŋʷég N PL. English: widows [Swahili: mbegu]
wanawake wajane] mɛ̀ bèjóːd N SG. English: seed [Swahili: 
màʃàrtàdʒéːg N PL. English: requirements mbegu]
[Swahili: masharti] mɛ̀ bóːrú N SG. English: the town of Mbulu 
màʃìːmbàdʒand N SG. English: a woman [Swahili: Mbulu]
without a husband [Swahili: mwanamke bila mɛ̀ bójd N SG. English: goat [Swahili: mbuzi]
mume] mɛ̀ dàmòːd N SG. English: circumcision 
màʃíːn N SG. English: machine [Swahili: [Swahili: toharani]
mashine] mɛ̀ dʒàmàdʒéːg N PL. English: messages, 
màʃíːnàdʒéːg N PL. English: machines donations [Swahili: ujumbe, michango]
[Swahili: mashine] mèwéːd N SG. English: death [Swahili: kifo]
màtéːndèràːdʒéːg N PL. English: a type of mɛɛ́ːʃ V Class I, -ATR. English: lick [Swahili: 
root or bulb [Swahili: aina ya mimea] lamba]
màtɛɛ́ːs N . English: suffering [Swahili: mɛɛ́ːw V Class I, -ATR. English: die [Swahili: 
mateso] kufa]
màtìŋgóːd N SG. English: ladle [Swahili: mɛɛ̀ːwadà V Class I, -ATR, ITV. English: fade 
mwiko] [Swahili: fifia]
màtìŋgòd malambóːd N SG. English: paddlemíːjì ADJ mííjàs. English: good [Swahili: 
[Swahili: kasia] nzuri, safi]
màtìŋgʷàdʒéːg N PL. English: ladles mìːnadàjsìːn V Class I. English: order 
[Swahili: miiko] (someone do something) [Swahili: amrisha, 
màtìŋgʷàdʒèːg malambàdʒéːg N PL. ongoza, simamia]
English: paddles [Swahili: kasia] mìːnda V Class I, -ATR, ITV. English: climb 
màwéːnd N SG. English: a traditional dance a tree or crop [Swahili: panda miche]
[Swahili: aina ya ngoma] mìdʒìkróng N PL. English: grandchildren 
màwìʃand N SG. English: muscle [Swahili: [Swahili: wajukuu]
msuli] mìjèːd N SG. English: death [Swahili: kifo]
màwíʃk N PL. English: muscles [Swahili: mìjínd N SG. English: beauty, goodness 
misuli] [Swahili: uzuri]
mɛ̀ bàqʷàdʒand N SG. English: stork [Swahili:mìjìnd gúróród N.PHRASE mìjàsìɲèŋg 
jahazi] gúróràdʒéég. English: generous person 
mɛ̀ bàqʷàdʒéːg N PL. English: storks [Swahili: [Swahili: karimu, moyo safi]
jahazi] mìnd gatínd V.PHRASE Class I, -ATR. 
mɛ̀ bàràrdʒand N SG. English: stem, stalk English: wave the hands [Swahili: punga 
[Swahili: bua] mkono]
ḿbararìːd N PL. English: stems, stalks mìndajsíːn gad V.PHRASE Class I, -ATR. 
[Swahili: bua] English: wave (hand as a greeting) [Swahili: 
mɛ̀ bèjàdʒéːg N PL. English: seeds [Swahili: punga mkono]
317
mìnmìnaːdà V Class I, -ATR, AM, ITV. mòŋqàdʒéːg N PL. English: rows [Swahili: 
English: disappear [Swahili: tokomea] mistari]
mìnɲan V Class I, -ATR. English: be sick mòŋqàdʒéːg N PL. English: boundaries 
[Swahili: umwa / ugua] [Swahili: mipaka]
mìɲínd N SG. English: deafness [Swahili: mòŋqóːd N SG. English: boundary [Swahili: 
ukiziwi] mpaka]
míŋgʷ N PL. English: stars [Swahili: nyota] mòríŋg N PL. English: fingers [Swahili: 
mìŋmíŋʷàn V Class I, +ATR. English: shine vidole]
[Swahili: ng’aa] mòrʃéːn V Class I. English: pray (for 
mìŋʷand N SG. English: star [Swahili: nyota] someone) [Swahili: ombea]
mìsìːgʷéːd N SG. English: luggage [Swahili: mòʃt N SG. English: request [Swahili: ombi]
mzigo] mòʃtajd N SG. English: oath, curse [Swahili: 
míʃga N PL. English: a type of root that was laana]
traditionally eaten [Swahili: aina ya mzizi] mòʃtajèːk N PL. English: oaths, curses 
míʃk N PL. English: a traditional food of the [Swahili: laana]
past [Swahili: aina ya chakula cha zamani] mɔɛ́ʃ V Class I, -ATR. English: pray [Swahili: 
mítàl N SG. English: the town of Matala omba]
[Swahili: Matala] mɔɛ́ʃ aséːt V.PHRASE Class I, -ATR. English: 
mìtàmíːd N SG. English: leader [Swahili: pray [Swahili: omba Mungu]
mtemi] mɔɛ̀ʃt gɛɛ́ːw V.PHRASE Class I, -ATR. English: 
mìtàmòːdʒíg N PL. English: leaders swear [Swahili: apa, jilaani]
[Swahili: mitemi] mɛ̀ pakadʒéːg N PL. English: borders 
mɛ̀ laqdà V Class I, ITV. English: suffer [Swahili: mipaka]
[Swahili: vumilia] mɛ̀ sìmajèːd N SG. English: desire to do 
mɛ̀ lòːd / mùlòːd N SG. English: log [Swahili: something [Swahili: hamu]
gogo] mɛ̀ súŋgàdʒand N SG. English: A person of 
mòːsìːd N SG. English: pestle [Swahili: European origin [Swahili: mzungu]
mchi / mtwangio] mɛ̀ sùŋgàdʒéːg N PL. English: people of 
mòːsín’g N PL. English: pestles [Swahili: European origin [Swahili: wazungu]
michi / mitwangio] mɛ̀ ʃabd N SG. English: tongue [Swahili: ulimi]
mòhéːd N SG. English: the bush [Swahili: mɛ̀ ʃàbúk N PL. English: tongues [Swahili: 
pori] ulimi]
mòléːd N SG. English: finger [Swahili: kidole]mɛ̀ ʃàràdʒand N SG. English: sugarcane 
mònand N SG. English: hole [Swahili: shimo][Swahili: mgagi]
mònand N SG. English: well, waterhole mɛ̀ ʃàràdʒéːg N PL. English: sugarcanes 
[Swahili: kisima] [Swahili: migagi]
mònéːg N PL. English: wells, waterholes mùːqóːd N SG. English: strength [Swahili: 
[Swahili: visima] nguvu]
318
múːʃ V Class I. English: strain [Swahili: mùlsíːn V Class I. English: evade [Swahili: 
chuja] kwepa]
mùːt NUM . English: five [Swahili: tano] mùlwéːg N PL. English: logs [Swahili: 
múːtʃ ADV . English: well [Swahili: vizuri] magogo]
mùdàmóːd N SG. English: circumcision mùnaːt N SG. English: market [Swahili: 
[Swahili: jandoni] mnada]
mùdʒíːn ADV . English: in the city [Swahili: mùnd N SG. English: skin [Swahili: ngozi]
mjini] mùnd ŋàɲíːd N SG. English: things of the 
mùdʒìnàdʒéːg N PL. English: cities world [Swahili: vitu vya dunia]
[Swahili: miji] mùndèːsàdʒand N SG. English: gun 
mùgdàjd asétʃànd N.PHRASE . English: [Swahili: bunduki]
sunset [Swahili: machweo] mùndʒalg N PL. English: crusts [Swahili: 
mùgùndand N SG. English: heap [Swahili: ukoko]
rundo] mùndʒalːand N SG. English: crust [Swahili: 
mùgùndaɲèːk N PL. English: heaps ukoko]
[Swahili: rundo] mùɲasìːt V . English: be bad [Swahili: kuwa 
mùgùréːg N PL. English: meal made of corn mbaya]
and beans [Swahili: makande] múɲì ADJ múɲásì. English: bad [Swahili: 
mùhóːg N PL. English: young cows [Swahili: mbaya]
ndama] múŋ V . English: wait [Swahili: subiri]
mùhòːgúk N SG. English: gullet [Swahili: mùŋéːd PREP . English: up, sky [Swahili: 
koromeo] anga, mbingu]
mùhòg réːr N PL. English: milking calve mùqúd V Class I. English: wrap up [Swahili: 
