CACAO HACIENDAS IN CHORONÍ , VENEZUELA: UNDERSTANDING AND CONSERVING 
HISTORIC CULTURAL LANDSCAPES 
by 
ERNESTINA R. FUENMAYOR 
A THESIS 
Presented to the Interdisciplinary Studies Program: 
Historic Preservation 
and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon 
in partial fulfillment of the requirements 
for the degree of 
Master of Science 
June 2010 
---------------_.. - _.
"Cacao Haciendas in Choronf, Venezuela: Understanding and Conserving Historic Cultural
Landscapes," a thesis prepared by Ernestina R. Fuenmayor in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the Master of Science degree in the Interdisciplinary Studies Program:
Historic Preservation. This thesis has been approved and accepted by:
11
'?l
Date
10 t.>o<...-O__
Committee in Charge:
Accepted by:
Robert Z. Melnick, Chair
Susan Hardwick
Elizabeth Carter
Dean of the Graduate School
© 2010 Ernestina R. Fuenmayor
iii
IV
An Abstract of the Thesis of
Ernestina R. Fuenmayor for the degree of Master of Science
in the Interdisciplinary Studies Program: Historic Preservation
to be taken June 2010
Title: CACAO HACIENDAS IN CHORONI, VENEZUELA: UNDERSTANDING AND CONSERVING
HISTORIC CULTURAL LANDSCAPES
Approved:
Robert Z. Melnick
The Cacao Haciendas have been an important element of the Venezuelan cultural
heritage since the seventeenth century, especially the haciendas in Choronf. These historic
agricultural landscapes have been threatened since the decline of agriculture and the rise of
the oil economy in the country, beginning in the 1930s. In Choronf, agriculture was
replaced by tourism and fishing, creating a need for housing and hotels in the area that were
constructed in the agricultural spaces and destroyed the landscape heritage that has lasted
almost 400 years. To understand and analyze these sites, I studied three haciendas of the
six remaining in Choronf, identifying the character-defining features that shaped these
historic cultural landscapes and proposing a conservation plan for the remaining haciendas.
The cultural landscape analysis and conservation plan are designed within the Venezuelan
conservation heritage laws and the needs of the local society and culture in Choronf,
building on parallel practices in the United States.
vCURRICULUM VITAE
NAME OF AUTHOR: Ernestina R. Fuenmayor
PLACE OF BIRTH: Caracas, Venezuela
DATE OF BIRTH: February 28,1979
GRADUATE AND UNDERGRADUATE SCHOOLS ATTENDED:
University of Oregon
Boston Architectural College
Universidad Central de Venezuela
DEGREES AWARDED:
Master of Science, Historic Preservation, 2010, University of Oregon
Certificate, Historic Preservation, 2008, Boston Architectural College
Bachelor in Architecture, Architecture, June 2002, Universidad Central de Venezuela
AREAS OF SPECIAL INTEREST:
Preservation Techonology
Latin American Building Construction Technology
Historic Landscape Preservation
Rehabilitation of Historic Structures
PROFESSIONAL EXPERlENCE:
Research Assistant, Robert Z. Melnick, January 2009-March 2009
Architectural Designer, Khalsa Design Inc, 2004-2008
Architectural Designer, Paul Diaz, October 2002- March 2003
~---
vi
Architect, Fundabarrios, July 2002- September 2002
GRANTS, AWARDS AND HONORS:
Betty Peting Fellowship, University of Oregon, 2010
Graduate Teaching Fellowship, Preservation Techonolgy: Woods and Metals,
Historic Preservation Program, University of Oregon, 2010
WCAPT Student Scholarships, APT Conference in Los Angeles,Western Chapter of
the Association of Preservation Technology, 2009
Graduate Teaching Fellowship, Historic Survey and Inventory Methodology, Historic
Preservation Program, University of Oregon, 2009
Promising Scholarship Award, Graduate School, University of Oregon, 2008-2009
Axis to Excellency in Design Award, Hotel in Puerto Nutrias, Universidad Central de
Venezuela, 1998
PUBLICATIONS:
Fuenmayor, Ernestina. "How Ethnicity Shapes Our Landscapes." Associated Student for
Historic Preservation. University of Oregon, No. 2009 (n.d.): 22-27.
vii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Completion of the Masters in Historic Preservation was possible to the support and
encouragement of professors, colleagues, and family whom I wish to express my sincerest
gratitude and appreciation.
Foremost, I profoundly thank Professor Robert Z. Melnick for his constant support
and guidance. I was indeed a pleasure to learn the many components and processes of
landscape preservation from his wisdom and knowledge. In addition, special thanks are due
to Professors Susan Hardwick and Elizabeth Carter, whose insights and comments helped the
completion of this thesis.
Also, I want to acknowledge and thanks the collaboration from the personal from the
Biblioteca Nacional de Venezuela who help me find important documents and historic
photographs that are part of this manuscript.
Very important was the collaboration of the owners of the haciendas, I want to
express my sincere thanks to Kai and Jessica Rosenberg, Vicente Fuentes and Haydee
Machado, who opened their homes and welcome me to inquire about their properties.
I deeply thank my family - my mother Haydee, my sisters Laura and Eloisa; and
especially my husband Igor and daughter Lucia Marina, for their love and consideration and a
special thanks to all my friends who have made this enriching and wonderful experience.
To my grandfather Pedro Machado Rodriguez, for believing in Choronf
To the people that shaped Choronf's landscape
viii
ix
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter Page
I. INTRODUCTION: WHY CONSERVE CACAO HACIENDAS IN CHORONf? 1
II. HACIENDAS OF THE VENEZUELAN ECONOMY AND SOCIETy.......................................... 5
The Hacienda 5
Early Conquest and Settlement Attitudes in Venezuela 9
The Settlement of Venezuela................................................................................ 14
Land Ownership 16
Agriculture in Venezuela............................................................................................................. 18
Agricultural Production: Sugar Cane, Coffee and Cacao Haciendas 20
The Sugar Cane Haciendas: the Sweet Fields...................................... 23
Coffee Haciendas: Awaking of the Economy....................................... 25
The Cacao Haciendas: the Power of Chocolate................................... 28
III. SANTA CLARA DE Asfs DE CHORONf: A CACAO TOWN........................................................ 40
History of the Settlement of Choroni, Province of Caracas........................................... 40
From Pueblo de Indios to Pueblo Mixto................................................................ 44
Revolutionary Winds in Choroni 45
The Growth of Choroni 48
Twentieth Century: Decline of Agriculture and Rise of Tourism 53
Venezuela and Its Geographic Regions 56
The Aragua State 61
Journey to the Valley of Choroni 63
Santa Clara de Asis de Choroni 66
The Impact of the Cacao Plantation on the Landscape................................................... 73
IV. METHODOLOGY AND RESEARCH DESIGN.................................................................................. 81
Chapter
Purpose of the Study ..
The Problem and Research Question ..
General Approach .
Field Work .
V. ANALYSIS OF THE CACAO HACIENDAS .
Vegetation in Choronf: Evolution or Involution ..
Acequias .
Growth of Towns and Tourism: Increase and Redistribution of the
Population .
Roads and Trails .
Case Study I: Hacienda Playa Grande ..
Location ..
History .
Case Study II: Hacienda Torres .
Location .
History ..
Case Study III: Hacienda Monterosa .
Location .
History ..
The Hacienda's Cultural Landscape: Processes and Characteristics .
Processes .
Land Use and Activities .
Patterns of Spacial Organization ..
Response to the Natural Environment.. ..
Cultural Traditions .
Components .
Circulation Networks ..
Boundary Demarcations ..
Vegetation Related to Land Use .
x
Page
81
81
82
83
86
90
91
97
107
115
115
115
121
121
123
124
124
125
130
131
131
134
135
136
138
138
139
140
Chapter
xi
Page
Buildings, Structures, and Objects........................................................... 140
Clusters 141
Archeological Sites......................................................................................... 141
Small-Scale Elements 142
Character-Defining Features 143
Cacao Plantation 143
Shade-Providing Trees................................................................................................. 143
Acequias 143
Hacienda Houses and Outbuildings 144
Drying Patios.................................................................................................................... 144
Trails and Roads 145
Ownership 145
Physical Size 146
The Future of the Haciendas 147
VI. CONSERVATION PLAN: GUIDELINES TO CONSERVE CACAO HACIENDAS 148
Goals of the Conservation Plan 149
Cultural Landscape Protection Strategies............................................................ 149
Conservation of Physical Components 152
Processes: Community and Educational Component...................................... 155
Implementation Phasing 157
Phase One 157
Phase Two 157
Phase Three 158
VII. CONCLUSIONS 161
Future Work..................................................................................................................................... 163
APPENDIX: GLOSSARy................................................................................................................................. 165
BIBLIOGRAPHy............................................................................................................................................... 168
xii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1. Viceroyalties of Spain in America during the colonial era. Source: Encyclopcedia
Britannica, Inc 10
2. Political Map of Venezuela. Circa 1840 by Agustin Codazzi. Source: David
Rumsey Map Collection, Cartography Associates, www.davidrumsey.com 15
3. The urban houses are built around interior courtyard, as is this house in
Choron!, from the Machado Family. There is usually only one door for residences
and many windows on the fac;:ade, however, all the rooms face the corridors in
the patio or courtyard. Photo by author, August 2009 21
4. These buildings tended to be utilitarian in design and had very few luxurious
details. This is the house of Hacienda La Aljorra, today a hotel. The veranda
looks out to the plantation and the drying patio 22
5. Drying patios for coffee production in sugar cane Haciendas. Observe the tower
of the trapiche. House of Hacienda La Vega, Caracas. Photo by Graziano
Gasparini from the book Hacienda Houses 25
6. Cacao and coffee production from 1830 to 1900, data taken during five years.
Data: Johnny Alarcon Fuentes in HI Arte del cacao: Chuao, el Cultivo de una
Tradicion 26
7. Precise plans that provided appropriate spaces for the tasks related to the
harvesting, drying and packing of coffee. The patios are used for drying, an
element originated in the cacao haciendas. Photo by Graziano Gasparini from
Hacienda Houses 28
8. Theobroma cacao the "food of the Gods." This is a cacao tree in Hacienda
Monterosa, Choroni. Photo by author, August 2009 29
9. Plantain or banana trees are used to protect the small cacao trees, while the
large trees are growing at the side. Hacienda EI Casibo (part of Hacienda
Monterosa). Photo by author, August 2009 32
10. There is a cross in almost every drying patio on the cacao haciendas, as part of
the tradition of Cruz de Mayo to celebrate the first harvest of the year. Hacienda
La Sabaneta (part of Hacienda Monterosa). Photo by author, August 2009 33
Figure
xiii
Page
11. In "A" are women using a "desgarretadera" for the collection of the cacao. In
photo "B" are women extracting the beans from the pod, the beans are placed in
baskets and the rind is left on site as fertilizer. In picture "C," the cacao beans
are being transported to the main house in the head of the worker. Photos A
and B by Jose Agustin Catala, Hacienda in Trujillo State, 1960. Courtesy of
Biblioteca National de Venezuela. Photo Cby Victor Munoz Elizalde from
www.artelista.com 35
12. In the desbabadero, the beans are placed in wooden boxes with openings that
channel the drip. Hacienda La Sabaneta (part of Hacienda Monterosa). Photo by
author, August 2009 36
13. The cacao is dry on the patio, few hours of sun exposure in the morning during
the first days, gradually extending the time to a full day. In the photo is Vicente
Fuentes, owner of the Hacienda Torres. Photo by author, August 2009 37
14. Observe Patanemo, Turiamo, Ocumare, and Choroni. Detail of Political Map of
Venezuela. Circa 1840 by Agustin Codazzi. Source: David Rumsey Map
Collection, Cartography Associates, www.davidrumsey.com 41
15. In photo "A" is the Church of Santa Clara de Asis in 1895, during one of the many
reconstructions. In photo "B" is the church in August 2009. Photo "A" from EI
Cojo llustrado, courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de Venezuela, and photo "B" by
autor, August 2009 42
16. Plan de la Costa Maritima de la Provincia de Venezuela desde el puerto de Macuto
hasta la punta de los Flamencos (Plan of the Maritime coast of the Province of
Venezuela from the port of Macuto to the Flamencos) by the Engineer Juan
Amador Courten for Pedro Jose de Olavarriaga. 1720-1721. Source by Mario
Briceno Peroza in Instrucci6n Generaly Particular del Estado Presente de la
Provincia de Venezuela en los Afios de 1720y 1721 49
17. Plan of Choroni included in the deeds of the properties that were bought by Juan
Vicente Gomez. Dated August 8, 1934. Map courtesy of Rosa Haydee Machado
Segovia 54
18. Topographic map of Venezuela, 1993. Source: Perry-Castaneda Library, Map
Collection. www.lib.utexas.edu 57
19. Natural regions of Venezuelan: Coastal Range, West (Maracaibo Basin), the
Andes, Los Llanos (the plains) and Guayana. Source: www.fao.org 58
Figure
xiv
Page
20. Detail of Aragua State Map, note Puerto Colombia and Maracay, with the
topography indicated in colors, as red the highest point and green the lowest.
Source: http://eshuar.tripod.com 62
21. Road Choroni-Maracay. In photo "A" are the Araguatos in Choroni-Maracay road.
In photo "B" is the Selva Nublada or the Foggy Rainforest. Photo "A" by Eloisa
Fuenmayor Machado, and photo "B" by Laura Fuenmayor Machado 65
22. In photo "A" is the entrance to Choroni in 1904, and in photo "B" is as it looks in
August 2009. Photo "A" from EI Cojo Ilustrado, Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional
de Venezuela. Photo "B" by author, August 2009 67
23. Plaza of Santa Clara de Asis de Choroni, 1904. Photo from EI Cojo Ilustrado,
courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de Venezuela 68
24. Photo "A" is the Puerto Colombia beach, 1904. Photo "B" is the Malec6n built in
1950s. Photo "A" by M. Leoncio Porras in EI Cojo ilustrado. Courtesy of
Biblioteca Nacional de Venezuela. Photo "B" by author, August 2009 70
25. Photo "A" of Choroni Valley from the west mountain range. Photo "B" is a view
of Choroni Valley from the east mountain range. Photo by author, August 2009 71
26. Soil's map of Choroni. IIIs = loamy soils. Moderate fertility. Coluvio-aluvial. 0-
2% slope. well drained. VIe= loamy clay. Moderate fertility. Mountain. With 5-
40% slope. Well drained. VIIs =Sandy soils. Low fertility. With 0-1% slope.
Poorly drained. VIIe= clay soils. Moderate fertility. Mountain. With 20-70%
slope. Some to excessive drained. VIIIes= loamy soils. Low fertility. Mountain.
With 40-70% slope. Excessive drained. Source: Samuel ]. Strebin, Atlas de
Capacidad de Uso de las Tierras de los Estados Centrales y Centro Occidentales 73
27. In photo "A" is one Toma ofthe acequia, the water flows by gravity in the canal
where the leader indicates. In photo "B" is the Calicanto or distribution point.
Photo by author, August 2009 75
28. In the hacienda houses the "L" shape is the most common option. This sketch is a
conjecture of how the house from Hacienda Playa Grande might have been
originally. The arrow on the right is pointing the area that was later infiIl with
the desbabadero, because fermentation was later added to the process of cacao.
The arrow on the left indicates the area later built to link both buildings.
Drawing by author 77
29. Patio of Hacienda Playa Grande. At the left is the desbabadero. View to the
northeast. Photo by author, August 2009 78
Figure
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Page
30. House in Pan de Azucar, Choroni. This house never had a patio, but has a simple
veranda looking at the plantation, probably built only for residential purposes 79
31. Aerial photograph of Choron! from 1936. The names of the former and active
haciendas are in bold. The trails and roads are point out with thick arrows and
the acequia in La Sabana is shown with an arrow. Other areas within the
haciendas are also indicated on the photograph. Source: Instituto Geografico
de Venezuela Simon Bolivar 87
32. Aerial photograph of Choron! from 1974. The names of the former and active
haciendas are in bold. The trails and roads are point out with thick arrows.
Other areas within the haciendas are also indicated on the photograph. Source:
Instituto Geografico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar 88
33. Aerial photograph ofChoroni from 2005. The names of the former and active
haciendas are in bold. The trails and roads are point out with thick arrows.
Other areas within the haciendas are also indicated on the photograph. Source:
Google Earth 89
34. In this photography is the Hacienda Playa Grande. The area La Sabana was
affected by governmental actions in 1960s. Observe the dead trees indicated
with an arrow. Photo by author, August 2009 92
35. Vegetation analysis based on the aerial photograph from 1936. The dense hatch
indicates the coconut plantation, and the light hatch the cacao plantation.
Source: Data from aerial photo 1936 and topographic map from 1984, courtesy
of Instituto Geografico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn by author. 94
36. Vegetation analysis based on the aerial photograph from 1974. The dense hatch
indicates the coconut plantation, and the light hatch the cacao plantation.