[Swahili: ndama wanaonyonya] kunja]
mùhòg síʃúqú N PL. English: weaned cows mùqùdànóːd N SG. English: end [Swahili: 
[Swahili: ndama wanaoachishwa ziwa] mwisho]
mùhógʷ N PL. English: cassava [Swahili: múr ADJ mùrdʒéw. English: brown [Swahili:
muhogo] mpauko]
mùhògʷàdʒand N SG. English: cassava mùràmúːd N SG. English: sister in law 
[Swahili: muhogo] (spoken by women only [Swahili: shemeji]
mùlbàdaw N SG. English: a traditional dance mùràmùŋgéːg N PL. English: sisters in law 
[Swahili: aina ya ngoma] (spoken by women only) [Swahili: shemeji]
mùlmùlànéːd N SG. English: metal bracelet mùrànéːd N SG. English: crafty person 
for women [Swahili: bangili ya chuma (kwa [Swahili: mtundu]
akina mama)] múraróːd ADV . English: near [Swahili: 
mùlmùlaŋg N PL. English: metal bracelets karibu]
for women [Swahili: bangili za chuma (kwa mùrdʒaŋéːd N SG. English: mouse/rat 
akina mama)] [Swahili: panya]
319
mùrdʒaŋg N PL. English: mice/rats mùwàst N SG. English: african buffalo 
[Swahili: panya] [Swahili: mbogo]
mùréːd N SG. English: respect [Swahili: mùwéːd N SG. English: rainy season 
heshima] [Swahili: masika]
mùrùmbàdʒéːg N PL. English: medicine mùwògúk N PL. English: throats [Swahili: 
men, witches [Swahili: waganga] koo]
mùsànéːd N SG. English: darkness [Swahili: mùwóʃt N SG. English: thirst [Swahili: kiu]
giza] mùwɔɛ́qt N SG. English: Throat [Swahili: koo]
mùsànòdʒíg N PL. English: darkness mwìːʃéːd N SG. English: end [Swahili: 
[Swahili: giza] mwisho]
mùsàrdʒand N SG. English: rag [Swahili: mwùɲínd ADV . English: poorly [Swahili: 
tambara] ubaya / vibaya]
mùsàróŋg N PL. English: rags [Swahili: mwúʃk N PL. English: skins [Swahili: ngozi]
tambara]
mùsàsóːd N SG. English: camp [Swahili: /n/
kambi]
mùsùndʒúːd N SG. English: trash [Swahili: 
] nà(ha) QUEST . English: what [Swahili: nini]takataka
mùʃòːt . English: bag [Swahili: ] naːd N SG. English: market [Swahili: mnada,N SG mfuko
mùʃòdak . English: bags [Swahili: soko]N PL
] nàːdàdʒéːg N PL. English: markets [Swahili: mifuko
mùtkàdʒand . English: car [Swahili: mnada, masoko]N SG
] nab V Class I. English: sew, weave [Swahili: gari
mùtkʷàdʒéːg . English: cars [Swahili: shona, fuma]N PL
] nab búːdéːg V.PHRASE Class I. English: magari
mùtʃàlàdʒéːg . English: uncooked rice braid hair [Swahili: suka nywele]N PL
[Swahili: ] nàbìt N SG. English: sewing pattern or style mchele
mùtʃóːd . English: dawn [Swahili: [Swahili: ushonaji]ADV 
] nàbìtʃéŋg N PL. English: sewing patterns or pambazuko / alfajiri
mùtʃù ADV . English: tomorrow [Swahili: styles [Swahili: ushonaji]
] nàbóːd N SG. English: sewing [Swahili: kesho
mùtʃúnòːd mishono]ADV . English: dawn [Swahili: 
] nàdéːg N PL. English: tribes, Swahili people pambazuko / alfajiri
mùwàːl ADV . English: outside [Swahili: ] [Swahili: makabila, Waswahili]nje
mùwàdíŋg . English: rainy season nàgèsíg N PL. English: fish species [Swahili: N PL
[Swahili: ] kambare]masika
mùwak N PL. English: african buffaloes nàgèst N SG. English: fish species [Swahili: 
[Swahili: ] kambare]mbogo
320
nàjèːgíːd N PL. English: Iraqw people nàwésìːn V Class I, +ATR. English: go 
[Swahili: Wambulu] around [Swahili: zunguka]
nàjèːktʃand N SG. English: Iraqw person nd V.COP . English: to be, or to be located 
[Swahili: Mbulu (mtu)] somewhere [Swahili: kuna, kuwa]
nal V Class I, -ATR. English: know ǹdàbíːd N SG. English: grazing land used by 
(something or someone) [Swahili: fahamu] someone [Swahili: ranchi, sehemu ya mtu]
nàmìgʷéːg N PL. English: dikdiks [Swahili: ǹdàbòːjíg N PL. English: grazing lands used 
digidigi] by someone [Swahili: ranchi, sehemu za mtu]
nàmìjòːd N SG. English: dikdik [Swahili: ǹdak ADV . English: why [Swahili: mbona]
digidigi] ńdarètìda ADV . English: day before 
nànàtʃàdʒéːg N PL. English: bridges yesterday [Swahili: juzi]
[Swahili: madaraja] ǹdarétìdétíta ADV . English: three days ago 
nànàtʃéːd N SG. English: bridge [Swahili: [Swahili: siku kabla ya juzi]
daraja] ǹdìrmóːd N SG. English: placename 
nàqajg N PL. English: oils [Swahili: mafuta] [Swahili: jina la mahali]
nàqàjg dúgʷ N PL. English: cow fat [Swahili:ǹdùfkàdʒéːg N PL. English: bushbucks 
mafuta ya ng’ombe] [Swahili: pongo]
nàqèːd N SG. English: oil [Swahili: mafuta] ǹdùfkèːd N SG. English: bushbuck’ [Swahili:
nàqèd déːd N SG. English: cow fat [Swahili: pongo]
mafuta ya ng’ombe] nèːkíːd V Class I, +ATR. English: approach 
nàtʃand N SG. English: member of another [Swahili: karibia]
tribe, a Swahili person [Swahili: mkabila, nékì ADJ . English: near [Swahili: karibu]
Mswahili] ǹgas N SG. English: shelf [Swahili: kichanja]
naw V Class I, -ATR. English: fold, coil rope níb N SG. English: time, period [Swahili: 
[Swahili: kunja,pindanisha kamba] mara]
nàwàdajd PREP . English: behind [Swahili: nìb akalɛɛ́lɛɛ̀ N.PHRASE . English: once 
nyuma ya] [Swahili: mara moja]
nàwàdíŋg N PL. English: paths [Swahili: nìɲ PRO . English: him/her/it [Swahili: yeye]
njia] nóːg N PL. English: goats [Swahili: mbuzi]
nàwàdìŋg dúgʷ N PL. English: cattle lanes ǹqùrùdʒand N SG. English: a species of tree
[Swahili: njia za kupitishia ng’ombe] [Swahili: aina ya mti]
nàwàgak N PL. English: spleens [Swahili: ǹsértída ADV . English: day after tomorrow 
bandama] [Swahili: kesho kutwa]
nàwagd N SG. English: spleen [Swahili: núːs V Class I, -ATR. English: extinguish, kill
bandama] [Swahili: zima, ua]
nàwéːd N SG. English: path [Swahili: njia] núːt ADJ SG. English: other [Swahili: 
nàwèːd dúgʷ N SG. English: cattle lane -ingine]
[Swahili: njia ya kupitishia ng’ombe] nùgsìːn qaŋd V.PHRASE Class I, +ATR. 
321
English: wink [Swahili: kukonyeza] [Swahili: nyavu]
nùndàrúnd N SG. English: a species of tree ɲàgda V Class I, +ATR. English: meet, 
used for traditional medicine [Swahili: aina encounter, experience [Swahili: kuta]
ya mti] ɲàgdóːd N SG. English: louse [Swahili: 
nùnɲí V Class I, -ATR. English: come chawa]
[Swahili: kuja] ɲàgíràŋgí N PL. English: Name of one of 
núŋ góftaːd V.PHRASE Class I. English: be the three original Asimjeeg sub-groups. 
seated [Swahili: kalisha] [Swahili: Wanyagirangi]
núŋ gʷàròsíːnèɲ V.PHRASE Class I, +ATR. ɲàgɲàgdaːdà V Class I, +ATR. English: 
English: forget [Swahili: sahau] meet, encounter, experience multiple times 
nùŋʷaːdà V Class I, -ATR, AM, ITV. English:[Swahili: kutakuta]
stop [Swahili: acha] ɲàlajd N SG. English: impotent man 
nùqda V Class I, -ATR, ITV. English: [Swahili: mwanaume tasa]
swallow [Swahili: meza] ɲàlajèːk N PL. English: impotent men 
núrdʒ ADJ SG. English: other [Swahili: [Swahili: wanaume tasa]
-ingine] ɲàmàstʃèw N SG. English: clan name of the 
núwàs ADJ núwágì. English: short [Swahili: Asimjeeg [Swahili: jina la ukoo wa 
fupi] Waasimjeega]
ɲàmbóːd N SG. English: name of Asimjeeg 
/ɲ/ village near Issenye [Swahili: jina la kijiji 
karibu na Issenye]
ɲaːs ADV . English: often [Swahili: huwa] ɲàmídg N PL. English: cattle brands 
ɲàbùdʒíg N PL. English: female (of any [Swahili: chapa]
animal) [Swahili: jike ambao wamezaa] ɲàmìt N SG. English: cattle brand [Swahili: 
ɲàbùdʒìg dúgʷ N PL. English: old female chapa]
cows [Swahili: ng’ombe jike ambao wamezaa]ɲàɲaràːn V Class I, -ATR. English: destroyed
ɲàbùdʒìg gísìlg N PL. English: female sheep [Swahili: haribika]
[Swahili: kondoo jike ambao wamezaa] ɲàŋgàdʒéːg N PL. English: weddings 
ɲàbúld N SG. English: female (of any [Swahili: harusi]
animal) [Swahili: jike ambaye amezaa] ɲàŋgíːd N SG. English: wedding [Swahili: 
ɲàbùld déːd N SG. English: an old female harusi]
cow [Swahili: ng’ombe jike ambaye amezaa] ɲàŋgòːdʒíg N PL. English: weddings 
ɲàbùld gísílːand N SG. English: female [Swahili: harusi]
sheep [Swahili: kondoo jike ambaye amezaa] ɲàrdʒéːn V Class I, -ATR. English: destroy 
ɲàfàdʒand N SG. English: fishing net [Swahili: haribu]
[Swahili: nyavu] ɲargand N PL. English: parrots, lovebirds 
ɲàfàdʒéːg N PL. English: fishing nets [Swahili: kasuku]ɲàrɛɛ́ːs V Class I, -ATR. English: be angry 
322
[Swahili: kasirika] [Swahili: elimika]
ɲas V Class I, -ATR. English: find [Swahili: ŋàdaːd ADJ SG. English: proud (singular) 
pata] [Swahili: kuwa na kiburi]
ɲàʃéŋg N PL. English: voices, thunder ŋàdaːdì ADJ PL. English: proud [Swahili: 
[Swahili: sauti, ngurumo] kuwa na kiburi]
ɲàʃt N SG. English: voice, thunder [Swahili: ŋàdìːd N SG. English: lion [Swahili: simba]
sauti, ngurumo] ŋàdʒòːbàdʒaːnd N SG. English: frog/toad 
ɲàʃtóːd N SG. English: grass [Swahili: nyasi] [Swahili: chura]
ɲàtwar N SG. English: Lake Nyatwara ŋàdʒòːbàdʒéːg N PL. English: frogs/toads 
[Swahili: Ziwa Nyatwara] [Swahili: chura]
ɲàwàdʒand N SG. English: cat [Swahili: ŋaj ADJ . English: few [Swahili: chache]
paka] ŋal V Class I. English: succeed, dig a small 
ɲàwàdʒéːg N PL. English: cats [Swahili: hole [Swahili: shinda, fukua]
paka] ŋànàːŋan ADV . English: sometimes 
ɲawìːʃ ADJ ɲáwìrì. English: blue, green [Swahili: mara kwa mara]
[Swahili: buluu, kijani] ŋànàŋanà ADV . English: occasionally 
ɲàwʃétʃand N SG. English: a type of tree [Swahili: mara kwa mara]
used to get rid of worms [Swahili: aina ya ŋàníːp ADJ ŋànííbì. English: sharp [Swahili: 
mti] ncha kali]
ɲéː V Class I, +ATR. English: chew [Swahili: ŋànìp N SG. English: pneumonia [Swahili: 
tafuna] kichomi]
ɲéːg N PL. English: grasses [Swahili: nyasi] ŋànìpàdʒéːg N PL. English: pneumonia 
ɲèːʃèːtʃand N SG. English: a species of tree [Swahili: kichomi]
[Swahili: aina ya mti] ŋàɲ N . English: earth, down [Swahili: ardhi,
ɲɛɛ̀ɲɛɛ́ V Class I, -ATR. English: chew chini]
[Swahili: tafuna] ŋàɲéːk N PL. English: lions [Swahili: simba]
ɲíːd V Class I. English: be full [Swahili: jaa] ŋàɲíːd N SG. English: country [Swahili: nchi]
ɲìmɲím V Class I, +ATR. English: smile ŋàɲòdʒíg N PL. English: countries [Swahili: 
[Swahili: tabasamu] nchi]
ɲóːk N PL. English: lice [Swahili: chawa] ŋàŋaːdà V Class I, -ATR, AM, ITV. English: 
hurry (there) [Swahili: haraka, wahi (na 
/ŋ/, /ŋʷ/ uende)]
ŋàŋaːnì V Class I, -ATR, AM, VEN. English: 
ŋà(ha) QUEST . English: who? [Swahili: hurry (here) [Swahili: haraka, wahi (na uje)]
nani?] ŋàrafk N PL. English: grasshoppers [Swahili:
ŋaːl V Class I. English: grind [Swahili: saga] panzi]
ŋad qàŋd PHRASE . English: be educated ŋàràftʃand N SG. English: grasshopper [Swahili: panzi]
323
ŋàraŋg N PL. English: peanuts [Swahili: ŋɛ̀ qàqàdʒéːg N PL. English: chickens 
karanga] [Swahili: kuku]
ŋaʃ V . English: grind [Swahili: saga] ŋɛ̀ qàqóːd N SG. English: chicken [Swahili: 
ŋàʃand N SG. English: word, thing [Swahili: kuku]
neno] ŋúd V Class I. English: burn, kill [Swahili: 
ŋàʃéːg N PL. English: words, things [Swahili: choma]
maneno] ŋùdànɲand N SG. English: roof boards 
ŋàta V Class I, -ATR. English: pass without [Swahili: miti ya paa]
meeting (ITV) [Swahili: pita] ŋùdaŋg N PL. English: roof boards [Swahili: 
ŋàtóːd N SG. English: pride [Swahili: kiburi] miti ya paa]
ŋàtʃéːn V Class I. English: cut [Swahili: kata]ŋùdgak N PL. English: lances [Swahili: 
ŋàwìʃéːd N SG. English: throat swells mikuki]
[Swahili: matezi shingoni] ŋùfŋòtʃand N SG. English: medicine man 
ŋàwúʃk N PL. English: throat swells [Swahili: mganga]
[Swahili: matezi shingoni] ŋùjéːg N PL. English: lies (falsehood) 
ŋèdéːd N SG. English: man [Swahili: [Swahili: uongo]
mwanaume] ŋúl V Class I, -ATR. English: see, think 
ŋɛɛ́ːd V Class I, -ATR. English: wake up (intr) [Swahili: ona, angalia, fikiri]
[Swahili: amka] ŋúʃ V . English: to imbue s.th. with magic 
ŋɛɛ́ːd ajéɲ V.PHRASE Class I, -ATR. English: [Swahili: tambikia]
stand [Swahili: simama] ŋúʃ V . English: identify [Swahili: tambua]
ŋɛ̀ gàràròːd N SG. English: hat [Swahili: kofia]ŋùʃand N SG. English: saliva [Swahili: mate]
ŋɛ̀ gàràróŋg N PL. English: hats [Swahili: ŋùʃéːg N PL. English: saliva [Swahili: mate]
kofia] ŋùʃtajd N SG. English: recognition, 
ŋɛ̀ gàtàdʒéːg N PL. English: head pads for identification [Swahili: utambuzi]
carrying things [Swahili: ngata] ŋút N SG. English: lance [Swahili: mkuki]
ŋɛ̀ gàtéːd N SG. English: head pad for carrying ŋútʃ V . English: make war [Swahili: fanya 
things [Swahili: ngata] vita]
ŋìnŋín V Class I. English: carve [Swahili: ŋùtʃàdíŋg N PL. English: war [Swahili: vita]
kata kidogo] ŋùtʃéːd N SG. English: war [Swahili: vita]
ŋòɲómb N SG. English: placename [Swahili: ŋʷaːd N SG. English: a species of tree used 
Ng’onyomba] for traditional medicine [Swahili: aina ya 
ŋór V Class I, +ATR. English: write/draw mtu]
[Swahili: andika] ŋʷàdʒànéːd N SG. English: beaded 
ŋòrʃóːd N SG. English: education, schooling, headdress [Swahili: kofia ya shanga]
writing [Swahili: elimu, shule, maandiko] ŋʷàdʒaŋg N PL. English: beaded 
ŋɔɛ̀ːwíːd V Class I, -ATR. English: (be) blind headdresses [Swahili: kofia za shanga]
[Swahili: pofuka] ŋʷànd N SG. English: gallbladder [Swahili: 
324
nyongo] pìtʃéːd N SG. English: picture [Swahili: 
ŋʷànínd N SG. English: cooking pot picha]
[Swahili: chungu / kikali / ukali] púŋgù V . English: decrease [Swahili: 
ŋʷaníɲèːk N PL. English: cooking pots pungua]
[Swahili: chungu / kikali / ukali] púr V . English: make s.th. tired [Swahili: 
ŋʷatʃ N SG. English: a type of tree used to chosha]
treat headaches [Swahili: aina ya mti]
ŋʷén ADJ SG. English: lightweight [Swahili: /q/, /qʷ/
-epesi]
/o/ qàːbòŋd N . English: light , flower [Swahili: nuru, ua]
qàːbòŋɲand N . English: light [Swahili: 
òbùràdʒéːg N PL. English: rhinoceruses nuru]
[Swahili: vifaru] qaːɲ V Class I, -ATR. English: punish 
òbùrdʒéːd N SG. English: rhinocerus [Swahili: adhibu]
[Swahili: kifaru] qàːɲìŋg N PL. English: eyes [Swahili: 
òɲàʃt N SG. English: python [Swahili: macho]
sawaka] qàːɲìŋg én’g / qàːɲìŋg énŋʷak N PL. 