Source: Data from aerial photo 1974 and topographic map from 1984, courtesy
of Instituto Geografico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn by author. 95
37. Vegetation analysis base on the aerial photograph from 2005. The dense hatch
indicates the coconut plantation, and the light hatch the cacao plantation. Data
from aerial photo 2005 and topographic map from 1984, courtesy of Instituto
Geografico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn by author 96
38. Population Comparison at local, regional and national level: "A" Shows the
Venezuelan population against Aragua State. "B" Shows Venezuelan population
and Choroni. "C" Shows Aragua State against Choronf's Population. The lines
represent the linear regression on the population analysis from Table 6. Source:
Data from Bolivar Chullett 99
Figure
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Page
39. Venezuelan rural and urban population. "A" Shows popultaion growth. "B"
Shows percentage of the growth. The squares represent rural population and
diamond represents urban population. Based in Table 6 data. Source: Bolfvar
Chollet 101
40. Town development analysis from the aerial photograph from 1936. Source:
Data from aerial photo 1936 and topographic map from 1984, courtesy of
Instituto Geogrcifico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn by author 103
41. Town Development analysis from the aerial photograph from 1974. Source:
Data from aerial photo 1974 and topographic map from 1984, courtesy of
Instituto Geogrcifico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn by author 104
42. Town development analysis from the aerial photograph from 2005. Source: Data
from aerial photo 2005 and topographic map from 1984, courtesy of Instituto
Geogrcifico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn by author 105
43. Photo "A" is the House of former Hacienda San Antonio in Puerto Colombia.
Today, only the sign above the door remains the people that this house used to
be part of a cacao hacienda. The building is fussed with the surrounding
landscape, losing the sense of hacienda. Photo "B" is the House of the former
Hacienda EI Cumbe. Among today's cultural landscape are the ruins of many
hacienda houses that have lost their context and today remain as hollow
buildings. Photos by author, August 2009 106
44. Roads and trails analysis from the aerial photograph from 1936. Source: Data
from aerial photo 1936 and topographic map from 1984, courtesy of Instituto
Geogrcifico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn by author 109
45. Roads and trails analysis from the aerial photograph from 1974. Source: Data
from aerial photo 1974 and topographic map from 1984, courtesy of Instituto
Geogrcifico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawing by author 110
46. Roads and trails analysis from the aerial photograph from 2005. Source: Data
from aerial photo 2005 and topographic map from 1984, courtesy of Instituto
Geogrcifico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawing by author 111
47. The cases selected for this study are the remaining cacao haciendas in the area.
At the north in yellow is Hacienda Playa Grande, in blue is Hacienda Torres, and
to the south in green are the haciendas that form Hacienda Monterosa. The
darker color areas around the river are the areas apt for cacao plantation. Map
courtesy of Kai Rosenberg 114
Figure
xvii
Page
48. Hacienda Playa Grande. The hacienda was originally two haciendas, in this map
is shown the north area corresponding to Playa Grande. Source: Data from
topographic map courtesy of the Machado Family and on the topographic map
from 1984 courtesy of Instituto Geografico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn
by author 116
49. Hacienda Playa Grande. The hacienda was originally two haciendas, in this map
is shown the south area corresponding to Izaguirre. Source: Data from
topographic map courtesy of the Machado Family and on the topographic map
from 1984 courtesy of Instituto Geografico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn
by author 117
50. The main house of Hacienda Playa Grande. Northeast facades with drying patio
between buildings. The right area was historically the residence and the left
wing was dedicated to storage. Photo by author, August 2009 119
51. The main house of Hacienda Torres. View from the north patio. This was
originally the residential wing. The desbabadero is at the left, as a late addition.
Beyond on the right is the two story building originally for storage. Photo by
author, August 2009 121
52. Hacienda Torres. Source: Data from topographic map courtesy of the Vicente
Fuentes and the topographic map from 1984 courtesy of Instituto Geografico de
Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn by author 122
53. The main house of Hacienda Monterosa, the house of Hacienda La Sabaneta. The
building at the left is facing north and was originally for residence. The building
at the right faces east, and was originally for storage. Photo by author, August
2009 125
54. Hacienda Monterosa. Formed by three main haciendas: Santa Apolonia, La
Sabaneta and EI Casibo. In this map is the north area of Hacienda Santa Apolonia
and La Sabaneta. Source: Data from topographic map courtesy of Kai Rosenberg
and on the topographic map from 1984 courtesy of Instituto Geografico de
Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn by author 126
55. Hacienda Monterosa. In this map is the south area of Hacienda El Casibo. Source:
Data from topographic map courtesy of Kai Rosenberg and on the topographic
map from 1984 courtesy of Instituto Geografico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar.
Drawn by author 127
Figure
xviii
Page
56. Maps indicating the main elements of the landscape on selected case studies: "A"
is the Hacienda Playa Grande. "B" is the Hacienda Torres and "C" is the main
house of the Hacienda Monterosa (La Sabaneta). Source: Data from topographic
map from 1984, courtesy of Instituto Geografico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar,
aerial photograph from 2005, courtesy of Google Earth and topographic maps
courtesy of hacienda owners. Drawn by author 132
57. "Batea" or concrete slab on the river to access the hacienda, where tourists
illegally park their cars and wash them at the entrance of Hacienda Torres. The
sign indicates that is prohibited to wash cars. Photo by author, August 2009 134
58. The main trail is located along the river, and runs north-south The trail connects
all the haciendas. The squares with diagonal lines represent the haciendas. The
squares with a grid pattern indicate the towns of Choron! and Puerto Colombia.
The thick line represents the trail. Drawn by author 138
59. Bridge used in the acequias to cross-creeks or other acequias. Where the person
is standing is the canal for the water, and on the arch at the bottom another
acequia circulate. Hacienda Playa Grande. Photo by author, September 2009 142
60. Typical cacao hacienda. Plan layout and section. This scheme synthesizes the
typology of the haciendas in Choron!, built during the eighteen and nineteenth
century. Drawn by author 144
61. In the photo "A" is the Hacienda EI Portete in 1905. Photo "B" is the same house
in 2009. The patio and house was divided and modify. Photo "A" from EI Cojo
Ilustrado, courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de Venezuela. Photo "B" by author,
September 2009 145
62. Hacienda La Floresta (Centro de Arte La Estancia) in Caracas. This coffee
hacienda conserves a considerable extension ofland around the house that
allows the people feel like they are in a hacienda, rather than in a city. Source:
Photo by www.radiomundial.com.ve 146
63. Conservation Plan for the cacao haciendas. North area. Source: Data from aerial
photo 2005 and topographic map from 1984, courtesy of Instituto Geografico de
Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawing by author 159
64. Conservation Plan for cacao haciendas. South area. Source: Data from aerial
photo 2005, the topographic map from 1984 courtesy of Instituto Geografico de
Venezuela Simon Bolivar, and from the topographic map of Hacienda Monterosa,
courtesy of Kai Rosenberg. Drawing by author 160
xix
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1. Cacao and coffee production from 1830 to 1900, data taken during five years.
Source: Data from Johnny Alarcon Fuentes in EI Arte del cacao: Chuao, el Cultivo
de una Tradicion 27
2. Data from Don Pedro Jose de Olavarriaga visit to Choroni in 1720. Data
published by Mario Bricefio Perozo in Instruccion General y Particular del
Estado Presente de la Provincia de Venezuela en los Afios de 1720 y 1721. 48
3. Survey prepared by Bishop Mariano Marti, during his visit to Choron! in 1772.
Source: Data from Luis G. Castillo Lara in Nortemar Araguefio 50
4. Surveyed by Licenciado Manuel Jacinto de Sosa. Source: Data from Luis
Guillermo Castillo Lara in Nortermar Araguefio) 51
5. Venezuela, Aragua State and Choroni Population comparison. Source: Data from
Bolivar Chollet 98
6. Urban and Rubal Growth in Venezuela between 1936 and 2001. Observe the
drastic increase of urban growth. Source: Data from Bolivar ChoBet 102
1CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION:
WHY CONSERVE CACAO HACIENDAS IN CHORON!?
Cultural landscapes are part of our everyday life; they are basically the consequence
of human activity on planet earth,1 Cultural landscapes can be found in cities or forests, can
be designed gardens, agricultural fields, mining camps or even plazas in city centers. The
challenges of conserving or preserving these sites come from their many layers of history,
and how to understand, and in some cases decide, what is relevant to the landscape.2 In this
thesis the words "conservation" and "preservation" will be used inter-changeably, because
what is known in the United States as historic preservation is internationally known as
heritage conservation.
Agricultural and industrial landscapes are the most threatened spaces in Venezuela
and through much of the world. This happens mainly as a result of the lack of knowledge of
their inhabitants and leading authorities to recognize the importance of these places and
the history they carry. Thousands of acres of agricultural areas close to the cities are being
developed every year as population grows and city boundaries are pushed in response to
these demands. New sources are created due to economical crises that can also affect the
growth, or desertion, of certain areas. All of these events impact the cultural landscape
from archeological artifacts, buildings, water canals, rivers, houses, crops, roads, to many
other elements found on the landscape. They could tell the stories of their creators through
analysis, conservation, and interpretation as part of our past. This thesis was written for
1 Arnold Alanen and Robert Z. Melnick, eds., Preserving Cultural Landscapes in America (Baltimore
and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000), 3.
2 Ibid., 6
2future generations, to learn about their past, my past, and spread the knowledge that
thousands of people left within Choronf's cacao haciendas.
The primary questions are: why is it necessary to conserve the cacao haciendas in
Choroni? What is a cacao hacienda? Who were the creators of such places in Venezuela?
There are probably more questions than answers, but in this thesis all of the above
questions and more will be addressed. The purpose of this thesis is to better understand
through detailed analysis the cacao haciendas in Choroni, Venezuela, to determine their
character-defining features and to propose a conservation plan that can preserve these
agricultural sites for future generations.
The big challenge for the study came from reading and interpreting a landscape
from childhood with the more studied eyes of a preservationist trained in the University of
Oregon. Tools such as the National Register Bulletin N°30 from the National Park Service
Guidelines/or Evaluating and Documenting Rural Historic Landscape, were key to
deciphering the components of the landscape, as well as to interpreting the elements found
during the survey. The methodology used in the United States for understanding historic
buildings and landscape was easily adapted to the haciendas landscape, even though the
culture is different now, as are the climactic conditions. This bulletin also served as a filter
to write the conservation plan for the haciendas.
The selection of this thesis topic was personal and was inspired by my own
grandfather, Don Pedro Miguel Machado Rodriguez, who decided to invest in a cacao
hacienda in 1940 in a small coastal Venezuelan town called Choroni. He was born in Zaraza,
a town on the Los Llanos area (plains, open range), where there are neither mountains nor
sea, nor cacao, only cattle ranches, but decided to move to an isolated town with an unpaved
dangerous and narrow road, a place no one wanted to go. Everyone questioned his
decision, suggesting that he should have invested in a commercial property in Caracas.
Pedro Machado was part of a generation that was proud to call themselves Agricultores or
farmers, today they called themselves businessmen or hacienda owners. However, 70 years
later, Choroni is the premier tourist destination in Venezuela, and a highly desired vacation
spot for European tourists. My grandfather died in 1973, and I never had the pleasure to
meet him and ask him, why Choroni? Maybe, he was enchanted as the poet Jose Antonio
Maitin was when he moved to a cacao hacienda in Choroni in the1820s, after living in
3London for many years, and who wrote the poem EI Hogar Campestre3 (In the Home
Country), explaining why Choroni over London, here are some excerpts:
Alli no hay bellos palacios,
ni dorados artesones,
ni estatuas en los salones
sobre rico pedestal
ni musicas exquisitas,
ni bulliciosos placeres,
ni artificio en las mujeres,
ni en los hombre vanidad;
Pero hay arboles copados,
que se mecen blandamente,
y un arroyo trasparente
con sus ondas de cristal
y una t6rtola amorosa,
oculta en la selva umbria,
que se exhala al nacer el dia,
su arrullo sentimental.
( ...)
jOh valle ameno y frondoso,
que el sol temprano matiza,
cuyo arroyo se desliza
entre violas y azahar!
Contigo estan mis amigos,
contigo estan mis amores,
en ti mis dukes dolores
y mis placeres estan.
( ...)
(Translation by Garret Hongo and edited by Ernestina
Fuenmayor)
Though these are not beautiful palaces
With golden-coffered ceilings
And parlor statues on rich pedestals,
Not raucous diversions with a music exquisite
Danced to by ornamented women and vain men,
A slow rocking with the breath of the day's birth
Nonetheless rolls through the giant canopy of these trees
And the crystalline waves of a transparent stream,
While, hidden in the forest shadows,
A turtledove makes its passionate call.
( ...)
0, kind and verdant valley tinged by the newday sun,
Whose streams course through violas and azahar blooms,
With you are my lovers and my friends,
My earthly pleasures and my sorrows sweet!
( ...)
Over the past 20 years, Choroni became nationally and internationally known as a
tourist destination, doubling its population and changing its economy from mainly fishing
and cacao-based to tourist-based. In past years, not only poems and songs have been
written about this place. TV commercials, national and international movies have also been
filmed there, and more publicity continues to attract people here.
However, what really attracted the conquistadors to this beautiful valley in the
1600s was the possibility of cultivating an American fruit called cacao or "the fruit of the
Gods", from which Native Americans extracted a powder after drying the seeds on the sun
3 Real Academia Espanola, ed., Antologia de Poetas Hispano-Americanos: Cuba, Santo Domingo, Puerto
Rico, Venezuela (Madrid, Spain: Real Academia Espanola, 1893),533.
4and crushing them against a stone, that when mixed with water created a tasty liquid.
Chocolate was a success in Europe during the eighteenth century and Choronf was the heart
of cacao production in Venezuela during that time. Many haciendas were created during
that period and live on today as our legacy. Nonetheless, the tourism that was once
attracted to the shade of the large trees that protect the cacao plantation, the colonial
architecture and the remoteness of Choronf, is also the major force of destruction of the
green spaces. New hotels and housing for incoming tourists and workers is needed and the
haciendas are being developed. Their numbers reduced from more than 30 during the past
centuries to only six remaining to tell their stories.
Today Choronf's community, the next generation, the hacienda owners, and most
importantly, the authorities need to understand the layers of history we are losing every
time an old tree falls and a new house or hotel rises. The price being paid is very high, but
with education, training and interpretation about the haciendas it is possible to conserve
the haciendas for the next generations. It might take many years to see results from these
changes, but our grandchildren will be ever grateful for living in a better earth than ours, if
an effort is finally made. Preserving the cacao haciendas is not about protecting private
property, conserving old trees or old buildings; it is about the future.
5CHAPTER II
HACIENDAS OF THE VENEZUELAN
ECONOMY AND SOCIETY
Se las da de gran cacao y no llega ni a borra de cate
(He thinks he is a big cacao and he is not even coffee dregs) 4
THE HACIENDA
European settlement in the Americas created two different types of agrarian
systems. In the north, the land was divided into medium-sized farms cultivated mainly by
the owners and their families. To the south, in contrast, the main pattern was one oflarge
aristocratic estates worked by landless workers or slaves. These estates were known in
English and French as plantations, in Spanish as haciendas, and in Portuguese asjazendas.
In Latin America, this traditional system oflarge estates, called the hacienda system, has
survived to the present day. However, it has increasingly come to be seen as an obstacle to
modernization.s This chapter will explain the concept of the hacienda: its origin in America
and in Venezuela, as well as different kinds ofland uses, and the affect on the economy in
the past and present day. The main agricultural products in Venezuelan haciendas will be
discussed, as well as their processes and architecture.
The term Hacienda is oftentimes misused. The concept originated in Mexico and
was there used in connection with various types of permanently assigned land grants. It
was not until the seventeenth century that the term began to be used for a rural estate.
4 This is a saying in Venezuela. Big Cacaos or Grandes Cacaos were the name given to the elite cacao
planters. Today this expression is still used for rich and influential people.
5 Robert Keith, ed., Haciendas and Plantations in Latin American History (New York, New York:
Holmes & Meier Publishers, Inc, 1977), 1
6Usually the hacienda denoted agricultural grants combined with harvest and livestock
grants, creating an estate.6 In Venezuela, the term 'hacienda' is applied to "the vast plots of
land used for crop production whilst 'Hato' is used for cattle ranches. In other Latin
American countries, haciendas are called 'estancias'."7
Regardless, the meaning of hacienda involves more than real estate. As defined
above, it usually describes a large estate, and this clearly refers in a social sense to an
aristocratic or socio-economic status. The possession of haciendas was important in Latin
American history. In an economic sense, on the other hand, the two terms are not exactly
the same. The principal meaning of estate in English is "property," something that belongs
to someone. A land estate could be, and usually is, no more than a sophisticated country
residence surrounded by parks and gardens. The term Hacienda, on the other hand, derives
from the Latinfacienda that means "things to be done" and later was changed in Spanish to
hacienda, translated as a profit-making or an income-producing enterprise.8
Haciendas were not always related to an agricultural enterprise. In the past in
different regions of Latin America, there were lumbering haciendas, mining haciendas, and
even glass-making haciendas. Also the treasury, which is the organization that collected the
King's taxes and proved his income, was known as the Real Hacienda or Royal Hacienda.
Today in many countries the department in charge of the treasury is called Hacienda.
Overall, it is currently more accurate to call the agricultural haciendas 'large farms' or
latifundia than 'great estates'. Although haciendas cannot simply be called large farms, they
must be distinguished from small farms which were not always haciendas. This distinction
cannot be done on the basis of size alone, since its value is not always directly proportionate
to its size. The location of the hacienda can also influence its significance; e.g., large
haciendas in remote areas may be worth less than smaller one close to the cities.9
Basically, the traditional hacienda is defined as these either an estate which
belonged to a recognized member of privileged elite, or a commercial farm which provided
6 Philip Riley Bartholomew, "The Hacienda: its evolvement and architecture in colonial New Mexico,
1598-1821" (phD, University of Missouri-Columbia, 1983), 3.