òɲàʃtàdʒéːg N PL. English: pythons English: springx [Swahili: chemichemi ]
[Swahili: sawaka] qàːsìːd N SG. English: bundle of firewood. 
òrdʒand N SG. English: brother, person [Swahili: kuni zilizochumwa na hifadhiwa 
[Swahili: kaka, bwana, jamaa] nyumbani]
òrdʒèːd gahaɲ N SG. English: brother qàbàraŋg N PL. English: stretchers, used to 
[Swahili: kaka] carry an old or sick person [Swahili: 
òrdʒóːg N PL. English: brothers, people machela]
[Swahili: kaka, bwana, jamani] qàbìːdànéːd N SG. English: leader [Swahili: 
òrdʒòːg gahaɲ N PL. English: brothers mtemi]
[Swahili: kaka] qàbìːdaŋg N PL. English: leaders [Swahili: 
mitemi]
/p/ qàdadg N PL. English: small calabashes 
[Swahili: vibuyu vidogo]
pàŋgàdʒand N SG. English: machete qàdàdg géskʷég N PL. English: big 
[Swahili: panga] calabashes for honey [Swahili: vibuyu 
pàspàsaːdà gɛɛ́ːw V . English: lower oneself vikubwa vya asali]
[Swahili: jishusha] qàdéːd N SG. English: small calabash 
pìʃpíʃ V . English: advise s.o., raise s.o. or [Swahili: kibuyu kidogo]
s.th. [Swahili: shauri, lea, kuza] qàdèːd gésùd N SG. English: big calabash for
325
honey [Swahili: kibuyu kikubwa cha asali] [Swahili: shangazi]
qàdòːwéːd N SG. English: worship [Swahili: qamn ADV . English: now [Swahili: sasa]
ibada] qàmùŋak N PL. English: faces [Swahili: uso]
qàdqak N PL. English: necks [Swahili: qàmúŋd N SG. English: face [Swahili: uso]
shingo] qàndàdʒand N SG. English: baboon 
qàdʒaːm ADJ gàdʒáámì. English: dry [Swahili: nyani]
[Swahili: kavu] qàndàdʒéːg N PL. English: baboons 
qàdʒàmnat N SG. English: dryness [Swahili: [Swahili: nyani]
ukavu] qaɲ PARTCL . English: or [Swahili: au]
qàdʒqàdʒèːg gíʃt N SG. English: ankle qàɲaːd V Class I, -ATR. English: bite 
[Swahili: fundo la mguu] [Swahili: uma]
qàdʒqàdʒg géːʃàŋg N PL. English: ankles qàŋardʒóːd N SG. English: the teat of an 
[Swahili: mafundo ya mguu] animal [Swahili: titi ya mnyama]
qàhóːg SG N. English: clan name of the qàŋàrdʒòːd N SG. English: udder [Swahili: 
Asimjeeg [Swahili: jina la ukoo wa chuchu]
Kiasimjeeg] qàŋàrdʒóŋg N PL. English: udders [Swahili: 
qàhódg N PL. English: sweat [Swahili: jasho]chuchu]
qàhòtʃand N SG. English: sweat [Swahili: qàŋd N SG. English: eye [Swahili: jicho]
jasho] qàŋd éːnd N SG. English: spring [Swahili: 
qàhɔɛ́ːd N SG. English: blessing, power chemichemi ]
[Swahili: baraka, uwezo] qàŋd haw PHRASE . English: phrase 
qaj ADV . English: olden times [Swahili: meaning to look at someone with anger, lit. 
zamani] ‘big eye’ [Swahili: jicho mbaya]
qàlòːd N SG. English: rope [Swahili: kamba, qàpóʃk N PL. English: navelx [Swahili: 
korongo] vitovu]
qàlón’g N PL. English: ropes [Swahili: qàpóʃt N SG. English: navel [Swahili: kitovu]
kamba, korongo] qàqútk N PL. English: caterpillarx [Swahili: 
qàmadg N PL. English: mothers [Swahili: funza / viwavi]
mama] qàqùtʃéːd N SG. English: caterpillar 
qàmàdg síːkʷàdʒ N PL. English: mothers in [Swahili: funza / kiwavi]
law [Swahili: mama mkwe] qàrbaʃéːd N SG. English: lizard (species) 
qàmàrd N SG. English: wall [Swahili: ukuta] [Swahili: mjusi (aina ya)]
qàmarg N PL. English: walls [Swahili: kuta] qàrbaʃk N PL. English: lizardx (species) 
qàmàt N SG. English: mother [Swahili: [Swahili: mjusi (aina ya)]
mama] qàrèːd dúgʷ N SG. English: cattle hut 
qàmàt síːkʷàdʒ N SG. English: mother in [Swahili: banda la ng’ombe]
law [Swahili: mama mkwe] qàrèːd gíwóstʃóːd N SG. English: kitchen 
qambòb N SG. English: paternal aunt [Swahili: chumba cha jiko]
326
qàrèːd múhóg N SG. English: calf hut qɔɛ̀jand N SG. English: fish [Swahili: samaki]
[Swahili: banda la ndama] qɔɛ̀jɛɛ́ːg N PL. English: fish [Swahili: samaki]
qàrèːd ʃórdʒand N SG. English: nest qɔɛ̀nd N SG. English: father [Swahili: baba]
[Swahili: kiota] qɔɛ̀nd manàŋ N SG. English: father’s younger 
qarémanadùmèːd N SG. English: youth brother [Swahili: baba mdogo]
[Swahili: ujana] qɔɛ́s qɔɛ́sɔɛ́ ADV . English: recently [Swahili: 
qàrìnɲand N SG. English: iron [Swahili: juzi juzi]
chuma] qúːd V Class I, -ATR. English: blow (with 
qàríŋg N PL. English: instruments, mouth) [Swahili: puliza]
implements [Swahili: vyombo] qùːrdʒaːʃt N SG. English: Game played with 
qàríŋg N PL. English: iron [Swahili: chuma] stones and a carved piece of wood [Swahili: 
qàrɲand N SG. English: instrument, bao]
implement [Swahili: chombo] qùdan V Class I, -ATR. English: swell 
qàròːd gajjéw ADV . English: dawn [Swahili:[Swahili: vimba]
pambazuko / alfajiri] qùdóːd N SG. English: swelling [Swahili: 
qàsìːd N SG. English: storage, container uvimbe]
[Swahili: akiba] qùdʒéːhéːd N SG. English: mixture [Swahili: 
qàsìnŋʷak N PL. English: bundles of miozo]
firewood [Swahili: kuni zilizochumwa na qùjaːnd N SG. English: tamarind tree 
hifadhiwa nyumbani] [Swahili: mkwaju]
qàsta V Class I, -ATR. English: swing qùjéːg N PL. English: tamarind trees 
[Swahili: bembea, tundika] [Swahili: mikwaju]
qàʃàɲíŋg N PL. English: flies [Swahili: inzi] qùlajd N SG. English: penis [Swahili: uume]
qàʃàŋanéːd N SG. English: fly [Swahili: inzi] qùlàwak N PL. English: penises [Swahili: 
qat N SG. English: Neck [Swahili: shingo] uume]
qàtʃòːdʒíg N PL. English: branches [Swahili: qùlqùlàdʒéːg N PL. English: stoppers 
matawi] [Swahili: mifuniko wa kibuyu]
qaw V Class I, -ATR. English: milk cows qùlqúlíːd N SG. English: stopper [Swahili: 
[Swahili: kamua] mfuniko wa kibuyu]
qàwùɲand N SG. English: names [Swahili: qùnɔɛ̀ːdʒíg N PL. English: a kind of jewelry 
jina] worn on the fingers [Swahili: rembo au 
qàwúŋg N PL. English: names [Swahili: bangili za vidole]
majina] qùqàdʒéːg N PL. English: dangerous things, 
qɛɛ́ːn V . English: marry (for a man) [Swahili: insects [Swahili: wadudu]
oa] qúqùːd N SG. English: dangerous thing 
qìríd V Class I, -ATR. English: tighten [Swahili: mdudu]
[Swahili: kaza] qùqúr V . English: ask for s.o.’s hand in 
qón’g N PL. English: fathers [Swahili: baba] marriage [Swahili: chumbia]
327
qùràqúrg N PL. English: knees [Swahili: [Swahili: mdomo wa ndege]
magoti] qùwaŋd N SG. English: bow [Swahili: 
qùràqʷajd N SG. English: knee [Swahili: upinde]
goti] qùwàŋd róft N SG. English: rainbow 
qùrdʒand N SG. English: charcoal [Swahili: [Swahili: upinde wa mvua]
mkaa (bila moto)] qùwaŋg N PL. English: bows [Swahili: pinde]
qùrdʒàʃíŋg N PL. English: bao games qùwàr N SG. English: home, compound 
[Swahili: bao] [Swahili: nyumbani]
qùrdʒèʃt N SG. English: bao game [Swahili: qʷàdéftʃ / qʷàdɛɛ́ːp ADV . English: maybe 
bao] [Swahili: labda]
qúrg N PL. English: charcoal [Swahili: qʷal V Class I, -ATR. English: choose (tr), 
mikaa (bila moto)] pick (tr) [Swahili: chagua]
qùrqúr V . English: dig [Swahili: chimba] qʷan V Class I, -ATR. English: turn [Swahili: 
qùrús N SG. English: Name of a ward in pinda]
Karatu district where the Asimjeeg migrated qʷàɲìt N SG. English: brain [Swahili: 
to before arriving in Mang’ola [Swahili: ubongo]
Qurus] qʷàɲìtʃéŋg N PL. English: brains [Swahili: 
qús V . English: be necessary [Swahili: hitaji, bongo]
bidi] qʷar bàst V.PHRASE Class I, -ATR. English: 
qùsíg N PL. English: mouths [Swahili: light a fire [Swahili: washa moto]
vinywa/midomo] qʷar gɛɛ̀ ːw V.PHRASE Class I, -ATR. English: 
qùsìg én’g / qùsìg énŋʷak N PL. English: boast, brag [Swahili: gamba / jisifu]
river banks [Swahili: makando ya mto] qʷàràjd N SG. English: male goat [Swahili: 
qùsìg gadg N PL. English: arrowheads beberu]
[Swahili: chembe] qʷàràwak N PL. English: male goats 
qùsìg galg N PL. English: doors [Swahili: [Swahili: beberu]
milango] qʷàrda V Class I, -ATR, ITV. English: pierce 
qùsìg ʃórìːd N PL. English: beaks/bills [Swahili: choma]
[Swahili: midomo ya ndege] qʷàsínd PHRASE . English: greeting phrase 
qùt N SG. English: mouth [Swahili: [Swahili: msamiati wa kumsalimia mtu]
kinywa/mdomo] qʷèndóːd N SG. English: firewood [Swahili: 
qùt éːnd N SG. English: river bank [Swahili: kuni]
kando ya mto] qʷéŋg N PL. English: firewood [Swahili: 
qùt gahàr N SG. English: door [Swahili: kuni]
mlango]
qùt gatʃéd N SG. English: arrowhead /r/
[Swahili: chembe]
qùt ʃórdʒand N SG. English: beak/bill 
328
ràbàdʒéːg N PL. English: sneakers [Swahili: mikaa yenye moto]
raba] ràrànɲand N SG. English: charcoal (lit) 
ràbàqàdʒéːg N PL. English: acacia trees [Swahili: mkaa lenye moto]
[Swahili: migunga] ràraŋàːdà V Class I, -ATR, ITV. English: 
ràbast N PL. English: guests / strangers descend there [Swahili: shuka (na uende)]
[Swahili: wageni] ràraŋàːnì V Class I, -ATR, VEN. English: 
ràbàstʃand N SG. English: Guest / stranger descend here [Swahili: shuka (na uje)]
[Swahili: mgeni] ràràqaːdà V Class I, -ATR, AM, ITV. 