7 Graziano Gasparini and Ermila Troconis de Veracoechea, Venezuelan Haciendas, trans. Anne
Lafeber (Caracas Venezuela: Armitano Editores, 2000), 28
8 Keith, Haciendas and Plantations in Latin American History, 1
9 Ibid" 1-2
7a sufficient income to support the prominent consumption and demonstrated aristocratic
status. Preferably this income did not depend on the owner's direct involvement in the
enterprise, because in the traditional perspective aristocrats were not expected to engage in
manual labor or commercial activities. Aristocratic income was supposedly unearned
income. This unwritten rule of aristocracy greatly influenced the development of Latin
American society, but it was not strictly enforced. Therefore, members ofthe elite could
earn money from government jobs. Wealthy landowners could hire administrator or
mayordomos; however, this decreased their own incomes because they needed to be
involved to a considerable extent in the overall management of their haciendas. The
avoidance of manual labor generally remained a way to distinguish the elite from the
masses. However, this concept changed during the twentieth century, when the middle
class could afford haciendas, and these places became family owned and the ownership of
the agricultural lands was not a distinguisher of aristocratic status. Therefore, the question
of whether a farm was to be called a hacienda or not came to depend less on size, but
instead on whether the owner and his/her family had to perform required physical labor
themselves.l°
In the diverse manifestations of rural architecture that emerged in Latin America
during the colonial era, the hacienda has a fundamentally important position within one of
the essential economic axes of Latin America. As a final expression of a singular economic
system, the hacienda synthesizes diverse factors that then conform to the system, the
characteristics of the physical environment, and the agricultural products. The hacienda
also connects the agricultural experiences of the indigenous people with the Spaniards,
forming a biological and cultural cross-breeding that extends from a hybrid society to the
crops, permitting the coexistence of cotton, cacao and corn from America beside European
wheat, African coffee and Asian sugar cane.l1
The Spaniards had to adapt to a very different geography and to a variety of
produce. This adaptation produced a model which established a formal act of creation
specifically for America (even though antecedents from Europe do not have a direct
10 Ibid., 2.
11 Lorenzo Gonzalez Casas, "Las Haciendas en Venezuela: Territorio y Memoria Historica," Ciudades:
Revista del Instituto Universitario de Urbanfstica de la Universidad de Valladolid 4, Territorio y
patrimonio (1998): 204, http://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/articu!o?codigo==2241159 (accessed
November 16, 2009)
8connection to it). Perhaps because of this, the hacienda has been one of the least studied
subjects in Latin American architecture, and paradoxically, only today has begun to get
attention as it is gradually extinguished,12
Authors like Gisela Wobeser, for example, explains that the main characteristics of a
hacienda system were 1) control over the natural resources of the area (land and water); 2)
control over the force oflabor; 3) dominance over the regional and local market,13
Each hacienda acts as an independent microcosm responding differently to its
specific surroundings. In this way, it adjusts to the natural conditions, producing
microclimate systems, creating specific vegetation around the built structures, and creating
strong synergies with the surrounding landscape. On the other hand, the physical
components were both fed by and limited by the resources in the local region. The walls of
bahareque,14 adobe and tapia, and the roofs built with wood and cane are part of the solid,
yet simple structure, constructed by techniques and native materials. The buildings are
essentially waiting to return to the earth from where they came.l5
The hacienda is like a flexible organism, capable of growing or shrinking depending
on the geography or economy. It is a system and a site in continuous evolution, whose
expression transforms depending on the needs of its inhabitants,16 Within this broad
definition of the hacienda, there is room for a great deal ofvariation. Historically, the
hacienda was not a particular kind of estate, which could be defined in abstract terms but
rather could be any type of estate, as long as it belonged to an aristocrat and produced a
satisfactory income. The hacienda had an impact, not only on the economy but also on
society, and can be studied to learn the patterns of that society. The traditional agrarian
structure of Latin America was essentially a stable organization, and was not altered in any
fundamental way before the end of the nineteenth century,17 Today, there are several
12 Ibid., 204-205.
13 Gisela Wobeser, La Formaci6n de la Hacienda en la Epoca Colonial: El Uso de la Tierra y el Agua., 1st
ed. (Mexico City, Mexico: Universidad Nacional Aut6noma de Mexico, Instituto de Investigaciones
Hist6ricas, 1983),51
14 Daub and wattle system used by the Native American people in Latin America.
15 Gonzalez Casas, "Las Haciendas en Venezuela," 206
16 Ibid" 209
9modern developments that have caused instability and change in the traditional system of
the hacienda. The most obvious of these is the increased number of social groups seeking
the successful redistribution ofland and wealth. Another development has been the growth
of the industrial sector of Latin American economies, especially in Venezuela with oil
production, and the slow retreat in importance of the agricultural sector. Commercial
control has shifted to new groups, and their wealth and power do not depend on the
ownership ofland, forcing the old landowning elite to diversify its interests to maintain
their position. A third development is the speedy increase in direct foreign investment in
Latin America, particularly into tourism, which has tended to introduce new and less
sensitive elements to the environment and architecture into the local power structure,
interfering with the adjustments needed to maintain stability. In the past, from a social and
political point of view, the traditional agrarian system was able to perpetuate itself without
much difficulty. Now it has become increasingly difficult to do so, especially with
diversification of the economy,18
The most damaging development to the haciendas has been the growth of the power
of the national government. To a large extent the traditional agrarian system depended on
the limitation of power of the central government, and on the government's inability to
intervene decisively in the affairs of the countryside in opposition to the interest of the land
owners. The strong expansion of the role of the government in recent years, especially in
Venezuela, has provided the state the power to intervene in rural areas that it never
possessed before. This has fundamentally altered the balance of power, even where the
predominance oflarge estates has endured. As a consequence, social and economic
patterns are now being altered very rapidly and their influence will continue to be felt many
years in the future,19
EARLY CONQUEST AND SETTLEMENT ATTITUDES IN VENEZUELA
In the history of humanity, no other country founded so many towns, villages and
cities in one territory, in a short period of time, and in such a regular and organized way as
17 Keith, Haciendas and Plantations in Latin American History, 2-3
18 Ibid., 4
19 Ibid.
10
did Spain during the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. This enterprise of
conquest was not only "organized" and repeatable in its reticular urban form for the cities,
but overall it was "organized" to follow precise legal rules dictated by the Spanish Crown
(Figure 1).2°
The colonial process was undertaken by the Spanish Crown at the beginning, but it
was not funded only by royal bureaucracy or the military. It was actually funded by
individuals who recruited and financed their own forces, at their own risk through the
capitulaciones or concessions given by the royalties. However, this individualized process
was not disorganized as some might think. On the contrary it followed a central policy and
precise rules dictated by the Royalty. These policies were used in America to ensure
conformity throughout the settlements' incorporation of the new lands discovered in the
Indies by the Spanish Crown. These rules applied equally to the governors and forefronts
(first conquistadors), in addition to the content of the specific clauses in each capitulaci6n. 21
RUPERT'S LAND 0
IQUEBEC 0
PACIFIC OCUli
o POl'"tugu~sE' 1E'rrHory
o Spanish 1i-rri1ory
@ 1994 Encyclopaedia Britanrdea, 10(:,
800 1600 mi
1200 2400 km
AnAl/TIC
OCUli
Figure 1. Viceroyalties of Spain in
America during the colonial era. Source:
Encyclopcedia Britannica, Inc.
20 Allan R. Brewer-Carias, La Ciudad Ordenada (Caracas, Venezuela: Criteris Editorial, C.A., 2006), 53.
21 Ibid.
11
There were clear differences between the English and the Spanish colonial
processes in America. Although in both cases individuals or independent groups were in
charge through royal concessions at their own risk and venture, in the case of the Spanish
conquest and colonization the process was quickly organized by the construction of cities or
towns in the New World. The town planning was enclosed in specific legal Spanish policies,
giving origin not only to the Leyes de Indias or "Laws of the Indies"22 or the group of laws
dictated especially for the Indies or Americas, but also to a rational politico-territorial
organization and hierarchy for the internal government in the New World that had not been
seen in Spain before. This was very different than colonization in North American.23
A few other concepts are important to comprehend the settlement process in Latin
America. The fundamental legal title for the process of discovery, colonization and
settlement was formalized in the Capitulaci6n document. In contemporary terms, this
process can be considered as a kind ofland concession contract that the Crown granted to
the chief of discovery expeditions. Its origin is medieval, a consequence of the
Reconquista,24 as an instrument to grant the conquistador the lands that were conquered.
Basically, that America was conquered by people from Andalusia and Extremadura was a
consequence ofthe postwar times of the Reconquista. 25
The Capitulaciones gave the conquistador the title of Gobernador and Capitan
General (governor or similar position) of a specific area for its conquest, known as the
provincia or province. Subsequently, the first politico-territorial institution that emerged in
the New World, which was formalized, and successively integrated as a global territorial
organization, was formed by Virreinato (viceroyalties), Audiencias, and Capitanfas Generales.
22 The Laws of the Indies or Leyes de Indios are the entire body of laws issued by the Spanish Crown
for its American and Philippine possessions of its empire. They regulated social, political and
economic life in these areas. Throughout the five hundred years of Spanish presence in these parts of
the world, the laws were compiled several times, most notably in 1680 under Charles II in the
Recopilacion de las Leyes de los Reynos de Indios (Compilation ofthe Laws of the Kingdoms of the
Indies).
23 Brewer-Carras, La Ciudad Ordenoda, 54
24 The Spanish and Portuguese word for "Reconquest" in regards to the period of 800 years (710 to
1492) in the Middle Ages where the Iberian Peninsula was retaken from the Muslims.
25 Brewer-Carfas, La Ciudad Ordenada, 122
12
This political organization dramatically influenced today's cultural landscape because it
defined the countries and boundaries that are mostly still in place.26
Most of the towns founded in America by the Spanish were located in active existing
Indian villages. In order to dominate the Native Americans, the Spanish employed a system
called the repartimiento (partition or distribution) to partition the land between the
conquistadors. This system was practiced in the Iberian Peninsula during the Reconquista
period for cities and lands reconquested by the Christian Spaniards from the Reign of
Castile. The private property of the settlers was consolidated by following conditions such
as the edification of houses or working the land. In America, this system was adapted to re-
distribution of Native Americans and used for the first time by Christopher Columbus. He
distributed the natives as slaves among the conquistadores in exchange for their
'protection' so that they could benefit from the native people's laborP
Native Americans were initially considered free subordinates of the Spanish Crown.
They were believed to be innocent individuals who should be treated as minors under
tutelage, because oftheir assumed ignorance. With this approach, the repartimientos were
created. The system included a kind oflegal recognition ofthe indigenous land right, where
the conquistadores were legal guardians of the Native American's possessions that required
supervision by a Spaniard. Native's Land and people were repartida or distributed among
the Spaniards.28
In the Recopilacion de leyes de Indias from 1680, it was ordered in a general
statement that lands "owned" by Native Americans, either individuals or the community,
including the areas with water and canals (acequias or another attribute which improved
the land), should be reserved for the Natives' use first and that they should not be sold or
alienated under any circumstances..29
This attitude of the Spanish Crown, praised by many historians, did not translate
into any real protection of Native Americans rights. Sadly, it appears to have been a mere
26 Ibid., 54.
27 Ibid., 113
28 Jase Rafael Lavera, Vida de Hacienda en Venezuela: Siglos XVlIl al XX, Histaria (Caracas, Venezuela:
Fundaci6n Bigatt, 2009), 31
29 Ibid.
13
formality in many cases. Whether in the form of tutelage or forced repression or some
other process, the indigenous peoples were stripped of their lands. Many complaints were
filed by the Native Americans before the Crown, even formal statements on the Real Cedula
were promulgated, but one way or another they lost their rights.3D In towns like Choronf,
this partition of the lands greatly modified the landscape, because the area given to the
Indians was later formalized as a town, today Puerto Colombia.
The repartimiento preceded the encomienda, a system used in America until the late
eighteenth century, when it was officially abolished. The encomienda was legally defined in
1503, and "consisted of a grant by the crown to a conquistador, soldier, official, or others of
a specified number of Indians living in a particular area. The receiver of the grant, the
encomendero, could exact tribute from the Indians in gold, in kind, or in [slave] labour and
was required to protect them and instruct them in the Christian faith."31 This was
essentially a form of slavery. The encomienda did not include a grant of land; however, the
encomenderos gained control of Indian lands and typically did not fulfill obligations to the
Indians. The Law of Burgos (1512-13) and the New Law of the Indies (1542) were attempts
by the Crown to end the severe abuses from the encomenderos.32
The impetus for the encomienda was to meet the needs of the colonies' early mining
industry. However, with the abuses suffered under the encomienda system, and the
diseases introduced by the Spaniards, the Native American population declined
dramatically. With the loss of free labor, mining activities were replaced by agriculture.
The newly conquered lands automatically belonged to the Spanish Crown. The encomienda
system lost its effectiveness and was slowly replaced by the hacienda system of landed
estates.33 Most of the sites that started as encomiendas later became towns with haciendas.
The only way to own property individually during this time period was to mediate
some kind of concession of the royal rights. There were four ways to obtain one of these
transfers: the repartimientos, the cedulas degracia or merced, the ventas (sell), and the
30 Ibid.
31 Encyclop~dia Britannica, "Encomienda," Britannica Online Encyclopedia, 2009,
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/186567/encomienda (accessed November 22,2009)
32 Ibid.
33 Ibid.
14
composiciones (composition). The repartimientos, as explained above, was usually
exercised by the captain ofthe forefront conquistadores, however, the Audiencia (a kind of
tribunal) were also given the right to distribute the lands and lots. The second way, the
cedulas de gracias, was a concession given directly by the monarchy, as a reward for
services rendered. As the name indicates, it was a kind of "thanks." The third one consisted
of a simple alienation, whereby the Crown would exchange a portion of land for a price paid
by the buyer. Generally, this class of operation was related to the necessities of funds by the
treasury. The last way, the composiciones, was a kind of indemnification where the land
was given under certain conditions, without the need of any kind of title. This last type of
land ownership permitted the creation of many latifundia.34
The Settlement of Venezuela
The Hispanic period in Venezuela started with the third voyage of Christopher
Columbus in 1498 when he landed at the mouth of the Orinoco River, in what is today the
Venezuelan territory. Starting in 1514 to 1515 Spanish missionaries began to arrive on the
coast. However, it was not until 1569 that cities began to be established and the
settlements became more secure from native population violence.35 The territory was
founded initially for the creation of Indian towns with the doctrines' religious presence
being added later. In 1680, when the Recopilaci6n de las leyes de los Reynos de Indias was
published (Recompilation of the Law of Indies), Venezuela was comprised of five provinces:
Margarita, Caracas, Nueva Andalucia or Cumana, Guayana and Maracaibo (Figure 2).36
In contrast with other territories in Latin America that were under one or another
viceroyalty, Venezuelan provinces in 1680 were divided: Guyana and Maracaibo were
under the jurisdiction of the Real Audiencia de Santa Fe (what is today Colombia) as part of
the Virreinato de Peru (Viceroyalty of Peru); and the Provinces of Caracas, Cumana and
Margarita, were part of the Real Audiencia de Santo Domingo in La Espanola island under
the Virreinato de Nueva Espana (Viceroyalty of New Spain, in Mexico). In 1718, after the
34 Lovera, Vida de Hacienda en Venezuela, 37-38.
3S Graziano Gasparini, Caracas Colonial (Buenos Aires, Argentina: Centro Editor de America Latina,
1969),6
36 Brewer-Carias, La Ciudad Ordenada, 382
15
creation of the Virreinato de Nueva Granada (Viceroyalty of New Granada), the provinces
under the jurisdiction of the Real Audiencia de Santo Domingo were designated under this
new viceroyalty.37
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Rumsey Map Collection, Cartography Associates, www.davidrumsey.com
At the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth century, the first cities
in Venezuela were already founded, Tocuyo, Coro, Caracas, Maracaibo were among others
that would later become capitals of the principal political jurisdictions. The conquistador
would become a colonizer, abandoning the idea of looking for gold and starting to consider
the land as an object for agricultural exploitation.3G
The provinces of Venezuela were integrated in 1776 and in 1777, the Capitania
General de Venezuela was formed (a kind of government with similar characteristic as a
viceroyalty). In 1786, the Real Audiencia de Caracas was created. By 1793, it was called the
37 Ibid.
30 Lovera, Vida de Hacienda en Venezuela, 19
16
Real Consulado de Caracas (Great Consulate of Caracas), incorporating all the provinces
mentioned above.39
Land Ownership
The Venezuelan soils were thought by politicians and geographers in the past, in
Venezuela, to be very fertile. However, recent studies have demonstrated that only about
eight percent of the country is really fertile.4o This resulted in the land being considered a
friend of the aborigines in the pre-European era, to an object of appropriation by the
conquistadores. From the early times of European settlement into America, it was
necessary to legislate land possession, especially coveted properties. Left behind were the
millenary native cultures who believed land was a common and sacred entity. Possession of
the land was justified by the need to Christianize and civilize the Native Americans so that
the land would become the property of the conquistadores, although at the beginning these
intentions overlapped.41
The encomienda system, already in its splendor in other parts of Latin America, was
developed later in Venezuela. While in other places it had evolved to a more organized
system, with the reduction of the Native American population, and other localized
problems, in Venezuela it was still enforced at its basic structure, even to the end ofthe
seventeenth century. The encomienda evolved slowly in Venezuela, not because of a lack of
interest from the Crown, but instead because of due strong resistance from the
encomenderos.42
The process of transition from encomienda to haciendas is not completely clear.
Different authors suggest that it was a slow transition, where the encomenderos were forced
to sell or give up part of their lands to obtain funds to sustain themselves. Many of the
encomiendas mentioned the name of the encomendero, and various haciendas and groves.