rad V Class I, -ATR. English: close [Swahili: English: roll s.th. [Swahili: viringika]
funga] ràwòːd N . English: dew [Swahili: umande]
ràdóːd N SG. English: knot [Swahili: fundo] réːr V Class I, +ATR. English: suck [Swahili: 
ràdón’g N PL. English: knots [Swahili: nyonya]
mafundo] rèŋgan V Class I, +ATR. English: deceive 
ràgdaw ADV ràgdàwàdʒéég. English: west [Swahili: danganya]
[Swahili: magharibi] rɛɛ̀ ːmàːnaːdà V Class I, -ATR. English: 
ràjand N SG. English: bracelet [Swahili: wander [Swahili: zurura]
bangili nyeupe] rɛɛ́ːɲ V Class I, -ATR. English: jump [Swahili:
ràjéŋg N PL. English: bracelets [Swahili: ruka]
bangili nyeupe] rɛɛ̀ ːɲrɛɛ́ːɲ V Class I, -ATR. English: jump 
ram V Class I, -ATR. English: Fetch / take many times [Swahili: rukaruka]
with a scooping motion [Swahili: chota] rɛɛ́qʷ V Class I, -ATR. English: cut hair 
ràmas V Class I. English: fault v. [Swahili: [Swahili: nyoa]
kosea] rìnːí V Class I, +ATR, VEN. English: leave 
ràmasànd N SG. English: fault [Swahili: (VEN) [Swahili: toka (na uje)]
kosa] rìŋéːd N SG. English: sin [Swahili: dhambi]
ràmàsídg N PL. English: faults [Swahili: rís V . English: follow s.o. [Swahili: furata]
makosa] rìʃaːt ADJ rìʃáádì. English: fat [Swahili: 
ràŋda V Class I. English: praise someone, or nene]
sing for them [Swahili: sifu, imbia] rìta V Class I, +ATR. English: leave (ITV) 
ràŋqúsàːdà V Class I, -ATR, ITV. English: [Swahili: toka (na uende)]
stumble [Swahili: kwaa] rìtaːdà V Class I, +ATR, AM, ITV. English: 
ràqʷadg N PL. English: garbage dumps leave (ITV) [Swahili: tokatoka (na uende)]
[Swahili: jalala / mashimo ya taka] ròːbàɲand N SG. English: tree species 
ràqʷat N SG. English: garbage dump [Swahili: aina ya mti]
[Swahili: jalala / shimo la taka] ròbàdéːd N SG. English: joint [Swahili: 
rar V Class I. English: hope [Swahili: kiungo]
tumaini] ròbúdg N PL. English: joints [Swahili: 
ràrajg N PL. English: charcoal (lit) [Swahili: viungo]
329
róft N SG. English: rain [Swahili: mvua] [Swahili: metimani]
ròftʃéŋg N PL. English: rain [Swahili: mvua] saːw V Class I, +ATR. English: continue 
ròsíːn V Class I, +ATR. English: be lost [Swahili: endelea]
[Swahili: potea] sàːw PRO . English: them [Swahili: wao]
ròsqɔhaŋg N SG. English: clan name of the sàːwíːr V Class I. English: whistle [Swahili: 
Asimjeeg [Swahili: jina la ukoo wa piga mluzi]
Waasimjeega] sàbàdaŋg N PL. English: small threads of a 
ròtìgéŋg N PL. English: Rotigenga people woman’s skirt [Swahili: kamba ndogo za 
[Swahili: Warotigenga] sketi]
rɔɛ́ːd V Class I, -ATR. English: be lost sàbàpt N SG. English: small thread of a 
[Swahili: potea] woman’s skirt [Swahili: kamba ndogo ya 
rɔɛ́b V Class I, -ATR. English: join [Swahili: sketi]
unganisha] sàbíːd N SG. English: a species of tree 
rɔɛ́b V Class I, -ATR. English: follow s.o. [Swahili: aina ya mti]
[Swahili: fuata] sàbsab V Class I, -ATR. English: caress 
rùgd ŋʷìjéːg V.PHRASE Class I. English: lie [Swahili: bembeleza]
[Swahili: sema uongo] sadʒ V Class I, -ATR. English: shake, turn 
rùgda gɛɛ̀ ːw V . English: identify oneself something [Swahili: tikisa kibuyu cha 
[Swahili: jitambulisha] maziwa, pindisha]
rùgsíːn V Class I, +ATR. English: explain sàdʒgʷàdʒéːg N PL. English: women’s arm 
[Swahili: eleza] jewelry [Swahili: rembo ya mikononi ya 
rúm V . English: help [Swahili: saidia] wanawake]
rùŋní V Class I, +ATR, VEN. English: say, sàfaːr N SG. English: trip, journey [Swahili: 
answer, accuse [Swahili: sema, jibu, shitaki] safari]
rùqak N PL. English: arrow holders [Swahili:sàfàdʒand N SG. English: plot [Swahili: 
mibogosho] safu]
rúqd N SG. English: arrow holder [Swahili: sàfàdʒéːg N PL. English: plots [Swahili: 
mbogosho] safu]
rùwaŋg N PL. English: sleepiness [Swahili: sàfùrìàdʒand N SG. English: metal pot 
usingizi] [Swahili: sufuria]
sàfùrìàdʒéːg N PL. English: metal pots 
/s/ [Swahili: sufuria]
sag V . English: spit [Swahili: tema mate]
saːdʒ V Class I. English: stalk [Swahili: sàgàlàm NUM sàgàlàɲòdʒíg. English: 
nyemelea] thousand [Swahili: elfu]
saːtajd N SG. English: when a person is sàgàrɲand N SG. English: termite [Swahili: 
isolated because they are deemed unclean mchwa]sàgàrɲéːg N PL. English: termites [Swahili: 
330
mchwa] sàlàmàdʒéːg N PL. English: facial incisions 
sàgdajd N SG. English: morning [Swahili: [Swahili: nembo / chanjo]
asubuhi] sàlànɲand N SG. English: verse [Swahili: 
sàgdàjéːk N PL. English: mornings [Swahili: beti]
asubuhi] sàlaŋg N PL. English: verses [Swahili: 
sàgònéːd N SG. English: a type of tree whose mabeti]
roots were traditionally eaten [Swahili: aina sàlàwdʒand N SG. English: twin [Swahili: 
ya mti] pacha]
sàjda V . English: have diarrhea [Swahili: sam V Class I, -ATR. English: taste [Swahili: 
harisha] onja]
sàjgìló N SG. English: Name of a non- sam qùɛ̀t V.PHRASE Class I, -ATR. English: 
Asimjeeg Datooga leader that is said to have kiss [Swahili: busu]
taken many Asimjeeg from Someega to sàmní V Class I, VEN. English: taste 
migrate south. He fought and defeated the [Swahili: onja]
Asimjeeg leader, Ewanda. [Swahili: Saygilo] sàmògʷ NUM . English: three [Swahili: tatu]
sàjgʷéːd N SG. English: age set [Swahili: sàmsíːn V Class I, +ATR. English: be kind 
rika] [Swahili: hurumia]
sàjgʷódʒíg N PL. English: age sets [Swahili: sànàgèːd N SG. English: sewing needle 
rika] [Swahili: shasira / sindano]
sàjkʷàdʒéːg N PL. English: a type of jewelry sànàgéŋg N PL. English: sewing needles 
worn on the arms [Swahili: rembo ya [Swahili: shasira / sindano]
mikononi] sàŋàjíːd V . English: be many [Swahili: kuwa
sàjmòːd N SG. English: cattle krall, or fence nyingi]
for homestead [Swahili: boma ] sàŋqajand N SG. English: earring [Swahili: 
sàjmòːd dúgʷ N SG. English: corral [Swahili:heleni za springi]
boma ya ng’ombe] sàŋqàjòdʒíg N PL. English: earrings 
sàjmón’g N PL. English: cattle kralls, or [Swahili: heleni za springi]
fences for homestead [Swahili: boma ] sap V Class I. English: deceive [Swahili: 
sàjmòn’g dúgʷ N PL. English: corrals danganya]