39 Brewer-Carfas, La Ciudad Ordenada, 382.
40 Lovera, Vida de Hacienda en Venezuela, 23
41 Ibid., 30
42 Lucas Castillo Lara, Nortemar Aragiiefio: Las Querencias de Azuly Oro, vol. 1 (Caracas: Academia
Nacional de la Historia, 2002), 58
17
However, the relationship of the Spanish Crown and the Native Americans is not
explained.43
There are some differences in the land occupation between hacienda, hato and
producci6njamiliar mercantil (farm). As Eligia Calderon-Trejo explains, the hacienda was
structured as an organic unit of production supported by the plantation. The labor force of
the plantation was controlled by the owner of the land, in a self-sufficient economy, whose
basis was constituted by the binomial plantaci6n-conuco44 or a way to tie the pe6n or
worker to his job. The conuco was usually located nearby or within the plantation,
encouraged by the owner in order to reduce the mobility of the worker. In general, the
haciendas functioned with a minimum investment, depending on the land and the harvest
as it is the fixed capita1.45
As discussed earlier in this chapter, the Hato is basically a cattle ranch. It functioned
as a self-sufficient unit supported also by conuco activity with limited agricultural
production, only to satisfy the necessities of the owners and the vaqueros (cowboys). Cattle
need large expanses ofland, creating different kind of jobs: the work on the vaquerfas or
herd, the supervision of the herd, and the cheese factory (activity not necessarily present in
all the hatos); activities which do not require large numbers oflaborers. The hato is the
main reason for the predominance of masculine workers living in these areas without
constituting a community. Based on this, the community is then formed outside the work
area with workers' families depending on the labor of this productive unit. In this case, as
in some haciendas, the location of rural clusters is the focus of settlement that would
stimulate growth of towns and cities. Hatos are mainly located in the Los Llanos (plains or
flat areas) in the central area ofVenezuela.46
The farm or Producci6n Familiar Mercantil (family mercantile production) can be
defined as a combination of different crops for subsistence, and generates a limited surplus
for selling at the local market. Geographically, farms are mainly found in the Andes region
43 Ibid.
44 The conuco is a smallholding land use by workers in the Haciendas. This word has its origin in the
Indigenous Taino language.
45 Eligia Calder6n-Trejo, Casas de Hacienda: Un Caso de Arquitectura Vernacula en Merida (Merida.
Venezuela: Talleres Graficos Universitarios, Universidad de Los Andes, 1998), 15
46 Ibid., 16
18
with primary products of coffee, tuber, wheat or cane. The fields are worked using
irrigation and a plow and the nuclear family is the labor force for small and mid-sized lands.
During harvest, the workforce required is complemented with the contribution of mid-size
producers who sell their work in exchange for additional income.47
AGRICULTURE IN VENEZUELA
After early exploration and the constitution of formal settlements, and the
establishment of encomienda and missions, the Native Americans and the colonists were
brought together to share their lives in the first founded communities. For a long time the
Europeans had to depend upon pre-Columbian products like tuber, corn, vegetables, and
fruits for survival. Before they could plant their usual food (which they pined for) they had
to adapt to and learn the agricultural traditions of their new environment. In a place
without traditional climactic seasons the terms "winter" and "summer" were applied to
rainy and dry seasons, respectively. Also, the foodstuffs that formed traditional Spanish
foods had to be adapted to local soils and weather specific to the region. Meanwhile, the
conquistadores had to adapt to eating the native food. The first adapted crop was wheat
needed to make bread.48
Sugar cane was also planted for the first time around the area of El Tocuyo valley,
located on the west-central side of Venezuela, and later the crop would extend to diverse
areas. The harvest of native tobacco had reached prominence as well, and, by the early
seventeenth century, it covered the coastal regions that were frequently visited by French,
British and Dutch smugglers.49
In some regions, cacao replaced tobacco, after its harvest was regulated and
considered too low profit. Cacao had a large domestic demand and was also appreciated in
foreign markets. Its production was very important, and almost defined the country as a
47 Ibid.
48 Cecilia Fuentes and Daria Hernandez, Cultivos Tradicionales de Venezuela, 1st ed. (Caracas,
Venezuela: Fundaci6n Bigott, 1993), 21
49 Ibid.
19
mono-producer in agriculture, dominating agricultural production during the colonial era in
the seventeenth and eighteenth century.50
In the middle of the eighteenth century, with the predominance of cacao production
in the Gobernaciones de Tierra Firme (the Governments on Terra Firma)51 the Crown
insisted on the production of other agricultural products, such as the Asian sugar cane,
native tobacco, and cotton, along with new crops like Arab coffee and ani! (indigo).52
In a short period of time, the Native American population was decimated by the
slavery work and diseases in the area, so slaves imported from Africa by the Spanish and
Portuguese Crown were incorporated into the agricultural labor force. Many were from
agricultural tribes in their native lands and thus were experienced and resilient workers.
There was no law to protect them like earlier indigenous people (although largely ignored)
and the Africans were simply viewed as property. Their labor was critical to the successful
agricultural development of the country during the colonial time.53
In Venezuela, the lack of precious metals motivated the development of agricultural
commerce in the founding of the colony. This scarcity of wealth made sustainable agrarian
development essential, and later the surplus of agricultural products were sufficient to
export. These exports became the main commerce for the country. Then, in 1926 oil
replaced coffee - and the entire colonial agricultural tradition - as the principal product of
the economy.54
The Hacienda has been the most utilized agricultural system in the central region of
Venezuela, and presents particular characteristics that distinguish it economically, socially
and morphologically from the farms of the Andes region and the Hato (cattle ranch) in the
Los Llanos region, which create different variants of space occupation.55 In Venezuela,
50 Ibid.
51 The Gobernaciones de Tierra Firme or the Governments on Terra Firma or Dry Land, was the name
given, during the colonial era, to Venezuela, Panama and part of Colombia, the area that later will be
part of the Viceroyalty of New Granada. Originally, it was also referred to all the coastal area of South
America from Guyana to Panama.
52 Fuentes and Hernandez, Cultivos Tradicionales, 21
53 Ibid., 22
S4 Gonzalez Casas, "Las Haciendas en Venezuela," 205
55 Ibid.
20
haciendas are divided into three distinct types: coffee, cacao, and sugar cane. The central
coastal region of Venezuela is a mountainous area, where cacao and coffee have been
harvested since the 1600s. However, the soil and climate favor cacao over coffee.
Therefore, the majority of haciendas on the coast of Aragua State, where Choroni is located,
produce cacao.
Agricultural Production: Sugar Cane, Coffee and Cacao Haciendas
Graziano Gasparini in his book Venezuelan Haciendas56 discusses the various types
of haciendas in Venezuela, differentiated by their use. As he indicates, the architecture
during the sixteenth century in the provinces that would later become the nation of
Venezuela was simple with no signs of ostentation. This author argues that this simplicity
was a result of the scarcity of skilled labor. Early Venezuelan architecture cannot be
compared with the one developed on the Viceroyalties of New Spain (Mexico) or Peru, for
two main reasons: these areas had more resources than Venezuela, and secondly the
European craftsmen who came to America preferred to settle in the Viceroyalties where
they could make more money from their specialized skills.57
Early Venezuelan colonial (1500s to 1700s) architecture, both urban and rural,
consisted of forked wooden posts, wattle and daub, and straw roofs. As the province's
economic situation improved, these materials would be replaced with tapia or adobe,
carved wooden posts or brick columns and cane and tile roofs.58
During the nineteenth century, houses and buildings suffered, especially in war
times such as the War of Independence (1811-1823), and the Federalist Wars (1859-1863),
and during natural disasters such as earthquakes, that occurred nearly every 100 years.
Depending on the owners' economic situation a building might be promptly restored or left
for years to decay, ending up in ruins or being demolished in favor of existing structures to
construct new and improved buildings.59
56 Gasparini and Troconis de Veracoechea, Venezuelan Haciendas.
57 Ibid., 17
58 Ibid.
59 Ibid.
21
The cacao-based economy that boomed in the eighteenth century in Venezuela
ignited a significant change in architectural design. The Real Campania Guipuzcaana de
Caracas60 (the Royal Gipuzkoan Company of Caracas) had a big impact on the hacienda
architecture, because of the great interest they displayed in utilitarian construction. During
these prosperous times, "new houses were built in the cities as well as large, comfortable
haciendas houses in the countryside, and many older and more dilapidated houses were
remodeled."61
The main difference between urban and rural homes was that in urban houses the
family life revolved around a central patio or garden, while in the rural home everyday
activities were mainly pursued on large verandas or in corridors that were built around the
exterior perimeter of the house (Figure 3). Also, because of their setting, hacienda houses
Figure 3. The urban houses are built around interior courtyard, as is this house in
Choron! , from the Machado Family. There is usually only one door for residences and
many windows on the fa~ade, however, all the rooms face the corridors in the patio or
courtyard. Photo by author, August 2009
60 A Spanish trading company in the 18th century, operating from 1728 to 1785, which had a
monopoly on Venezuelan trade.
61 Gasparini and Troconis de Veracoechea, Venezuelan Haciendas, 17.
22
did not need an elaborate fac;ade because their open verandas looking out onto the
landscape were their most attractive feature. These buildings tended to be utilitarian in
design and had very few luxurious details (Figure 4).62
Figure 4. These buildings tended to be utilitarian in design and had very few
luxurious details. This is the house of Hacienda La Aljorra, today a hotel. The
veranda looks out to the plantation and the drying patio.
Most hacienda owners did not live there year round, because this was a working
place; however, they tried to ensure that the hacienda houses had the minimum facilities to
make the family feel comfortable during their stay there. If the house was to be the family's
main home, it was very important to provide essential family comforts, within the context of
the time.63 Some of the haciendas were close to cities or town where the owners lived. This
created a different pattern, where the buildings were designed to house the mayordomo or
administrator's family instead. However, this did not diminish the architecture since many
countryside houses close to urban areas are prominent and detailed in architecture because
the mayordomos had an important social-status in colonial society as the overseers of the
hacienda.
62 Ibid., 17,19.
63 Ibid., 19
23
The Sugar Cane Haciendas: The Sweet Fields
Sugar cane in Latin America is said to come from Central Asia, Conchinchina and
Bengal. Whatever the origin, by the sixteenth century, sugar cane was already being
planted in Latin America. In Venezuela, sugar cane production started in El Tocuyo around
1578, and then in Caracas, Guanare (Lara State in the west-central region), and Trujillo
(Andes region). Of all the different products extracted from the cane, rum was the most
famous in the province ofVenezuela. By the seventeenth century, sugar cane was being
cultivated in towns such as Caracas, Valencia, Barquisimeto, Carora, Merida, San Cristobal,
Gibraltar, Coro, and El Tocuyo.64
The Spaniards were accustomed to using sugar in their diet, and as a result this was
one of the first products brought to the New World. The evolution of sugar cane products in
Venezuela was slow due to the decrease on the indigenous population, resulting in a lack of
labor, and the prohibition by the Spanish Crown to use Native American people as a
workforce on the sugar cane plantation as a strategy to stop the decrease of population. At
the end of the seventeenth century, the development of these plantations increased again
because of the introduction ofAfrican slaves.65
Increasing demand for sugar, and the difficulties with transportation of the crop,
favored the establishment of numerous local trapiches and ingenios66 (sugar mills) to satisfy
the demands of the local community. Production increased especially during the Campania
Guipuzcoana period (1728-1785), which put discipline into agricultural activities and its
commerce. The development of the sugar industry, for both domestic use and export, was
affected by the Wars of Independence (1811-1823). During this period many properties
were confiscated (especially from owners who supported the independents movements)
and the ingenios and trapiches were destroyed; with regions that produced sugar cane
being abandoned.67
64 Ibid., 28.
65 Fuentes and Hernandez, Cultivos Tradicionales, 28-29
66 The Trapiche and the Ingenio are sugar mills, moved by either water or animal traction. However,
Ingenio was used in substitution to the name hacienda, implying the whole complex, when trapiche
was used to the machinery itself, and sometimes to a small sugar mill.
67 Fuentes and Hernandez. Cultivos Tradicionales, 29
24
After independence was gained in the 1830s, the production of sugar and papel6n 68
(jaggery) was resumed, with some for export but mainly for domestic consumption. The
plantations were expanded as demand grew, and during the twentieth century new
techniques in the harvest and process were adapted, further increasing production and
simplifying spaces in the buildings. However, the papel6n in both its forms, conical and
cubic, continues to be produced in the traditional way in small communities.69
Today in Venezuela, more than 130,000 hectares (321,250 acres) are planted with
sugar cane; 70% are located in the Lara, Yaracuy and Portuguesa States in the west-central
region; 12% in the Aragua and Carabobo States in the north-central region; 10% in Sucre,
Anzoategui and Monagas State in the northeastern region; and the rest in Zulia and T,khira
in the western region.7°
Sugar cane is a germanous plant that requires loamy soils and a luminous
environment. The best climate is a tropical humid one with long and hot summers; rain is
needed mainly for the growing process and the dry and cool weather for the maturation and
harvest. It is cultivated from sea level up to 1,500 meters (4,920 feet).The plant has a
vegetative cycle of 10-18 months 71
Sugar cane haciendas are usually located in plains or flat lands, with houses perched
on a hill overlooking the fields. The architecture of the haciendas is simple, usually one
story with wooden or masonry columns of Tuscan style. The corridors or verandas are
open on two or three sides; there are some houses with peripheral verandas, similar to the
plantation homes of the southern United States. Chapels were usually included in the
design, and in many cases are attached to the houses. If there are patios, they are internal
and for family use, however, after the coffee economic boom, some haciendas built drying
patios for coffee production (Figure 5).72
68 Papel6n, also known as jaggery, panela, rapadura, chancaca, pi/oneil/a, panoeha, atado dulee or
empanizao; is a traditional unrefined non-centrifugal sugar consumed in Asia, Africa and South
America. It is made for direct consumption. This type of sugar is a concentrated product of cane
juice without separation of the molasses and crystals, and can vary from golden brown to dark brown
in color.
69 Ibid., 30
70 Ibid., 33
71 Ibid.
25
The trapiche or mills operations could be powered by animal track or water. Steam
motors can be found also with brick towers as evidence of past technologies. In coffee and
cacao haciendas, trapiches can be found, usually for internal use, most of them are in ruins,
but some are still in use. Many of these colonial haciendas have been abandoned, changed
uses or simply taken over by the communities and local government.
Figure 5. Drying patios for coffee production in sugar cane Haciendas. Observe the
tower of the trapiche. House of Hacienda La Vega, Caracas. Photo by Graziano Gasparini
from the book Hacienda Houses
Coffee Haciendas: Awaking ofthe Economy
Coffee was brought to Venezuela from the Caribbean islands in the eighteenth
century. Its introduction to the country is attributed to the missionaries. It was first grown
around the Orinoco River in the southern part of the country, around 1730. During this
time, it displaced other older drinks in its production and in beverage preference. Coffee is
72 Gasparini and Troconis de Veracoechea, Venezuelan Haciendas, 66- 73
26
produced today in the Tachira, Merida, Trujillo, Sucre, Monagas, Lara, Aragua, Portuguesa,
Carabobo, Barinas, Falcon, Guarico, Bolivar, Miranda, Anzoategui, Yaracuy and Delta
Amacuro State, which is mainly the entire mountainous region.73
In 1785, Venezuela first exported coffee to Spain, and from that point on production
increased. Occasionally, prices were even higher than cacao. From the last decade of the
eighteenth century up to 1950s, the surrounding areas of Caracas were cultivated with
beautiful cafetales (coffee plantation). Between 1810 and 1930 coffee replaced cacao as the
main export product (Figure 6 and Table 1).74 The record of production, which remains
unbeaten today, was set in 1919 when 82,382 tons of coffees were exported. During this
time, Venezuela was one of the leading coffee exporters in the world, not only in quantity
but also in quality,75
350,000 Cacao-Coffee Production 45,000
40,000
300,000
II> 35,000 IIIl: l:~ 250,000 ~
.; 30,000
.;
l: l:0 200,000 0~ 25,000 ~
:::I :::I~
"00 20,000 0... 150,000 ...Cl. Cl.
<II ; 0,
III , «I
- "
15,000 u
,"
(1J
0 100,000 UU
10,000
50,000
5,000
°
0
Every five years
Figure 6. Cacao and coffee production from 1830 to 1900, data taken during five years.
Data: Johnny Alarcon Fuentes in El Arte del cacao: Chuao, el Cultivo de una Tradicion
73 Fuentes and Hernandez, Cultivos Tradicionales, 151.
74 Ibid.
75 Gasparini and Troconis de Veracoechea, Venezuelan Haciendas, 78
27
In 1870, the Andes region of Venezuela began to be cultivated with coffee because
this area has a perfect climate, large workforce, and soils suitable for this kind of plantation.
This region is today the leading producer in the country. At the present day, coffee is still a
major generator of income for Venezuela,?6
7,977
33,498
16,715
20,893
7,873
18,114
72,662
82AG6
35,311
31,353
57,968
101,076
115,796
195,650
217,521
220,403
312,375 38,341
Table 1. Cacao and coffee production from 1830 to 1900, data taken during five years.
Source: Data from Johnny Alarcon Fuentes in EI Arte del cacao: Chuao, el Cultivo de una
Tradici6n
The coffee plant is a perennial shrub that can be cultivated at 800 to 1,600 meter
(2,625 to 5,250 feet) above sea level. The plant can live for 30 years, and the first harvest is
six years after planting,?7
The coffee haciendas used an architectural element introduced by the cacao
plantation, the drying patio, to dry the beans under the sun. However, these drying areas
are larger in coffee haciendas; because the amounts of beans produce by coffee plants are
larger than cacao. By the end of the eighteenth century, several sugar cane haciendas that
had the proper conditions began to grow coffee as well, therefore it is not unusual to find
drying patios that have been added onto the hacienda houses or to the chimneys of the
sugar mills. On the other hand, the coffee hacienda houses built in the nineteenth or early
76 Fuentes and Hernandez, Cultivos Tradicionales, 151-152.
77 Ibid., 152
28
twentieth century followed precise plans that provided appropriate spaces for the tasks
related to the harvesting, drying and packing of coffee (Figure 7).78
Figure 7. Precise plans that provided appropriate spaces for the tasks related to the
harvesting, drying and packing of coffee. The patios are used for drying, an element
originated in the cacao haciendas. Photo by Graziano Gasparini from Hacienda Houses
Coffee haciendas are located in mountainous regions, each with its own unique
topography; however, all of them have trees for shade, a house that is used as residential
and storage, as well as process center and a drying patio. These unique settings were also
taken into account for the buildings within the plantation, choosing a higher elevation that
could overlook the fields. The architectural style as well as the construction is very similar
to the cacao haciendas, because they started in the country after the cacao haciendas
following a model that worked very well.