[Swahili: boma za ng’ombe] sàqàqúrdʒand N SG. English: ant [Swahili: 
sàjóːd N SG. English: greeting [Swahili: sisimizi]
salamu] sàqàqúrg N PL. English: ants [Swahili: 
sàlàhóːg N PL. English: twins [Swahili: sisimizi]
mpacha] sàqàràmúnd N SG. English: a species of tree
sàlàjgʷand N SG. English: twin [Swahili: [Swahili: aina ya mti]
pacha] sàqd béːg V.PHRASE Class I, -ATR. English: 
sàlàmàdʒànd N SG. English: facial incision spit water [Swahili: rusha maji]
[Swahili: nembo / chanjo] sàqʷàdʒand N SG. English: clitoris [Swahili: 
331
kinembe] sàwànàdéːd N SG. English: pain [Swahili: 
sàqʷàdʒòdʒíg N PL. English: clitorises maumivu]
[Swahili: vinembe] sàwànàdídg N PL. English: pains [Swahili: 
sàqʷaréːd N SG. English: relocating due to maumivu]
lack of food [Swahili: hali ya kuhemea] sàwaŋg N PL. English: payments, bribes 
sàràːn ADV . English: that is [Swahili: [Swahili: malipo, hongo]
kwani, yaani] sàwàtʃand N SG. English: type of tree 
sàréːd N SG. English: nose [Swahili: pua] [Swahili: mduguyu]
sàrénd N SG. English: luggage/package sàwd N SG. English: payment, bribe [Swahili:
[Swahili: mzigo] malipo, hongo]
sàrènúkʷ N PL. English: noses [Swahili: pua]sàwìrdʒand N SG. English: whistle [Swahili: 
sàrèɲéːk N PL. English: luggage/packages mluzi]
[Swahili: mizigo] sàwírg N PL. English: whistles [Swahili: 
sàrɛɛ́ːn V Class I, -ATR. English: carry mluzi]
[Swahili: beba] sèːhèːmàdʒand N SG. English: area, part 
sàrman dúmd V.PHRASE Class I. English: [Swahili: sehemu]
dance [Swahili: cheza ngoma] séːjù ~ saíjù PHRASE . English: greeting 
sàsadʒ V Class I. English: rinse [Swahili: phrase [Swahili: msamiati wa kumsalimia 
suza] mtu]
sàsànúk N PL. English: bodies [Swahili: séːŋg N PL. English: vegetables [Swahili: 
miili] mboga]
sàséːd N SG. English: body [Swahili: mwili] sèdam NUM . English: eighty [Swahili: 
sàskʷand N SG. English: sandy dirt [Swahili: themanini]
udongo wa mchanga] sèdam àː damàn NUM . English: ninety 
sàskʷaɲèːk N PL. English: sandy dirt [Swahili: tisini]
[Swahili: udongo wa mchanga] sèrìkaːl N SG. English: government [Swahili: 
saw V Class I, -ATR. English: pierce [Swahili:serikali]
toboa] sɛɛ́ːn DET . English: all [Swahili: yote, wote]
saw ìːt V.PHRASE Class I, -ATR. English: sɛɛ̀ndsɛɛ́nd DET . English: all [Swahili: yote, 
pierce ears [Swahili: toboa sikio] wote]
sàwàːtʃéːd N SG. English: noise [Swahili: sìːbìŋʷàdʒand N SG. English: pin [Swahili: 
kelele] pini]
sàwàdéːd N SG. English: hole [Swahili: síːd N SG. English: person [Swahili: mtu]
shimo, tundu] sìːd barbàr N.PHRASE fùg bárbárì. English: 
sàwan V Class I, +ATR. English: hurt poor person [Swahili: mtu maskini]
[Swahili: umia] sìːd bàsat N.PHRASE fùg bàsádì. English: 
sàwan gɛɛ̀ ːw V.PHRASE Class I, +ATR. thin person [Swahili: mtu mwembamba]
English: hurt oneself [Swahili: jiumize] sìːd bùʃat N.PHRASE fùg bùʃádì. English: 
332
lazy person [Swahili: mvivu] sìbìrbìràdʒéːg N PL. English: abscesses 
sìːd haŋóɲ úːd N.PHRASE fùg háŋóɲ wèŋg. [Swahili: jipu]
English: stubborn person [Swahili: kaidi] sìbìrbíróːd N SG. English: abscess [Swahili: 
sìːd míːɲ N.PHRASE fùg mííɲí. English: deafjipu]
person [Swahili: mtu kiziwi] sìd V Class I, -ATR. English: hate [Swahili: 
sìːd ḿlakíːd N.PHRASE fùg ḿlákííd. chukia ]
English: patient person [Swahili: mvumilivu] sìgéːd N SG. English: dirt [Swahili: udongo]
sìːd nàwéːd N.PHRASE fùg nàwééd. English: sìléːd N SG. English: compensation [Swahili: 
traveler [Swahili: msafiri] kisasi]
sìːd ŋéːn N.PHRASE fùg ŋéénì. English: wise sín V Class I, +ATR. English: do, create 
[Swahili: mtu mwenye hekima] [Swahili: fanya, unda]
sìːd qalòːd N.PHRASE fùg qálón’g . English: sìngíːg N PL. English: zebras [Swahili: 
prisoner [Swahili: mfungwa] punda mlia]
sìːd ríŋèːd N.PHRASE fùg ríŋéég. English: sìngìjéːd N SG. English: zebra [Swahili: 
evil person [Swahili: mtu mwovu] punda mlia]
sìːlèːd N SG. English: debt [Swahili: deni] sìnòːd N SG. English: preparation [Swahili: 
sìːlén’g N PL. English: debts [Swahili: deni] utengenezaji]
síːm N . English: phone [Swahili: simu] sìrbàràdʒand N SG. English: pair of pants 
síːm V . English: begin a journey (going [Swahili: suruali]
away) [Swahili: anza safari (kwa kwenda)] sìrbàràdʒéːg N PL. English: pairs of pants 
sìːnda V Class I, -ATR, ITV. English: be [Swahili: suruali]
silent [Swahili: nyamaza] sís V . English: do something for s.o. or s.th., 
sìːwèːlwak N PL. English: gazelles [Swahili: or at a place [Swahili: fanyia]
swala] sìs NUM . English: eight [Swahili: nane]
sìbàdíŋg N PL. English: daughters in law sìsín V Class I. English: mend, repair 
[Swahili: bibiharusi] [Swahili: rekebisha]
sìbadùmèːd N SG. English: puberty [Swahili:sìsínd N SG. English: bed [Swahili: kitanda]
mwali] sìsìnɲéːk N PL. English: beds [Swahili: 
sìbdar N SG. English: hospital [Swahili: vitanda]
hospitali] sóːdàn N SG. English: Sudan, where some 
sìbdàràdʒéːg N PL. English: hospitals Asimjeeg elders claim the tribe originated 
[Swahili: hospitali] from [Swahili: Sudan]
sìbéːd N SG. English: daughter in law sòːnòːd N SG. English: spayed female cow 
[Swahili: bibiharusi] [Swahili: ng’ombe jike tasa]
sìbìndír N SG. English: a type of tree used tosòksàdʒéːg N PL. English: socks [Swahili: 
treat diarrhea [Swahili: aina ya mti] soksi]
sìbìndírg N PL. English: a type of tree used sòméːg N SG. English: Placename for the 
to treat diarrhea [Swahili: aina ya mti] traditional homeland of the Asimjeeg, located
333
at a hill just outside the northern border of (porini)]
the Serengeti National Park, near the town of sùrùmbàdʒéːg N PL. English: navels 
Issenye. [Swahili: Someega] [Swahili: vitovu]
sònŋʷéːg N PL. English: spayed female cows sùrùmbùd N SG. English: Navel [Swahili: 
[Swahili: ng’ombe jike tasa] kitovu]
sósk N PL. English: date trees [Swahili: sùtìàdʒéːg N PL. English: suits [Swahili: suti]
mitende]
sòstʃand N SG. English: date tree [Swahili: /ʃ/
mtende]
sɔɛ́ːl V Class I, -ATR. English: grab s.th. 