The Cacao Haciendas: The Power of Chocolate
The Theobroma cacao or "food of the Gods," also known as a cacao tree or cocoa tree
was already known by the Native Americans when the conquistadors arrived to what is
today the coast of Venezuela. It is unknown when the cacao plantations started, but
78 Gasparini and Troconis de Veracoechea, Venezuelan Haciendas, 77-78.
29
consumption of chocolate appears to have reached beyond America by the end of the
sixteenth century (Figure 8).
Figure 8. Theobroma cacao the "food of the Gods." This
is a cacao tree in Hacienda Monterosa, Choroni. Photo by
author, August 2009
For more than thirty years after 1580, wheat, and the occasional shipment of
tobacco or cattle hides supplied Caracas residents with lucrative exports. Between 1600
and 1620, the people from the Province of Caracas (Venezuela) discovered that cacao beans
could be sold for profit to Indigenous costumers in Mexico. The market for Caracas cacao
was large, and the cacao trade across the Caribbean kept Caracas as a strong colony in the
economy of the Viceroyalty of New Spain. "The cacao trade was directly responsible for the
transformation of the labor base in the Caracas province from Indian encomienda to African
30
slavery. Alone of Spain's American colonies in the seventeenth century, Caracas came early
to depend on slave labor."79
Veracruz was the destination of Venezuelan cacao in Mexico, and in Spain it was
Seville. To stimulate the cultivation of cacao, due to its acceptance in Europe, the Spanish
Crown exonerated taxes of almojarifazgo80 to the embarkations, as long as they were
managed by people from the same government. This exoneration lasted from 1638 to
1650.81
Many haciendas were established during the seventeenth century, to meet the
increasing demand for the product. Most of these haciendas were located on pre-existing
Indian villages in coastal valleys like Choronf, Chuao, Turiamo, Cepe, Ocumare, and others in
today Aragua State; also in Caucagua, Capaya, Curiepe, El Guapo, Cupira in the Miranda
State; along of the Aroa River in Barquisimeto, San Felipe in the west-central area; in
Trujillo, Merida, Zulia in the west, etc. These haciendas had to incorporate African slaves as
their workforce, as explained before, because the intense work of the cacao plantation
drastically reduced the Native American population.82
Venezuelan cacao was greatly appreciated in New Spain for its high quality, and
therefore the hacendados or hacienda owners became an elite class, that was so powerful
that they even dared to buy royal titles. They were called the grandes cacaos. Today this
term is still used for members of the aristocracy or very rich people in Venezuela.83
After the diffusion of cacao consumption in Europe, in the eighteenth century the
Dutch and the British dedicated themselves to establishing illegal trades with the
hacendados, to acquire the product in contraband. The Spanish could not ignore this
situation; the corruption had reached all levels, including the government. In 1728, King
Phillip Vdecided to implement more restrictive policies. The principal instrument was the
Real Compania Guipuzcoana de Caracas, the first royally chartered commercial monopoly
79 Robert Ferry, The Colonial Elite ofEarly Caracas: Formation & Crisis, 1567-1767 (Berkeley,
California: University of California Press, 1989), 3.
80 A colonial customs tariff in the Spanish and Portuguese Empires.
81 Fuentes and Hernandez, Cultivos Tradicionales, 166
82 Ibid.
83 Ibid.
31
company created by Spain. This company, whose headquarters were in San Sebastian in the
Basque province of Guipuzcoa, enjoyed the exclusive rights to carry cacao from the province
of Caracas to Spain. The hacendados were not content with this decision and even more
contraband was shipped during this time. In reaction, the company established custom
houses in all the principal ports in Venezuela. In Choronf, this building was constructed
with stone, locally known as the Castillito (little castle) or the La Casa de los Cofres (the
House of the Coffers), it survived until 1950s when it was demolished to build a concrete
walkway along the beach.B4
Between 1740 and 1749, the company exported more than 170,000 fanegas,85 three
times the amount before its founding. Between 1750 and 1778 one million fanegas were
exported. Following a series of conflicts and bad investments, the company closed in 1785,
however, by 1780 the free market competition was re-established.B6
In 1790, coffee cultivation started to increase, and in Europe the drink that was
prepared with sugar or papel6n almost completely replaced the popular cacao, which never
reached the same level of popularity as a beverage. During the nineteenth century with the
Wars of Independence (1811-1823), the abolition of slavery (1854) and the Federal War
(1859-1863), cacao prices and export declined drastically. After 1875, the cacao economy
recovered, and in the early twentieth century, Venezuela exported 20,000 tons. The boom
lasted about 300 years. Between 1963 and 1984, the production descended 50%, enough
for just the internal market, with little export.8?
Plantation process
The cacao plantation requires medium to highly fertile soils, which must be carefully
prepared before sowing. To maximize growth, the plantation must have a median
temperature of 25° Centigrade (77° Fahrenheit). If the temperature is too low, then
84 Ferry, The Colonial Elite ofEarly Caracas, 4.
85 Fanegas was a unit of dry capacity used for grains, about 117.5 liters (about 3.33 U.S. bushels, that
is 117.34 liters)
86 Fuentes and Hernandez, Cultivos Tradicionales, 168
87 Ibid.
32
flowering is reduced. It also needs water year round, which is the reason that many
haciendas are located on riverbanks.88
Cacao can be propagated by planting seeds, cutting, and/or grafting. It is
recommended to seed, because seeds produce trees with strong and deep roots that attach
better to the soil. The plants must grow in dense shade, that can be reduced later to let
more sun reach the trees. The cacao tree has a life span of 40 to 50 years, and as it gets
older its production decreases.89
If the site does not have good shade soils, plantain or banana trees are used to
protect the small cacao trees, the fruit from which can also be used as profit (Figure 9). The
cacao trees are planted every three meters and the shade trees about 24 meters apart. In
Choronf, the haciendas were established many hundreds of years ago, and large trees like
mijao (Anacardium exce!sum), guamo (Ceratonia siliqua), higuerote (Coussapoa pittieri) 0
cedro (Cedra!afissilis) were used to protect the plantation. This shade protects the cacao
Figure 9. Plantain or banana trees are used to protect the small cacao trees, while
the large trees are growing at the side. Hacienda El Casibo (part of Hacienda
Monterosa). Photo by author, August 2009
86 Ibid., 169,171.
89 Ibid., 171
33
trees from the sun and wind, and helps to regulate the humidity of the plantation, which
should not be too high because it could cause plagues and diseases.9o
Entering a cacao plantation is like coming into a mysterious, shadowy world. The
sound of footsteps is mitigated by the bed of leaves that fall from the large tress that provide
the shade, and a murmur of insects can be heard along with the water running through the
acequias or water canals. Venezuela is one of the few places that irrigates cacao. Generally,
in other countries the precipitation of 2,000 mm is distributed more evenly throughout the
year. 91
The cacao harvest happens twice each year, June and December. During the year
some fruits are produced and recollected. The traditions of the cacao haciendas are now
part of our culture. Towns along the coast, as explained before, are now mostly populated
by African descendants who have mixed with Europeans and Native Americans. The
celebration of June's harvest starts on May First with the Cruz de Mayo (Cross of May), a
celebration with drums and African dances, wishing for a good harvest. It is common to find
a cross in every drying patio on the cacao haciendas (Figure 10). Also, the patron of the
Figure 10. There is a cross in almost every drying patio on the cacao haciendas, as part
of the tradition of Cruz de Mayo to celebrate the first harvest of the year. Hacienda La
Sabaneta (part of Hacienda Monterosa). Photo by author, August 2009
90 Ibid.
91 Ibid.
34
African descendants in Venezuela is San Juan Bautista (Saint John the Baptist) and his holy
day is June 24th, during the first harvest of the year. The celebration is very important
among the coastal towns, especially between Choronl, Chuao, and Ocumare. Drums are
played from town to town for three days, celebrating the saint's patron day.
The cacao tree is a small evergreen tree about four to eight meters tall (15-26 feet).
The first flowering is at three or four years, and the flowers and fruits can grow in
unexpected places along trunk and in branches, called cojines. These small flowers are very
delicate and the yield can be damaged if touched.92
The fruit is called a cacao pod and has a rough leathery rind about three
centimeters thick (1.2 inches), and about 15 to 30 centimeters long (6-12 inches) in an oval
shape, and 8 to 10 centimeters wide (3-4 in). As mentioned before, the pods grow from the
trunk and branches and when ripe they turn green, red or yellow, depending on the variety.
It can hold from 12 to 50 seeds inside, which are called beans, that are embedded in a white
pulp. There are three main varieties of cacao: erial/a, Forastero, and Trinitario. The first
one has the best quality; the plantations in Choroni use this kind of cacao, however they are
very delicate and require constant care. This cacao is considered a delicacy. The second
one is the most common and widely used and is also very resistant to insects. The third
type is a hybrid between criollo and forastero. It has higher yields and is very resistant to
plague and diseases, however it has the lowest quality of all of the varieties.93
The cacao harvest consists of three main steps: collection, fermentation and drying.
In the collection, the pods are removed from the trunk with a tool called desgarretadera, cut
from bottom to top, to prevent diseases (Figure 11-A). Then the pods are placed in baskets
and carried to a large pile at the plantation, on a bed of plantain or banana leaves. On site
the pods are cut with a machete and the seeds are extracted and placed in a large basket
reinforced with leather or other material on the bottom, to prevent the dripping of the pulp.
The rind is left on the site as fertilizer (Figure 11-B). The baskets are transported to the
main house to the fermentation room by placing them on the head of the worker, on top of a
roll of cloth or banana leaves, and carried to the site. In some haciendas, this practice has
been mechanized using motorized carts to transport the pods to the cutting site and to the
92 Ibid., 171-172.
93 Gladys Ramos, Pedro Ramos Arrieta, and Antonio Azocar Ramos, Manual del Productor de Cacao
(Caracas: Fonda Intergubernamental para la Descentralizacion (FIDES), 2006), 17
35
main house (Figure ii-C). In the past, even as recently as thirty years ago, and in some
haciendas still today, the recollection process was performed by women. Today it is either
gender.94
The next step is the fermentation. 8eans are put in a room called desbabadero were
the pulp will drip and also the cacao will ferment. Depending on the size of the plantation,
the beans can be placed in baskets, or in wooden boxes covered with plantain or banana
leaves. The boxes have openings that channel the drip to a canal that usually ends in an
Figure 11. In "A" are women using a "desgarretadera" for the collection of the cacao.
In photo "8" are women extracting the beans from the pod, the beans are placed in
baskets and the rind is left on site as fertilizer. In picture "C," the cacao beans are being
transported to the main house in the head of the worker. Photos A and 8 by Jose
Agustin Catahl, Hacienda in Trujillo State, 1960. Courtesy of BibliotecaNational de
Venezuela. Photo Cby Victor Munoz Elizalde from www.artelista.com
94 Marfa Teresa Rojas, "Lexico del Cultivo del Cacao en una Hacienda de Barlovento" (phD}
Universidad Central de Venezuela. Instituto de Filologia Andres Bello, 1972), 60-63.
36
acequia (Figure 12). The beans have to be flipped every 24 hours, to reach a uniform
fermentation. The duration of this process varies, depending on the kind of cacao, from two
to seven days. The forastero requires more time than the criollo. This process is usually
performed by men.9S
At the end of the fermentation process, the humidity of the beans is about 60%, and
this can be reduced to 8%. If is too dry, the skin will break too easily and if is too humid it
Figure 12. In the desbabadero, the beans are placed in
wooden boxes with openings that channel the drip.
Hacienda La Sabaneta (part of Hacienda Monterosa).
Photo by author, August 2009
95 Ramos, Ramos Arrieta, and Azocar Ramos, Manual del Productor de Cacao, 62.
37
can develop fungus during storage. There are two types of processes for drying the beans:
the natural and the artificial. The natural type is done under the sun and the artificial type
is done in ovens. Under the sun, the temperature can reach up to 50° C (122° F) and with
ovens it could reach 65°C (149° F), a process that can distort the enzymatic activity,
affecting the quality. In Venezuela, because of the climate the natural process is used. The
patio is an important element introduced to the colonial architecture to perform this step
on the cacao harvest.96
The beans are laid in the sun in thin layers directly on the floor of the patio. These
floors were originally built with lime and sand, but today they are mainly concrete. It starts
with a few hours of sun exposure in the morning during the first days, gradually extending
the time to a full day (Figure 13). The excess heat can cause acidity to the flavor. The beans
are ready after four and six days. Then the skin will come off easily if is ready, and it should
break easily with low pressure. Every day the cacao is recollected and stored in rooms that
are usually finished with wooden boards to prevent humidity. It should also be protected
Figure 13. The cacao is dry on the patio, few hours of sun exposure in the
morning during the first days, gradually extending the time to a full day. In
the photo is Vicente Fuentes, owner of the Hacienda Torres. Photo by author,
August 2009
96 Ibid., 66-67.
38
from the rain. Some haciendas, mostly the ones located on the Trujillo area in the Andes
region, have railings with roofs that slide on the patios to protect the cacao from the rain.97
Once dry, the beans are stored in sacks of about 50 kilograms (110 lb) and
transported to distribution points. It can last from nine to twelve months. The haciendas
usually do not process the cacao, or extract any product beyond family consumption.
The complex process of harvesting and producing a final product that can be sold is
tedious and requires skilled labor. It is very intense, because there is also a large
component of regular maintenance of the plantation, from cutting weeds, moving the
acequias and small canals to prevent overwatering of the plants, and controlling animals
and disease. The haciendas were the center of life of many towns, from sharecropper to the
housing on site. Up to the 1940 in Choron!, as in many places in the country, the payment
was limited to fichas, an internal currency that was worth something only in the hacienda,
limiting the life of the workers to the site.
Until recently, hacienda life in many towns was the same as a hundred years ago,
except for slavery, and the processes are mostly the same in recent years. Many towns that
were isolated have preserved their traditions. Today we carryon traditions whose origins
are not necessarily known, like the Cruz de Mayo or the celebration of San Juan that were
created as part of the cacao culture in Venezuela. The cacao haciendas carryon with a
historic legacy that started almost 400 years ago. Many traditions that we conserve today
are inherited from the builders of these haciendas: Europeans, Africans and Native
Americans.
All of the historic events discussed in this chapter have, in one way or another,
shaped the hacienda as we know and study today, and reciprocally the hacienda, as a
complex organism has also shaped our cultural landscape, architecture, society, culture,
economy and even political affairs.
The case of Choron!, located in the Aragua State in the central coast of Venezuela, is
a good example of the big changes that Venezuelan culture has endured during the past 500
years. The cacao haciendas have changed ownership, shrunk and/or grown. The
population changed from Native Americans, to Africans, to mestizo; the economical and
cultural values shifted from isolated agricultural community to a popular touristic
destination. This small town has seen all these changes in the past years, and the haciendas
97 Ibid., 66-69.
39
are the elements of the old and out-of-date agricultural system that without a conservation
plan will not survive in the next ten years.
As will be discussed in the next chapters, both the conservation and dissemination
of traditions are necessary to conserve the haciendas. The historic values that these sites
represent have to be understood by the community to recognize the roots and reconstruct
the origins of our traditions; by educating residents as well as the tourist, it is possible to
initiate the conservation of our past.
40
CHAPTER III
SANTA CLARA DE ASIS DE CHORONI: A CACAO TOWN
In the previous chapter, the importance and impact of the hacienda system in
Venezuela was discussed, and its majors impact in the central coastal region of the country,
especially in Choronf, Aragua State. This chapter will resume discussion of the historic
conquest and colonization of the Central Coastal Region, especially Choronf. A general
geographic description of Venezuelan Regions and the Valley of Choroni is presented, in
order to comprehend the changes and attributes of this valley. The impact of the cacao
plantation on Choroni's landscape is an important part of this thesis, and will be also
explained in this chapter, with the analysis of the landscape impact it will introduce the
three case studies used in this project.
HISTORY OF THE SETTLEMENT OF CHORONI, PROVINCE OF CARACAS
Toward the end of the sixteenth century, Lazaro Vasquez was granted an
encomienda in Patanemo (25 miles west from Choroni), from the Guayqueries Indians,
which extended to the Choroni littoral and Maya Valley (15 miles east of Charon!) (Figure
14).98 The daughter of Lazaro Vasquez, Mariana de Rojas, married the Captain Diego de
Ovalle, a Portuguese captain who traveled to the Provincia de Caracas (Province of Caracas).
Lazaro Vasquez gave in dowry 40 Native Americans from his encomienda (they counted
only the ones that could work), located in the valley of Choroni; the new Ovalle's
encomienda was granted by Governor Arias Vaca on March 16, 1602. Later on, because of
legal issues surrounding the encomiendas under Sancho de Alquiza's rule, all encomiendas
were declared vacant. Ovalle reclaimed his encomienda again, and it was then granted to
98 Castillo Lara, Nortemar Arag iiefio, 1:53.
41
him on August 12th , 1610. However only 36 Indians remained to serve as labor for the
plantation.99
/ ..
;00;;,
~ ~.
, .;.,
r . ,,~
1 , ~
("
"
~ .~
-;., 1
-..
,"\ ,,<'
figure 14. Observe Patanemo, Turiamo, Ocumare, and Choron!. Detail of
Political Map of Venezuela. Circa 1840 by Agustin Codazzi. Source: David
Rumsey Map Collection, Cartography Associates, www.davidrumsey.com
In the first months of 1622, many Pueblos de Indios or Cabeceras de DoetrinalOO
(Indian towns) were founded by the Catholic Church on the coast of Venezuela, including
San Francisco de Paula de Choron!. The establishment of these towns included the
construction of a Church building as part of the indoctrination. Although the Franciscans
were working in Choroni before 1600, there is not documentation to prove the exact date
when the first Choroni mission was established.
99 Ibid., 1:54.
100 Because the Native Americans on this area lived separately in remote places, difficult for the priest
to reach, in 1609 the Spanish King order the creation of organized towns in a placed selected by the
clergy and the civil leaders. The church should be in the middle of the settlement and in high places,
with lots of water, trees, and fertile soils for agriculture. The Native Americans were moved to the
places as the convenience of the Encomendero.
42
The Episcopal records of Caracas indicate that Father Diego Francisco Romero had
worked for more than thirty years as a doctrinero on diverse encomiendas, including
Baruta, Antfmano, Caraballeda, Maiquetfa, (today these are cities in Venezuela). Romero
claimed that he was the first priest to enter those conquered lands to catechize the Aycaman
Indigenous or land of Maya, on the encomienda of Antonio Sequera, and also Choronf, on the
encomienda of Captain Diego de Ovalle, indicating that before 1600 the European had
already started to modify Choroni's landscape. By 1694, the town of Choronf was known as
Santa Clara de Asfs de Choronf. The impetus for its establishment and exact date are
unknown, but in 1772 the new name of the town was legally confirmed (Figure 15),101
Figure 15. In photo "A" is the Church of Santa Clara de Asfs in 1895, during one of
the many reconstructions. In photo "B" is the church in August 2009. Photo "A"
from El Cojo Ilustrado, courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de Venezuela, and photo "B"
by autor, August 2009
The encomenderos were not pleased with this intense campaign of settlement
undertaken by the Governor La Hoz Berrfo and the Bishop Fray Gonzalo de Angulo. With
the founding of new Pueblos de Indios or parishes, many encomiendas that did have a
church were banded together to fulfill their Christian requirements of conversion. The
place chosen to build the town was Choronf and the encomiendas close by, including Chuao,
Cepe, and Ocumare had to bring their people to Choronf in order to convert. The opposition
was strong, and the founding of towns stopped, which explains the different settlements
that occurred in other areas compared with Choronf. At this point the other encomiendas
did not have to move their people to Choronf. Their concession was to rotate the priest
doctrinero between the encomiendas in order to reach all Native Americans. While the
101 Castillo Lara, Nortemar Araguefio, 1:62,63,66.
43
haciendas were growing, Ocumare, a very fertile valley, was finally founded as a town;
however, even today Chuao, Cepe and Choron! are part of the same parish and still share
one priest,l°2
As explained in the previous chapter, cacao contributed to create an elite society
because of the great fortune this grove produced. Robert Ferry, in his book The Colonial
Elite ofEarly Caracas, explains that by the seventeenth century in the Provincia de Caracas
(Province of Caracas), Captain Diego de Ovalle was one of the seven most powerful seven
men in the province. "In 1607, the slave factor and six of the town's encomenderos,
including Ovalle, were from Portugal...He [Ovalle] was also a shrewd trader. In 1618 Ovalle
sold one of the first lots of cacao ever to leave the Caracas coast to the Basque merchant
Juan de Ibarra."103 Ovalle found his fortune from an unexplored business that nobody could
imagine would be so profitable.
Ovalle made a good deal of money selling cacao, and he used his wealth to
protect himself from problems that might arise, both because he was
Portuguese and because the cacao business was in its unsettled infancy (...)
However, unlike others of his economic position, he did not acquire
municipal office, and neither he nor his wife owned town property [Houses
in Caracas]. They were permanent residents at Choron!, and it was there
that they made their principal investment: African slaves .. ,lo4
The life and importance of Ovalle is crucial for the development of Choroni, since he
built a foundation that later on attracted many investors into the cacao business. Robert
Ferry describes his wealth by the hacienda house as:
.. .It was a simply furnished, two-story stone structure with a tile roof. (...)
The upstairs rooms contained just the touch of luxury in a style already
common to Caracas cacao exporters (...).
Close by were the other buildings used for maintaining the estate and
preparing cacao for shipment. A substantial wooden storehouse doubled in
the upper loft as a drying shed. Carpentry tools and a forge, both used by
African artisans, were kept in a second structure. The slaves' quarters,
because they represented no value to Ovalle, were not included in the
inventory of his holdings, but the livestock and agricultural implements used
to produce the food to feed them were counted: seven milk cows, a hundred
102 Ibid., 1:66-70.
103 Ferry, The Colonial Elite a/Early Caracas, 55
104 Ibid.
44
head of cattle, six teams of oxen with harnesses, several plows, hoes, and a
variety of other tools filled out the list..,1°S
Ovalle was the encomendero, which means that he did not own the land. When he
realized the importance of this new cacao enterprise, he requested the possession of the
land, and this petition was granted in 1616,106 Diego de Ovalle died in 1658; his wife
Mariana Vasquez de Rojas succeeded him on the encomienda,107 However, because Ovalle
and his wife did not have immediate heirs, their valuable Choroni property was
subsequently inherited by Ovalle's nephew ]uan,108
From Pueblo de Indios to Pueblo Mixto
The priest or doctrinero from the Pueblos de Indios was dedicated exclusively to the
Native American inhabitants from the conquest period up to 1699, when a Real Cedula
dictated the incorporation to the religious masses of the African slaves and whites, as well
as the Native Americans; it was the formal change from Doctrinas to Capellanfas. The amos
or owners of encomiendas and haciendas, and their mayordomos and services, blancos de
orilla or Canarios (white people whose origins where unclear or who were from the Canary
Islands), pardos (mix between white and native Americans), mulatos (mix of African slaves
and native Americans), zambos (mix of African slaves and white) and African slaves were all
served by the same priest Doctrinero who would become the Capel/an. 109
In Choroni, this process eventually transformed the segregated indigenous
community into an open mixed community. The Native Americans were already losing
integrity as a community, as their population decreased from death or dilution of the gene
pool, so that parallel groups formed (mulatos, pardos and zambos). With the integration of
these different communities, their traditions and lifestyles changed and their physiognomy
and even the urban structure were modified. The original town was moved to outside the
Isleta, to the present area ofChoroni, farther south and in a raised area. However, the old
105 Ibid., 55-56.
106 Castillo Lara, Nortemar Aragiiefio, 1:89
107 Ibid., 1:162
108 Ferry, The Colonial Elite ofEarly Caracas, 54,55,297
109 Ibid., 101
45
town, still inhabited by the Native Americans, was slowly becoming an area of mixed
workers. This period, from 1690 to 1700, coincided with the change of the town's name
from San Francisco de Paula de Choroni to Santa Clara de Asis de Choroni. This new name
naturally stemmed from the community's new beginning from the population, with its town
and location.llo
In 1790, the Governor of the Province of Caracas ordered Don Domingo de Sosa, the
Administrator of the Real Hacienda of Choron!, to move the five remaining tributary Native
American individuals to Turmero, an inland town. With this sentence, there was no need
for any Indigenous government on site or Cabi/do de Indios, who had been fighting for their
rights and lands for over 200 years. This decision abruptly ended indigenous life in
Choroni. It was no longer a Pueblo de Indios. With this governmental disposition, a vast
world of unnamed and unknown (to us now) culture and history sheltered in the Valley of
Choroni was terminated. Their genes are still in the blood of the locals, but many traditions
and culture have been, maybe, erased from our memory or blend with the African and
European traditions. The disappearance of the Native Americans from the governmental
power, as well as from the documents for the eighteenth century, makes it difficult to
identify their heritage from the other cultures that affected the landscape. This act also
contributed to bringing more African slaves to Choroni, and with a stronger justification
regarding the lack of workers to labor in the haciendas.lli
Revolutionary Winds in Choroni
The 18th century was a prosperous time for Choroni, which became a very important
town in the cacao industry. Some of the most powerful men in the Province of Caracas had
their haciendas there, including Jose Felix Sosa, son of Domingo Sosa, who would go on to
sign the Act of Independence. However, as much as Choroni attracted these powerful
figures, it also attracted the less desirable element, namely the Dutch from Curac;ao.
Not only were the Dutch interested in these coastal towns. The British also intended
to take over many of these towns during early 1800s. On January 26,1800, two British
frigates with one schooner started a fire in the town. With a small trench and one small
110 Ibid., 103.
111 Ibid., 160-161
46
cannon, the hacendados, slaves and the men from the town, awaited the enemy at the beach.
They approached with four boats and a small boat to the mouth of the river, and when they
put ashore, rocks and fusils were fired from the mountain. They backed away, but tried
again through the mouth of the other branch, the Tipire, but they encountered fire again.
Two British were wounded or dead, but no one in Charon! was seriously injured. However,
because the fire lasted for three and a half hours, many houses and cacao groves were
damaged. The British retreated but tried again in many other towns that appeared to be
easy targets because they lacked military constructions.1l2
After independent movements started in the late 1700s, the country was further
disrupted when the Declaration of Independence was passed in April 19th, 1810. The
Spanish crown started the persecutions, and many hacendados from Charon! were affected
by this, mainly by the takeover of properties that were owned by the patriots,113
Besides these actions, there was not much revolutionary activity in town, due to the
distance from Caracas and the inland areas. However, in 1816 the patriotic movement
passed through Choronf. Simon Bolivar, EI Libertador (The Liberator) arrived to Ocumare,
the closest important cacao town west of Charon!, on July, 6th 1816. From there Bolivar sent
the Commandant Judas Tadeo Pifiango and a group of officials without troops to Charon!,
with the mission to recruit more troops, cross the mountains, and take over Maracay or
Turmero. They succeeded in their mission. However, on July 14th the independence
movement lost a battle in Ocumare, and had to retreat quickly, barely escaping. In the
confusion Bolivar and his officials rashly decided to start an operation in Choronf, and
through the Aragua valleys they would reach the southern plains or Los Llanos, to meet the
revolutionary army that was waiting for them. But, all this territory was mostly realistas
(Spaniard Viceroy Army). Pifiango and General Gregor MacGregor,114 were the leaders of
this strategy, commanding 700 men to Choroni. They accomplished their mission and for a
112 Ibid., 194.
113 Ibid., 205
114 Gregor MacGregor (December 24, 1786 - December 3, 1845) was Scottish soldier, adventurer and
colonizer who fougth in South American independence. In 1803 he initiated his military career. He
was attracted by the independent movements in America, especially in Venezuela where he arrived
in 1811. By 1812 MacGregor was already an assistant to General Francisco de Miranda. He married
Josefa Antonia Lovera, Simon Bolivar's cousin.
47
short period of time Charon! was a Patriot Headquarters. On July 18th, the troops reached
the Cumbre and began their trip to Maracay.l15
Bolivar embarked from Ocumare at the last minute and encountered his
adversaries. After recovering part of the armament, Bolivar finally arrived in Charon! on
July 19th• However, MacGregor had already been gone for two days, and now the realistas
occupied the valley. Bolivar had to leave to Chuao with his people to get the news from the
patriot movement.116
Even though it was a short stay in Choronl, these days must have transformed the
town, having militaries all around, and probably dividing the town in the support of the
revolutionary cause and against it. There are not written records of these days, but a couple
of distinguished young men from Charon! continued the journey with them and got close to
Bolivar. Sadly, after the fall of the Republic in the 1830s, these men were persecuted, and
their properties confiscated, and some were even executed.117
With the terrible conflagration of the War of Independence, the economy of the
country was in disarray and the cacao production in the coastal Aragua valleys diminished.
As years passed, some improvement occurred, however, civil wars arose all over the
country and continued to affect the economy. In Choronl, a modest increase of the
population continued into the late nineteenth century.l1S
In terms of the economy, the cacao haciendas were reestablished and increased in
number. Also during the nineteenth century coffee was introduced to the market, and
quickly cultivated in the Aragua valleys. The out-of-fashion and embattled slave workforce
was freed and paid for their work,119 The freedom of the slaves affected many families who
could not afford to pay for them and they subsequently lost their haciendas. In Choronl,
115 Castillo Lara, Nortemar Aragiiefio, 1:206,207.
116 Ibid., 1:207, 208
117 Ibid., 1:208
118 Ibid., 1:239
119 The slavery is abolished first with Simon Bolivar in 1810, however this decision was not
consolidated until March 24th, 1854 with President Jose Tadeo Monagas who promulgate a Law to
abolished the slavery.
48
many haciendas that started to cultivate both, cacao and coffee, added patios and rooms to
accommodate both products.12O
The Growth of Choroni
In 1720, Don Pedro Jose de Olavarriaga traveled through the Province of Caracas by
orders from the Viceroy of New Grenade Don Jorge de Villalonga. During his travel,
Olavarriaga stopped in Choron! and recorded the number of haciendas, their production,
and the population and described the valley (Figure 16). This record is an excellent source
for gaining insight into some aspects of colonial life during the 18th century. Olavarriaga
indicated that the following haciendas existed in Choron! (Table 2).
Hacien.das Number of trees Fallegas
Los Lopez 9,000 90
EI Padre Doctrinero Ignacio VaSqUez de la Cruz 5,000 50
Dona Micaela de Ovalle and other four (4) amos 6,000 60
Payare, of Nicolas Gama 5,000 50
El Conuco Grande, of the Ovalle 6,000 60
El Casino ralso El Casibo), of Don Simon Coupar 14,000 140
Los Ovalle 26,000 260
La Isleta of Dona Catalina de la Torre 4,000 40
Don Simon Millan 5,000 50
Some conucos of the Indians 5,000 50
Total 85,000 850
Table 2. Data from Don Pedro Jose de Olavarriaga visit to Choron! in 1720.
Data published by Mario Briceno Perozo in Instrucci6n General y Particular del
Estado Presente de la Provincia de Venezuela en los Anos de 1720 y 1721.121
These numbers make it possible to document the rapid growth ofthe haciendas and
the large plantation of cacao trees found in this area, only 100 years after the foundation of
Choronf. The Ovalles were still an important family with three large haciendas.
In 1760, the priest Manuel Joseph Montenegro did a census of the population,
counting the houses, general location, number of people, number of slaves (if any) ,and the
tributary Native Americans (the tributaries where the Native Americans that could work,
usually young men and women). Montenegro counted a total of 1,384 inhabitants of
120 Castillo Lara, Nortemar Aragiiefio, 1:240.
121 Pedro Olavarriaga, lnstruccion Generaly Particular del Estado Presente de la Provincia de Venezuela
en los Afios de 1720y 1721., ed. Mario Briceno Peraza, 1st ed., Fuentes para la Historia Colonial de
Venezuela 76 (Caracas: Academia Nacional de la Historia, 1965), 230
49
Choron!. The areas mentioned in the census included Payare, Casivo 0 Casino, among
others. l22
~-
t ""i
~ Z' '~f' - t. 0"'~--v~
0 /' t \~ /'/'
Figure 16. Plan de la Costa Maritima de la Provincia de Venezuela desde el puerto de
Macuto hasta la punta de los Flamencos (Plan of the Maritime coast of the Province of
Venezuela from the port ofMacuto to the Flamencos) by the Engineer Juan Amador
Courten for Pedro Jose de Olavarriaga. 1720-1721. Source by Mario Briceno Peroza in
Instruccion Generaly Particular del Estado Presente de la Provincia de Venezuela en los Anos
de 1720y 1721
Bishop Mariano Marti initiated his activities as bishop in 1770, and in 1772 he
started a journey to each town of the Dioceses of Caracas. This journey would last twelve
years. In December 30, 1772, Bishop Marti arrived in Choroni, and stayed for a week.