[Swahili: ] ʃa V Class I. English: buy [Swahili: nunua]okota
sɔɛ́m V . English: read, study [Swahili: ] ʃàːgaːt N SG. English: hunting [Swahili: soma
súːk ADJ PL. English: others [Swahili: uwindaji]
] ʃab V Class I, -ATR. English: soak [Swahili: -ingine
sùgòdíg N PL. English: kings, chiefs lowesha]
[Swahili: ] ʃàbat ADJ ʃàbádì. English: wet [Swahili: viongozi
sùgòtʃand N SG. English: king, chief bichi, -lowa]
[Swahili: ] ʃàbòqédíg N PL. English: a type of tree kiongozi
súlg N PL. English: jewelry [Swahili: ] whose roots were traditionally eaten [Swahili:rembo
súm V . English: begin a journey (coming aina ya mti]
towards) [Swahili: ] ʃàbòtʃand N SG. English: a type of tree anza safari (kwa kuja)
sùŋgúk . English: go around [Swahili: whose roots were traditionally eaten [Swahili:V 
zunguka] aina ya mti]
sùqújdà N SG. English: gossip [Swahili: ʃàgad V Class I. English: be Careful 
] [Swahili: kuwa makini]umbea
sùrbíːd . English: a type of pot with a ʃàgad gɛɛ́ːw V . English: defend oneself N SG
small opening used to fetch water [Swahili: [Swahili: jilinda]
] ʃàgàʃ NUM . English: nine [Swahili: tisa]aina ya chungu
sùrbìːd N SG. English: pot for water ʃàgàʃòdíg N PL. English: hunters [Swahili: 
[Swahili: mtungi] wawindaji]
sùrbíːŋg . English: pots for water ʃàgàʃòtʃand N SG. English: hunter [Swahili: N PL
[Swahili: mitungi] mwindaji]
súrdʒ ʃàgèrgʷéːg N PL. English: ostriches [Swahili:ADJ PL. English: others [Swahili: mibuni]
-ingine]
sùrùbàt N SG. English: animal home in the ʃàgèròːd N SG. English: ostrich [Swahili: 
bush [Swahili: mbuni]nyumba ya mnyama (porini)]
sùrùbàtʃéŋg N PL. English: animal homes in ʃagì ADJ . English: far (away) [Swahili: 
the bush [Swahili: mbali]nyumba za mnyama 
334
ʃagìd N SG. English: a traditional food of the ʃàràjhíːd N SG. English: a species of bird, 
past [Swahili: aina ya chakula cha zamani] sombre greenbul [Swahili: kuruwiji]
ʃàjda V Class I, ITV. English: sell [Swahili: ʃàròːd N SG. English: smell [Swahili: harufu]
uza] ʃàʃóːd N SG. English: gazelle [Swahili: 
ʃàjéːd N SG. English: price [Swahili: bei] swala]
ʃàjén’g N PL. English: prices [Swahili: bei] ʃàʃóːŋg N PL. English: gazelles [Swahili: 
ʃàmòqóːd N SG. English: cloud [Swahili: swala]
wingu] ʃàtàdʒand N SG. English: shirt [Swahili: 
ʃàmòqódg N PL. English: clouds [Swahili: shati]
mawingu] ʃàwòːt N SG. English: snake (species) 
ʃàndal N SG. English: a traditional dance [Swahili: chatu]
[Swahili: aina ya ngoma] ʃàwòtàdʒéːg N PL. English: snakes (species) 
ʃàndàlàdʒéːg N PL. English: traditional [Swahili: chatu]
dances [Swahili: aina ya ngoma ya asili] ʃéːd V . English: be first [Swahili: tangulia]
ʃàndàléːd N SG. English: a traditional dance ʃèːd N SG. English: moon, month [Swahili: 
[Swahili: aina ya ngoma] mwezi]
ʃàŋ V Class I. English: argue [Swahili: ʃèːd manaŋ N SG. English: new moon 
bishana] [Swahili: mwezi mwandamo / mpevu]
ʃàŋéːg N PL. English: boiled milk [Swahili: ʃéːg N PL. English: moons, months [Swahili: 
maziwa yaliyochemshwa] miezi]
ʃàŋèːg nóːbéːg N PL. English: goat milk ʃèrè N SG. English: hoe [Swahili: jembe]
[Swahili: maziwa ya mbuzi] ʃíːd V Class I, -ATR. English: cut, strip 
ʃàŋʃaŋìːd V Class I. English: be warm something off [Swahili: kata kwa kutumia 
[Swahili: kuwa vuguvugu] wembe ]
ʃàŋʷàdʒéːg N PL. English: mud [Swahili: ʃíːd N . English: problem [Swahili: shida]
matope] ʃíːɲ V Class I. English: postpone, delay 
ʃàŋʷéːd N SG. English: mud [Swahili: tope] [Swahili: ahirisha]
ʃàqèːd N SG. English: fever [Swahili: homa] ʃíːr V Class I. English: chip or strip (with a 
ʃàqén’g N PL. English: fevers [Swahili: razor), multiple times [Swahili: chanja (kwa 
homa] wembe)]
ʃàqʷàɲand N SG. English: human fat ʃíːt V . English: prepare [Swahili: tengeneza]
[Swahili: mafuta ya wanyama] ʃìbaŋg N PL. English: sisal plants [Swahili: 
ʃàqʷaŋg N PL. English: human fat [Swahili: mikonge]
mafuta ya wanyama] ʃìbòːnéːd N SG. English: a species of tree 
ʃàqʷéːd N SG. English: help [Swahili: used for traditional medicine [Swahili: aina 
msaada] ya mti]
ʃàràjdʒand N SG. English: a species of bird, ʃìd V Class I, -ATR. English: sharpen 
sombre greenbul [Swahili: kuruwiji] [Swahili: noa]
335
ʃìdgʷand N SG. English: lung [Swahili: pafu] [Swahili: mavi, samadi]
ʃìdgʷéːg N PL. English: lungs [Swahili: ʃùrúrúd N SG. English: cattle dung fertilizer 
mapafu] [Swahili: samadi]
ʃìdòːd qaːɲìŋg N PL. English: jealousy 
[Swahili: wivu] /t/
ʃìdòːd qaŋd N SG. English: jealousy 
[Swahili: wivu]
ʃìmqàdʒéːg N PL. English: arrows (like a téːg V . English: put on one’s head [Swahili: 
knife) [Swahili: weka kichwani]mipodo (mishale kama visu)]
ʃìmqùd N SG. English: arrow (like a knife) tém V Class II. English: lead people [Swahili:
[Swahili: ongoza, kuwa mtemi]mpodo (mshale kama kisu)]
ʃíɲ V Class I. English: remove [Swahili: tɔɛ́ːʃ V Class II, -ATR. English: be sufficient futa]
ʃíɲ dúŋóːd [Swahili: tosha]V.PHRASE Class I. English: blow
nose [Swahili: futa kamasi]
ʃìŋad N SG. English: evening [Swahili: /u/jioni]
ʃìŋàdídg N PL. English: evenings [Swahili: 
jioni] ùːd N SG. English: head, top of [Swahili: 
ʃìŋda V Class I, -ATR, ITV. English: be late kichwa, juu ya]
[Swahili: chelewa] ùːd gahàr N SG. English: roof [Swahili: paa]
ʃìrkàràdʒéːg N PL. English: guards [Swahili: ùːd gídʒèd N SG. English: summit [Swahili: 
maaskari] kilele]
ʃìʃìdéːd N SG. English: toothbrush [Swahili: údòm N SG. English: hippopotamus 
mswaki] [Swahili: kiboko]
ʃìʃídg N PL. English: toothbrushes [Swahili: ùdòmàdʒéːg N PL. English: hippopotamuses 
miswaki] [Swahili: viboko]
ʃòmànd N SG. English: hole, pit [Swahili: ùkʷèːd N SG. English: field [Swahili: shamba
shimo] / mgunda]
ʃòmaŋg N PL. English: holes, pits [Swahili: ùkʷéŋg N PL. English: fields [Swahili: 
mashimo] shamba / migunda]
ʃùbóːŋg N PL. English: a type of tree ùmèːd N SG. English: the condition of being 
[Swahili: mipome] s.th. [Swahili: hali ya kuwa kitu fulani]
ʃùkúr V Class I, +ATR. English: thank ún V Class I, +ATR. English: go [Swahili: 
[Swahili: shukuru] kwenda]
ʃúl N SG. English: school [Swahili: shule] ùrmèːd N SG. English: color [Swahili: rangi]
ʃùmŋàdʒéːg N PL. English: tails [Swahili: ùrmén’g N PL. English: colors [Swahili: 
mikia] rangi]
ʃùmŋand N SG. English: tail [Swahili: mkia] ùrmòːdʒíg N PL. English: colors [Swahili: 
ʃúrúrúːd N SG. English: dung, fertilizer rangi]
336
wembe]
/w/ wɛɛ̀mbàdʒéːg N PL. English: razors [Swahili: 
wembe]
waːs V Class II, -ATR. English: steal [Swahili:wíːl V Class I, +ATR. English: look for 
swaga] [Swahili: tafuta]
waːʃ V Class I, -ATR. English: cough wìdanì V Class I, VEN. English: come from 
[Swahili: kohoa] behind [Swahili: njoo kwa nyuma]
wàdand N SG. English: game [Swahili: wúd V Class I, +ATR. English: shoot 
mchezo] [Swahili: lenga]
wàgak N PL. English: cloths [Swahili: wún barand V.PHRASE Class I. English: 
vitambaa] travel [Swahili: safiri]
wàgíːd N SG. English: when a person is wùrdʒéːn V Class I, +ATR. English: be t ̛ he 
isolated because they are deemed unclean same, resemble [Swahili: sawa, fanana na]
[Swahili: metimani] wús gɛɛ̀ ːw V . English: be alone [Swahili: 
wàjaːdà V Class I, +ATR, AM, ITV. English: kuwa peke]
walk [Swahili: tembea] wùsídg N PL. English: knots [Swahili: 
wàjéːd N SG. English: walking [Swahili: mafundo]
matembezi] wùsóːd N SG. English: knot [Swahili: fundo]
wal PHRASE . English: fear s.th. [Swahili: wúsùs ADJ . English: cheap [Swahili: rahisi]
ogopa] wùta V Class I, +ATR. English: lose s.th. 