122 Castillo Lara, Nortemar Arag iiefio, 1: 171.
50
During his visit, Marti completed a census of the local population and found a total of 1,541
people living in this area, as shown in Table 3 below,123
In 1790, another census was conducted in Choroni by Priest Joseph Antonio Sabino
Gomes. This census is similar to Montenegro's breakdown by houses and areas. The
locations mentioned are EI Pueblo (the town of Choron!), EI Portete, La Isla, Playa Grande,
Barrio Colorado, EI Casibo (Casivo or Casino), among others. Unfortunately, one folio of this
census is missing and the total population is unknown. Nevertheless, for the purpose of this
study, this survey is important because it not only mentions the family names, but also the
names of the areas, which are still the haciendas' names today. During the end of the 18th
century, other surveys were done in Choroni. Don Francisco Saavedra counted 51 houses
and 1332 inhabitants, including 201 whites, six free Indians, 82 tributary Indians, 751 free
people of color and 292 slaves working in 22 haciendas,124
Population Groups Number of Houses
Native Americans living in the town 12
Native Americans living outside the town 6
Spaniards and other mix groups living in the town 144
Total Houses 311
Table 3. Survey prepared by Bishop Mariano Marti, during his visit to Choroni
in 1772. Source: Data from Luis G. Castillo Lara in Nortemar Araguefio
Another important census was recorded during this period, and although the
specific date is not given, it is assured to be conducted near the end of the 18th century. The
surveyor, Licenciado Manuel Jacinto de Sosa, listed the names of the haciendas, owners,
mayordomo (if any), and the number of slaves. This information is important to determine
the history of the haciendas, and their origins. The haciendas covered in this study are
mentioned in this survey: Casibo, Isleta, Santa Polonia, Sabaneta, Torres, Playa Grande,
among others that were not case studies, but were known to be haciendas up until the end
of the 20th century, like Payare, Santa Clara, La Soledad, La Aljorra, San Antonio, La
Rinconada, Santa Barbara, among others (Table 4).125
123 Ibid., 1:153.
124 Ibid., 1:171-179
125 Ibid" 1:181-183
51
Hacienda Name Plantation Owner a.nd/or Mayordomo Number ofSlaves
Casivo Cacao and Dona Catalina Perez 61
SU.Clar cane
Isleta Cacao Don Domin.qo Sosa 2
El Nispero Cacao D. Nicolas Gracia 2
Payare Cacao Dr. Fuentes Inheritors, and Mayordomo D. 3
Joseph Manuel Garcia
Nuestra Senora Del Cacao Onetto Basurto 1
Carmen
Santa Clara Cacao Francisco Simancas 0
Las Animas Cacao Juan Josef Valles 0
San Antonio Cacao Luis Gomez 0
Santa Polonia Cacao D. josefMaria Garcia 8
El Santisimo Cacao Dona Vicenta y Dona Soledad Garcia 7
La Soledad Cacao D. Diego Garcia 1
La Aljorra Cacao D. Bruno Perdomo and Mayordomo Josef 14
Antonio Rodriguez
Sabaneta Cacao juan josefde Ochoa 5
San Antonio Cacao D. Juan Antonio Hernandez 6
La Escorzonera Cacao Vicente Becerra -
La Rinconada Cacao Don Josef Antonio Rodriguez 7
Nuestra Senora Del Cacao D. Josef del Rosario Roldan 4
Carmen
Torres Cacao Dr. Fuentes Inheritors, and Mayordomo 7
D. Nicolcls Garcia
El Carmen Cacao Licenciado Josef Miguel Sosa and siblings, 31
Mayordomo Juan Antonio Coro
Jesus Nazareno Cacao D. Rafael Rodriguez 9
San Josef Cacao Dona Manuela Pedrosa 2
Chimine Cacao D. Ignacio Eizaguirre 28
Nuestra Senora De Cacao D. Josef Calderin 10
Candelaria
Playa Grande Cacao D. Antonio Gonzalez and D. josefCalderin 9
La Isla Cacao Antonio de Ovalle 6
Nuestra Senora Del Cacao Candelaria Caro 11
Carmen
Santa Barbara Cacao Bartolome Garcia -
Note 1: Besides the haciendas induded in this~urvey are also urlesof eswith N
owners that because the smalloornber of cacao trees and do no slaves eomitted
survey.
Note ~; Th~ qaciendas used as case studies in this thes:is are highlighted in Bold and Italic.
Ta.ble 4. Surveyed by Licenciado Manuel Jacinto de Sosa. Source: Data from Luis
Guillermo Castillo Lara in Nortermar Araguefio)
By 1833, when Choroni included 2,279 inhabitants, the town was part ofthe Canton
Maracay. In 1849 Puerto Colombia or simply Colombia, was elevated to a parish, with its
52
village formed around the port and its vicinities. During the same time, it was also declared
a port for commerce with a customhouse. It was to serve as port of Maracay and the Aragua
Valleys, and a road was going to be built to connect Maracay and Choronl, however this
project was never completed due to lack of funds. In 1873, the independent Department of
Choroni with the Districts of Choronl and Colombia were created. 126
In 1875, when Miguel Tejera visited Choroni, there were 677 houses with 3,460
inhabitants. He was enchanted with the town and wrote that the village of Choroni was:
...built a short distance from the seashore in a delicious valley flaunting the
most rich and widest variety of vegetation. From the port to the city, the
area traveled is a precious garden, where there is nothing that cannot invite
men to delight in the contemplation of the beautiful countryside. The river
meandering, murmuring between the rocks; a green carpet covers the
banks; and the dense vegetation of the houses and properties that extend on
the margin, invite in this way to live and to enjoy all the beauty that life can
offer.
The original quote in Spanish reads:
...Esta villa se halla construida a muy poca distancia de la costa del mar en
un valle delicioso donde se ostenta la mas rica y variada vegetacian. Del
puerto a la ciudad, el trayecto que se recorre es un precioso jardin, en que
nada hay que no convide al hombre a deleitarse en la contemplacian de las
bellezas naturales. El rio que serpentea, murmurando entre las piedras; la
verde alfombra que cubre sus orillas; y la tupida vegetacian de las quintas y
propiedades que a sus margenes se extienden, convidan de esa manera a
vivir alIi gozando de todas las delicias que puede ofrecer la vida. 127
Also during 1875, Choroni contained 32 cacao haciendas, 26 coffee haciendas and 3
for sugar cane. It produced 127,564 kilos of cacao and 11,820 kilos of coffee. The other
areas mentioned in the Choroni District vicinity included: Bella Vista, Cumbe, El Carmen,
Sitio Cajima, Campo Alegre, Casibo Abajo, Sitio El Coral, Sitio Ceciba, Chuponal, Sitio El
Placer, Payare, Rinconada Abajo, Rinconada, Santa Barbara, Sitio La Soledad, Sitio Torres,
Sitio Tesoro and Morundo, Uraca, Izaguirre (Eizaguirre); and in Colombia District are:
Chuao, Cepe, El Portete, Tujica, Valle Santa Rosa (Playa Grande) and Valle de Aroa. l2B
126 Ibid., 1:240.
127 Miguel Tejera, Venezuela Pintoresca eIlustrada: Relaci6n Hist6rica (Desde el Descubrimiento de la
America hasta 1870.] Geograjica, Estadfstica, Comercial eIndustrial Usos Costumbresy Literatura
(Paris: Librerfa Espanola de E.Denne Schmitz, 1875), 347
53
Almost a century later in 1961, Choroni produced 270,700 coffee trees, planted on
152 hectares and only 91 were producing coffee: 22,488 kilos. There was also an important
coconut production of 8,137 trees and about 400,000 units. By 1980, coconut production
was the largest. However, the production was reduced due to an increased use of the Playa
Grande beach by tourists and the improper use ofthe trees, including abuses from the local
government who cut down trees to allow vehicles at the shore. In 2010, the plantation is
being restored only in Playa Grande, while Tipire, the former El Portete hacienda
abandoned the agricultural production completely for housing and hotels,129
Twentieth Century: Decline ofAgriculture and Rise of Tourism
Choroni witnessed many changes during the twentieth century, more than this town
had seen in the prior 300 years of its history. During the first three decades of the twentieth
century, Venezuela was under the military regime ofJuan Vicente Gomez (24 July 1857 - 17
December 1935), who ruled the country from 1908 to 1935. During this period, Gomez
lived in Maracay, even though the capital of the country was Caracas. From there he bought
many haciendas across the country including Choroni, becoming the richest man in
Venezuela,13o
In 1934 in Choroni Gomez acquired the following properties from Jose Antonio
Hernandez Maitin, Miguel Adolfo Gordils, among others (Figure 17):
• Hacienda Playa Grande
• Hacienda Uraca
• Hacienda La Trinidad or Izaguirre (Eizaguirre)
• Hacienda EI Rosario or La Pantojera
• Hacienda Campos Elfseos or La Gonzalera
• Hacienda Santa Rosa
• Hacienda Torres
• Hacienda EI Pensamiento
128 Castillo Lara, Nortemar Aragiieiio, 1:240,241
129 Pedro Modesto Bolivar B., Apuntes Geo-Historicos de Choron!; en sus 370 aiios de Fundado,
Colecci6n Pembol No. 12 (Maracay, Venezuela: Concejo del Municipio Girardot, 1992),43-44
130 Ibid., 63
~,.
f
l'
.j-
.'
Figure 17. Plan of Choron! included in the deeds of the properties that were bought
by Juan Vicente Gomez. Dated August 8, 1934. Map courtesy of Rosa Haydee
Machado Segovia
54
55
• Hacienda and house La Colonia
• Hacienda Payares
• Hacienda La Escorzonera 0 Romerito
• Hacienda Tremaria
• Hacienda Valle de Aroa
• A cacao grove located in Puerto Colombia
• Potrero (pasture) La Laguna
• Five houses in Choroni
• The house Quinta Villa Emilia 131
Gomez died in December 1935, without getting to enjoy these properties. After his
death, all of his properties were passed to the nation through a Confiscatory Agreement.
Most of these haciendas were sold, and offered first to people who were politically affected
by the regime as an apology from the new government, as with the Hacienda Playa Grande,
bought by Don Pedro Miguel Machado Rodriguez in 1940; and the Hacienda Torres by
Vicente Fuentes in 1942.132
Under Gomez's government, many new roads were built to connect Maracay to the
coastal towns ofTuriamo, Ocumare de la Costa, Choroni, and Puerto Colombia. The
anticipated projects for these towns were to build modern seaside resorts and luxury
tourist hotels. However, Henry Pittier informed the government and the scientific
community of the time about the importance of conserving the natural environment by
protecting springs, flora, and fauna, so only the roads that are still in use today were built.
In 1937, under the presidency of Eleazar Lopez Contreras, after Gomez's death, a National
Park was founded. 133 The Choroni-Maracay road is the main access by land to ChoronL It
was paved in 1976. In addition, in the last thirty years, the number of haciendas has
decreased because of the increased demand for hotels and housing.
131 Ibid., 64.
132 Ibid.
133 Hector Herrera H., "Propuesta en apoyo ala sostenibilidad de la biodiversidad del
Parque Nacional Henri Pittier," Papeles de Fundacite Aragua, September 2003,
http://www.fundacite-aragua.gob.ve/archivosjpdfjp.Lproyectohenripittier_'pdf (accessed
December 22,2009)
56
Choroni has been occupied for thousands ofyears, and in the last 400 years
Europeans were enchanted by the beautiful landscape and the mystery ofthe valley.
However, as humans we have not been able to accept the landscape as it is, we have to
modify it even as marvelous as it may be. The town is located in a country full of diversity
that built itself upon agriculture and then became a world leader of oil production. To
understand the nature of this town, the geography is as important as the history.
VENEZUELA AND ITS GEOGRAPHIC REGIONS
Venezuela is located north ofthe equator, on the northern coast of South America.
(Figure 18). The coast along the north by the Caribbean Sea extends 2,813 Km (1,748
miles); the south borders the Republic of Brazil with 2,000 Km of frontier (1,243 miles); to
the east along the Atlantic Ocean and the Republic of Guyana, the border is 743 Km (462
miles); and to the west there is the Republic of Colombia with a frontier of 2,050 km (1,274
miles). Venezuela embraces about 18% of the South American continental area, with a total
of 916,445 square kilometers and a land area of 882,050 square kilometers (344,551 square
miles). This is about twice the size of California,134
Venezuela is a diverse country, not only in its mestizo people, but even more so in its
geography. Throughout the territory, one may find deserts with dunes in the Falcon area,
large lakes like Maracaibo or Valencia, and even the snowcapped Andes. The impressive
Amazonia extends through most of the country. Meanwhile the largest cities are located
along the coast, with view of nearby mountains and refreshed by the easterly winds that
make Venezuela an ideal site. This territory does not have any volcanoes, nor do hurricanes
ever reach the coasts because they change their course when they hit the Caribbean islands.
This privileged geographic situation was recognized by the Spaniards when they founded
their cities. The only difficulties they found were earthquakes that hit the country every
hundred years or so, which prevented them from building structures higher than two
stories. Other than this disadvantage, the territory was perfect for agriculture, with
excellent soil and weather that can be adapted to diverse products.
134 Centro Nacional de Tecnologfas de Informacion, "Regiones GeogrMicas," Official, Gobierno en
Linea. n.d., http:j jwww.gobiernoenlinea.vejvenezuelajperfitgeografia3.html (accessed December
17,2009).
57
Geographically, Venezuela is divided into five major regions (Figure 19):
• Northwest with the Maracaibo Basin or lowlands
• South Central region of Los Llanos, the wide Orinoco plains
• Southeastern Amazonian area with its highly dissected Guayana region
(Guyana highlands)
• Southwestern region of Los Andes
• North Central Coastal area - where this study area is located.
The Basin of Maracaibo Lake is located in the Northeastern part of Venezuela,
forming an angle between the Cordillera of Perija and Cordillera of Merida. It extends about
':,JI', 11'
Fort.t!l;''t{ (till
fIance
~NIIIIC!,·...Ca$trills
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kingstown
.... =
BRAZIL·
r II .. ,;
"'.~
t. HI'
(.d/,bbf;,)O ,.../
r"I~
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Or,m~du
;\,•.t.
Venezuela
-- 111:..:'.....liCNll"Alt:r-.:.LYy
--- 51'10" ':.'ll»ur..ury
* N.l 1••II~1 I
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Figure 18. Topographic map of Venezuela, 1993. Source: Perry-
Castaneda Library, Map Collection. www.lib.utexas.edu
58
52,000 square kilometers. It is mainly flat with two main regions, one with good drainage
and little rain on low hills, no higher than 100 meters (328 feet); and a second region that is
muddy with bad drainage, humid and rainy. On the eastern side of the Basin is the main oil
production area of the country. The Guajira area is located in the northwest of this region
and is shared with the Republic of Colombia, and is the strongest (as a community) Native
American community in the country. Their traditions have survived to the present day, and
are now well integrated into the Spanish culture.13s
CO;J~tal Range
_ We5t
_I he Andes
IThe Plain,
Figure 19. Natural regions of Venezuelan: Coastal Range, West (Maracaibo
Basin), the Andes, Los Llanos (the plains) and Guayana. Source: www.fao.org
Los Llanos is a large plain, located in the southern central region, at an elevation of
200 to 500 meters above sea level (656 to 1,640 feet). It covers 25% of Venezuela
extending 1,300 Km (808 miles)136 from the mouth of the Orinoco River137 in the east, to the
Andes to the west. In this huge area, there are large deposits of petroleum.
135 Ibid.
136 Ibid.
59
As was explained in the previous chapter, hatos (cattle ranches) are located in this
area. Because of the minimal amount of work required for raising cattle compared with
running the haciendas on the coast, there was no need to bring African slaves to the region.
This created a different kind of culture. The music and dances in the area are very similar to
Spain, with arpa, cuatro and maraca138 (harp, kind of guitar and rumba shakers) as
instruments.
Guayana or Macizo Guayanes is located to the southeast; occupying the Bolivar and
Amazonas States with an area of 423,000 square kilometers, which is about 45% of
Venezuela. The oldest geological formations in the world are located in this region. On the
Southeastern edge, the physiology is characterized by impressive, high plateaus or tepuis
that reach 2,275 meters high (7,464 feet). At the northern end of the region, there is the
open range or sabanas, with diverse vegetation. The most important mining resources are
located in this region, mainly iron and bauxite. The Guri dam was built here on the Caroni
River, and powers most of the country. The largest waterfall in the world, Angel Falls
(indigenous name is Parakupavena) is also located in this region. Because of the large trade
with British Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago, there are some groups whose language is a
mix between Spanish and English. Also, the local culture has been largely influence by
African slaves mixing with the large native population that is still located in this area. The
southern part is set aside for conservation as a national park and also contains a reservoir
for Native American inhabitants; most of the aboriginous population of the country is
located in this area.139
Los Andes is a mountain system with the highest peaks in the country. They are an
extension of the Colombian Andes, which forks at Pamplona, Colombia into two ranges: the
137 The Orinoco River is one of the longest South America at 2,140 km, (1,330 miles). Its drainage
basin, sometimes called the Orinoquia, covers 880,000 km2, 76.3% in Venezuela with the rest in
Colombia. The Orinoco and its tributaries are a major transportation system for the Llanos in
Venezuela and the Llanos of Colombia.
138 The cuatro is smaller than a guitar. Cuatro means four in Spanish, although current instruments
may have more than four strings. The maracas are a native instrument of Puerto Rico, Cuba,
Venezuela, Guatemala and several nations of the Caribbean and Latin America. They are simple
percussion instruments (idiophones), usually played in pairs, consisting of a dried totumo 0 taparo
(Cresentia cujete) filled with seeds or dried beans. They may also be made of leather, wood, or
plastic.
139 Centro Nacional de Tecnologias de Informacion, Regiones Geograficas
60
Cordillera of Perija and the Cordillera of Merida, better known as the Venezuelan Andes.
This range runs from the Tochira State on the southwestern extreme of the country, passing
through Merida, Barinas, Trujillo, Portuguesa and ending in the Lara State in the north
central area. There are five glaciers, and the snow covers the mountains above 4,200
meters, and sometimes as low as 3,800 meters. The highest peak is Pico Bolfvar at 5,007
meters. In chapter II, this region was referred to as perfect for coffee plantation because of
the area's climate.140
The Coastal Range is located on the Central Coastal area, a northeastern extension of
the Andes Mountains also known as the Maritime Andes. These mountains make up only
about 3% of Venezuela; however, they contain the highest density of population. This range
runs parallel to the Caribbean Sea for 870 km (540 miles) and varies from 10 to 80 km wide
(6.2 to 50 miles) with elevations of 600 to 2,675 meters (1,970 to 8,775 feet). It extends
from the Lara State to the west, to the Paria and Araya Peninsula to the east, with only one
important interruption: the Unare depression, dividing the range in two: the central and
eastern system.l41
The coastal range consists of two parallel ranges, running east and west along the
coast of the Caribbean Sea: the range of the littoral, and the inland. "Between this chain and
the inland range lies the garden of Venezuela, the valley of Aragua, one of the most beautiful
in South America. At its western edge is the famous lake Valencia, 1410 feet above sea level.