wàlda V . English: pay [Swahili: lipa] [Swahili: poteza]
was V.COP . English: to be [Swahili: kuwa]
wast N SG. English: cloth [Swahili: 
kitambaa]
wàtat ADV . English: never [Swahili: kamwe]
wéːʃ ADJ wééʃíʃì. English: white [Swahili: 
nyeupe]
wèlwél V . English: walk around [Swahili: 
tembeatembea]
wéŋg N PL. English: heads [Swahili: vichwa]
wèŋg galg N PL. English: roofs [Swahili: 
paa]
wèŋg gídʒéːg N PL. English: summits 
[Swahili: vilele]
wɛɛ́ːd V Class I, -ATR. English: help [Swahili: 
saidia]
wɛɛ̀mbàdʒand N SG. English: razor [Swahili: 
337
APPENDIX D
ELAR BUNDLE NAMES
APPENDIX Dː ELAR BUNDLE NAMES
Filename Type ELAR Bundle
IGS0229_2015-12- Natural speech Tribal history 3
21_GG_01
IGS0229_2015-12-29_AM Natural speech Tribal history 5
IGS0229_2015-12- Natural speech Daily schedule
8_MM_01
IGS0229_2015-12- Natural speech Daily schedule
8_MM_02
IGS0229_2016-1- Elicited Dictionary words 3
13_GG2_#1
IGS0229_2016-1-15_YN Elicited Demonstrative and 
possessive suffixes 2
IGS0229_2016-12-12_#1 Natural speech Migration and marriage
IGS0229_2016-12-12_#2 Natural speech
IGS0229_2016-12-12_#5 Natural speech Moving to Dugwamuhosht
IGS0229_2016-12-12_#6 Natural speech Circumcision and death of a 
child
IGS0229_2016-12-13_#1 Natural speech Life history 2
IGS0229_2016-12-13_#2 Natural speech Life history 3
IGS0229_2016-12-13_#3 Natural speech Life history 4
IGS0229_2016-12-13_#4 Natural speech Traditional life in 
Dugwamuhosht
IGS0229_2016-12-13_#5 Natural speech
IGS0229_2016-12-13_#6 Natural speech Traditional life in 
Dugwamuhosht 2
IGS0229_2016-12-13_#7 Natural speech Traditional life in 
338
Dugwamuhosht 3
IGS0229_2016-2-17_YM Elicited Tonal case 1
IGS0229_2016-2-6_06 Natural speech Explanation of grinding 
stone and curdling gourd
IGS0229_2016-2-6_20 Natural speech Conversation about elder’s 
childhood 
IGS0229_2017-1-25_MM Natural speech Traditional Dances and 
#1 Marriage 
IGS0229_2017-1-25_MM Natural speech Cultural changes 4
#3
IGS0229_2017-1-25_MM Natural speech Life history of father
#4
IGS0229_2017-1-25_MM Natural speech Story about a trip to Matala
#6
IGS0229_2017-1-25_MM Natural speech Preparing animal skins
#8
IGS0229_2017-1-31_MB Elicited Verb paradigms 16
IGS0229_2017-2-20_YN Elicited Tonal case 13
IGS0229_2017-2-24_YN_2 Elicited Tonal case 18
IGS0229_2017-2-3_MB3 Elicited Tonal case 19
IGS0229_2017-3-1 #2 Natural speech Life history 6
IGS0229_2017-3-1 #3 Natural speech Life history and story about 
park rangers
IGS0229_2017-3-1 #5 Natural speech Changes in Mang’ola
IGS0229_2017-3-10_#11 Natural speech Cultural change 6
IGS0229_2017-3-10_#12 Natural speech Farming and cooking
IGS0229_2017-3-10_#13 Natural speech Cultural change 7
IGS0229_2017-3-10_#3 Natural speech Life history and respect for 
elders
IGS0229_2017-3-10_#5 Natural speech Personal struggles and 
respect for elders
339
IGS0229_2017-3-10_#7 Natural speech Cultural change 5
IGS0229_2017-3-10_#8 Natural speech Tribal history 7
IGS0229_2017-3-14_#18 Natural speech Tribal history and tribal 
relations
IGS0229_2017-3-14_#20 Natural speech Challenges facing the 
Asimjeeg Datooga
IGS0229_2017-3-14_#21 Natural speech Challenges facing the 
Asimjeeg Datooga 2
IGS0229_2017-3-15_#01 Natural speech Cultural change 9
IGS0229_2017-3-15_#02 Natural speech Explanation of prayers 2
IGS0229_2017-3-15_#03 Natural speech Tribal history 8
IGS0229_2017-3-15_#04 Natural speech Respect for elders 4
IGS0229_2017-3-15_#05 Natural speech Modern illnesses
IGS0229_2017-3-15_#10 Natural speech Cultural change 10
IGS0229_2017-3-15_#11 Natural speech Life history and traditional 
medicine
IGS0229_2017-3-15_#12 Natural speech Story of fire at Lake Eyasi
IGS0229_2017-3-15_#13 Natural speech Childhood 2
IGS0229_2017-3-15_#16 Natural speech Story of marriage
IGS0229_2017-3-15_#17 Natural speech Changes in marriage 
traditions
IGS0229_2017-3-15_#24 Natural speech Youth perspectives on 
cultural change
IGS0229_2017-3-15_#25 Natural speech Youth perspectives on 
traditional dances
IGS0229_2017-3-16_#10 Natural speech Cultural change 8
IGS0229_2017-3-16_#12 Natural speech Respect for elders 6
IGS0229_2017-3-16_#4 Natural speech Separation of the Asimjeeg 
and other Datooga
IGS0229_2017-3-16_#5 Natural speech Settling of Matala
IGS0229_2017-3-16_#8 Natural speech Fighting among men
340
IGS0229_2017-3-2 #1 Natural speech Life history and cultural 
changes 2
IGS0229_2017-3-2 #3 Natural speech Wildlife and water in 
Mang’ola
IGS0229_2017-3-3 #11 Natural speech Life history and personal 
struggles
IGS0229_2017-3-3 #7 Natural speech Explanation of thumb piano 
and changes in Mang’ola
IGS0229_2017-3-3 #9 Natural speech Life history and history of 
Mang’ola
IGS0229_2017-3-8_#10 Natural speech History of Law area
IGS0229_2017-3-8_#12 Natural speech Life history and traditional 
dances
IGS0229_2017-3-8_#14 Natural speech Life history 8
IGS0229_2017-3-8_#16 Natural speech History of Law area 2
IGS0229_2017-3-8_#2 Natural speech Elders of Law
IGS0229_2017-3-8_#3 Natural speech Life history 7
IGS0229_2017-3-8_#9 Natural speech Language vitality and 
cultural loss in Law
IGS0229_2017-3-9 #1 Natural speech Folk tale about twins
IGS0229_2017-3-9_#2 Natural speech Folk tale about bao game
341
REFERENCES CITED
REFERENCES CITED
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Minjoo Kim & Uri Strauss (eds.), Proceedings of the North East Linguistic Society 
31, vol. 31, 1–20. Amherst, Mass: GLSA.
Anderson, Gregory. 2006. Auxiliary Verb Constructions. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Baumann, Oscar. 1894. Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle. Berlin: Geographische 
Verlagshandlung Diedrich Reimer.
Berger, Paul. 1938. Die Datoga, ein ostafrikanischer Hirtenkriegerstamm. Koloniale 
Rundschau 29. 177–193.
Bickel, Balthasar & Jae Jung Song. 2010. Grammatical relations typology. In Jae Jung Song
(ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Language Typology, 399–444. Oxford: Oxford 
University Press.
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