Its estimated area is 220 square miles."14z Caracas is located in the highest inland section,
about 1,000 meters above sea level (3,280 feet). The highest altitude in the littoral range is
at Pico Naiguato at 2,765 meters (feet) and Pico Turimiquire at 2,595 meters (feet) in the
inland range. There are three important cities in the interior valleys of the Central Coastal
area: Caracas, Valencia and Maracay.l43
140 Ibid.
141 Ibid.
142 George Earl Church, "South America: An Outline of Its Physical Geography," The Geographical
Journal 17, no. 4 (April 1901): 333-406, http://www.jstor.org/stable/177SSS0 (accessed December
19,2009)
143 Centro Nacional de Tecnologias de Informacion, "Regiones Geogrcificas."
61
The Aragua State
Choronf is located in the Aragua State within the Central Coastal region. Aragua has
llanos (plains), jungles, and a large littoral area of about 7,014 square kilometers (2,708
square miles). It ends at the Caribbean Sea to the north; the Capital District and the
Miranda State to the east; the Guarico State to the south and the Carabobo state to the west.
The state's climate is tropical with the inland portion receiving more rain than the coast.
The Aragua River Valley in this state produces a variety of agricultural products, mainly
sugarcane in the inland portion, although potatoes are also an important crop. Other
important crops include cacao, coffee, cotton, corn, rice, and tobacco. In the southern part
of the state, where the llanos are located, there are large hato dedicated to cattle raising.
The state's industrial development (including cereal companies, toys, furniture, and cement
plants, among others) has also been an important part of the economy, especially in and
around Maracay, the capital,144
Maracay has played an important role in the Venezuelan economy, as well as in
politics (as the home to the Air Force). Most of its recent development is related to this
military influence. During the colonial period, Maracay was also a large producer of Indigo,
sugar cane and corn.
This valley is flat and has an annual rainfall of 800 mm. The rainy season starts in
May and extends to October, with a dry period from November to April. The annual average
temperature is 24.6°C (76.28°F), with an average high of32.1°C (89.7°F), and average low
of18.3°C (65°F).145
In order to access Choronf by land, it is necessary to drive through Maracay. The
Castano area, today one of the most expensive locations in Maracay, is at the skirt of the
mountains that access Choronf. Las Cocuizas Park, with hot springs and beautiful scenic
views, is the entrance to the road to the Henri Pittier National Park, which leads to Choronf.
Many have travelled these roads, and most have been impressed by the landscape and the
144 Encyclop~diaBritannica, "Aragua," Britannica Online Encyclopedia, 2009,
http:j jwww.britannica.comjEBcheckedjtopicj31938jAragua (accessed December 20,2009).
145 Douglas Sucre, "Delimitaci6n de Areas Ecogeograficas del Estado Aragua," Papeles de Fundacite
Aragua, March 2003, 30
62
vast diversity ofAragua. Alexander Von Humboldt stayed in Maracay between 1799-1804
and described the trails to Choron! and the coastal area (Figure 20):
( ...) To the North ofTurmero, a granitic summit rises in the Cordillera of the
coast [The Chuao valley], form the top of which we discern at the same time
the sea and the lake of Valencia. Crossing this rocky ridge, which runs
toward the west farther than the eye can reach, paths somewhat difficult
lead to the rich plantations of cacao on the coast, [and] to Choron!, Turiamo,
and Ocumare, [both] noted alike for the fertility of the soil and the
insalubrities of their climate.. ,146
I
Figure 20. Detail of Aragua State Map, note Puerto Colombia and
Maracay, with the topography indicated in colors, as red the highest
point and green the lowest. Source: http://eshuar.tripod.com
The littoral area is defined by the mountain range. This impressive landscape
contains diverse vegetation, fauna, and soils. To protect this historic landscape, the first
national park in Venezuela was created in 1937, and originally named Rancho Grande. This
national park changed its name in 1953 to Henri Pittier National Park, in honor of the Swiss
146 Alexander von Humboldt and Aime Bonpland, Personal narrative oftravels to the equinoctial
regions of the new continent during the years 1799-1804, trans. Helen Maria Williams (London:
Longman, Hurst, Rees, Grme, and Brown, 1827), 115.
63
geographer and botanist who helped to create it. With an extension of 107,633 Hectares
(266.3 acres), it is located between two states, Aragua and Carabobo, in the Coastal Range.
It is a reservoir of great biodiversity, with endemic species of high scientific value. There
are more than 578 species of birds, representing 43% of all Venezuelan birds, and 6.5% of
the world's bird species; more than can be found in Europe. There are also about 22
endemic species of fauna. The diverse vegetation exists because of the different
environments there including semi-deciduous forest, humid tropical forest, deciduous
forest, sabana, mangrove forest, arid vegetation, and many water resources,147
Two roads traverse this National Park. Both start in Maracay and pass through the
mountains to the Caribbean Sea. One leads to Ocumare de la Costa to the west, and the
other connects to Choron! to the east. There are no roads parallel to the Caribbean Sea that
connect at sea level; they are all "one-way" roads, because they only go inland from the
coast and back again. Consequently, there are no connections by land, only by walking or
Janchas or boats to other nearby towns like Chuao, Uricao, Cepe, Valle Seco, Aroa, etc.
The road to Choron! starts at the base of the mountain on the Cocuizas Park and
crosses to the Henri Pittier National Park, to a hidden paradise on the other side. Choron! is
not only beautiful to locals, but also for many tourists that have come only to visit but then
stayed for the rest of their lives. There are many places to explore in the mountains, forests,
arid areas, beaches, and urban life. The mountain in Choron! reaches 1,130 meters (3,707
feet) at the La Cumbre summit, with temperatures that can reach 6-12 °C (42.8 -53.6 OF).
This road to Choron! was built between 1920 and 1935, ordered by President Genera] Juan
Vicente Gomez, a dictator who, at the time, bought many haciendas and houses in the area,
as explained above.148 The workers used to build the road were political prisoners. The
year the road was finished and everything was ready to receive him, Gomez died and never
visited Choroni.
Journey to the Valley of Choroni
Access to Choron! is by boat from La Guaira, Ocumare, or Puerto Cabello, or by
automobile along the 52 km (33 miles) Choron!-Maracay road that meanders over the
147 Herrera H., "Propuesta en apoyo a la sostenibilidad de la biodiversidad del
Parque Nacional Henri Pittier," 1-2
148 Bolivar 8., Apuntes Geo-Historicos de Choroni, 65
64
mountain, to reach Choroni requires almost two hours by vehicle. This dangerous but
paradisiacal road was built between 1920 and 1935, and paved and widened to
accommodate more cars in 1976 as a response to request of the community. Choroni is a
Foreign Municipality 149within the Girardot Municipality that comprises Maracay and is
located at longitude West 67° 36' 35" and latitude North 10° 30' OS". The boundaries of
Choroni are North to the Caribbean Sea; East to Santiago Marino Municipality; South to the
peak of Palmarito, along the crest Fila Alta to the Chimborazo hill; West to Ocumare de la
Costa de Oro Municipality (Figure 20).150
At higher elevations, the weather gradually changes from very hot at Maracay to a
cooler and humid forest climate. Upon reaching the Cumbre, the highest point on the road,
in the afternoon it is common to find fog that strikingly embellishes the landscape. The
heavy traffic on this road has kept animal wildlife far from it; however, at times Araguatos
(large reddish monkeys) can be seen in the trees (Figure 21-A). The geography in this area
is dominated by the basin of the Choroni River, which runs south to north. On the shore of
the sea the valley opens up to high mountains, and is embellished by the dense foliage of
massive trees. The many slopes formed by the mountainous region create micro-valleys
with dense populations in villages and towns. l5l Choroni, like most of the Northern coastal
region towns, is influenced by the east winds or vientos alisios, which are constant in
direction, but variable in intensity, especially during summer, and are located in the tropic
around the 30-35° of altitude.152
In the upper area of the valley, the river is named Rio Grande del Medio (Grand
River of the Middle) and receives its water from the upper crest. In this area, the Selva
Nublada or the Foggy Rainforest is found (Figure 21-B), also named by the naturalists,
"ombr6fila", meaning always green and dense, with an annual average temperature of 18°C
149 Foreign Municipality or Municipio Foraneo is the term given to Municipalities in Venezuela that
are part of a municipality that can potentially become autonomous in the future.
150 Bolivar 8., Apuntes Geo-Hist6ricos de Choronf, 58-60
151 Ibid.) 60
152 Sucre, "Delimitacion de Areas Ecogeograficas," 10
65
(64.4°F). Where the altitude is higher than 2,000 meters, the temperature is below 15°C
(59°F). The annual rainfall at the crest Fila Alta can reach 1,800 mm. 1S3
Past the Cumbre, as elevation decreases, the road continues downward, the fog
disappears quickly and the slope increases. About twenty minutes later by car, the first
settlements become visible, and people start to appear along with small houses and fruits
stores with churches, and schools. Romerito is the first village, with houses surrounding the
road; construction here is almost non-stop until the coast. The villages and hamlets located
along the road have taken the names of the old haciendas that once produced cacao, coffee,
sugar cane, among others: Romerito, Tremaria, La Esmeralda, Uraca, Paraparo, El Charal,
Los Cerritos, La Planta, El Mam6n, La Soledad, La Lorna and the most recent villages created
are El Parnaso, El Cumbe, Santa Barbara, Santa Clara, and El Portete.
Figure 21. Road Choronf-Maracay. In photo "A" are the Araguatos in Choronf-
Maracay road. In photo "B" is the Selva Nublada or the Foggy Rainforest. Photo "A"
by Elofsa Fuenmayor Machado, and photo "B" by Laura Fuenmayor Machado
The Choronf River and its tributaries must be crossed many times along this road.
To the north, in the lower part of the valley near the beach, are towns of Choronf and Puerto
Colombia, where the weather and vegetation change completely. This area is a tropical dry
forest with an average annual temperature of 26-28°C (78.8 - 82.4°F), and average annual
precipitation of 795.2 mm with extreme rains dumping 82 to 92 mm in three hours. There
153 Bolivar B., Apuntes Geo-Historicos de Choron!, 60
66
are nine months of drought annually, which require a net demand for irrigation of 400 mm.
The original vegetation is essentially tolerant of an arid climate.154
Spanish settlers modified this landscape when they arrived in the late sixteenth
century by irrigating the valley with acequias, planting massive trees to shadow the land
and protect the cacao trees from the sun. This modification affected not only the vegetation
and wildlife, but also the local microclimate, creating a more refreshing and livable town.
The fauna has also adapted. For 400 years, the area has been irrigated and protected by
large trees, allowing some animals to come down from the higher elevations. Today with
the deforestation and lack of irrigation, the original vegetation is returning, the temperature
is rising around Charon!' There are not studies related to these changes in the area, as it
would be difficult to differentiate the effects of climate change or deforestation, or if one is
the consequence of the other, but what is clear is that there is a change in the weather, wind
and water levels on the river.
Santa Clara de Asfs de Choronf
As the road approaches Choronf, population density increases and the temperature
rises. Traveling north, when the Hacienda La Aljorra is left behind (has now been converted
to a hotel), and the road turns east, there is the majestic and powerful Choronf River, as it
flows to the sea. Here, the mountain is left behind and the lower part of the valley begins.
The large mijaos and caobas are now part of the landscape, but only on the east side ofthe
river, because at the west few trees remain. Instead of the former haciendas, hotels, houses,
and commerce dominate the landscape. Their shiny metal roofs reflect the sun that is
capable of toasting cacao. The dense foliage that used to enchant the poet]ose Antonio
Maitfn155 is now losing its integrity, and can only be observed on the other side ofthe river,
IS4 Sucre, "Delimitaci6n de Areas EcogeogrMicas," 10.
ISS James Grant Wilson and John Fiske, eds., "Appleton's Cyclopc£dia of American biography," in
MAITIN, Jose Antonio (mi-teen 1, vol. 4, Revised. (D. Appleton and company, 1888), 178 Jose Antonio
Maitfn was a "Venezuelan poet, b. [born] in Porto [Puerto] Cabello in 1798; d. [died] in Choronf in
1874. In consequence of persecution, he emigrated to Havana, and there he made the acquaintance
of Fernandez Madrid, who taught him to cultivate science and poetry. In 1824 he returned to his
native country, and in 1826 he was appointed by Santos MicheIena attache to the legation at London.
On his return he began to write poetry, and in 1835-'8 published in Valencia two dramas in verse,
which were favorably received by the critics, but are not included in a collection of his poems that
appeared later. In 1841 he began to publish poems m the literary papers. He afterward retired to the
valley of Choronf, where his poetical talent found new inspiration, and where he spent the rest of his
67
to the east, where the haciendas Torres and Playa Grande still exist. Then the river is out of
sight at the entrance of the colonial town of Choronf.
In this area, the Colonial town of Santa Clara de Asfs de Choronf also is visible, with
its narrow road and one-story houses. Adobe and tapia buildings stand at both sides of the
street, elevated from the river about five meters (16.4 feet), with the strong, fast-flowing
and rocky river, treating them to a calming sound and cool breeze (Figure 22).
Figure 22. In photo itA" is the entrance to Choroni in 1904, and in photo ItB" is as it
looks in August 2009. Photo itA" from EI Colo Ilustrado, Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional
de Venezuela. Photo ItB" by author, August 2009
Choroni was designed following the based on Law of Indies (see chapter II). This
small town has been confined to a grid system with two streets that run south-north, and
three streets going east- west. Here stand the impressive homes originally built for the
hacendados, white powerful Spaniards and criollo (Creole), owners of the cacao haciendas
that historically surrounded the town. Santa Clara de Asis de Choroni is organized around a
plaza with a church to the west. The streets are very narrow, and buses and trucks often
struggle to pass through the projecting quitapolvo or vierteaguas and repisas156 of the
days. He published a collection of his best poems under the title of" Ecos de Choroni" (1844) [Echos
of Choronf}, and an edition of all his works, entitled" Dbms poeticas de Jose Antonio MaWn.
comprendiendo todas las publicadas par el autor en diversas epocas, y algunas ineditas" (Caracas,
1851) [Poetical work of Jose Antonio Maitin, comprising all the author's published work in diverse
times and some unpublished] . The general tone of Maitfn's verses is plaintive, but his style is
elevated and pure."
156 The quitapolvo or vierteaguas is the projecting upper part of the window that protects it from the
water, usually built in bricks, and is deep enough to let the head stick out to observe the street. The
repisa is the lower projecting part of the window that supports the grille, usually finished in wood
but built in brick or adobe.
68
windows. Large trees were left at the south, east (the other side of the river), and west to
the Santa Barbara, also known as San Pablo or Santa Clara creek. The only trees are on the
plaza, and are small compared with the Mijaos. However, the crotons, guavas, mangos, or
other trees provide this plaza with pleasant shade for spending comfortable afternoons
(Figure 23).
The town was originally surrounded by haciendas. The Hacienda El Parnaso where
the poet Jose Antonio Maitin lived until his death is the southern border. This hacienda was
forcibly occupied by local people with houses and hotels. To the east, past Santa Barbara
Creek, is the former Hacienda Santa Clara that is also developed and deforested. To the
north was originally the hacienda El Rosario, also known as La Pantojera , which was
donated in the 1960s by Don Pedro Miguel Machado Rodriguez, the deceased owner of the
Hacienda Playa Grande, to expand the town to what it is today. The northern border of the
La Pantojera area is also developed, part ofthe former hacienda El Portete, the area called
Entre Rios.
Leaving the town behind going north the landscape becomes a mix of mijaos and
hotels. Some large trees stilI shade the former haciendas on both sides of the road, but
underneath their branches are now shade the hotels, houses, and commerce. The Tipire
Figure 23. Plaza of Santa Clara de Asis de Choroni, 1904. Photo from El Cojo
Ilustrado, courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de Venezuela
69
River is crossed by a small concrete bridge where the road turns east. A rural road
continues north [west of the bridge), where the main section of the former hacienda El
Portete used to be, and where there are now two large hotels and private upscale housing.
The cemetery is located at the north end of the road at the foot of the mountain.
In 1720, Don Pedro Jose de Olavarriaga visited the Valley of Choroni. In his notes, he
described the valley as large, about two leguas157 long (5.2 miles) and one legua wide (2.6
miles):
...The land is good and is traversed by a river with abundant water that
flows into the sea in two streams. A lot of people live here, including an
Indian village in the Isleta [small island] that is formed by the two streams
of the river, with a Church and a Priest. On the beach are two houses used
by the guard and the fishermen, and there are three pieces of disassembled
iron cannons. There are more than ten cacao haciendas of good quality with
some small crops from the Indians, but it is the Dutch who take advantage of
the production. Toward the west is the beach of Choroni [today Tipire] that
ends at a large rock. On the other side is the Portete [small port], a flat rock
at water level where the boats arrive to export cacao that is carried here by
the blacks via a difficult trail...
In Spanish this quote reads:
...El valle de Choroni es espacioso, tiene dos leguas de largo y una de ancho,
el terreno es bueno y 10 recorre un rio de abundante agua que desemboca al
mar por dos brazos. Vive en el bastante gente y hay una poblacion de indios
en la Isleta que forman los dos brazos del rio, con su Iglesia y Cura. En la
playa habia dos casas que servian para la guardia y los pescadores, y se
encontraban tres piezas de canon de hierro desmontadas. Las haciendas de
cacao eran de buena calidad y se contaban mas de diez, entre elIas algunos
conucos de los indios, pero su producto 10 aprovechaban en gran parte los
holandeses. Hacia el Oeste la playa de Choroni termina en un penasco, ala
vuelta del cual esta el Portete, un penasco raso del agua adonde llegan las
lanchas para recibir el cacao que los negros traen a este paraje por un
camino tremendo, y esto es cuando se ofrece algun impedimento .. .158
As Don Pedro de Olavarriaga observed in the eighteenth century, the river forks into
two streams just north of Choroni, with the east branch keeping the same name and the
west branch called the Tipire River. According to Olavarriaga, Puerto Colombia, the Indian
157 A Legua or League is an antique Spanish distance measurement that expresses the distance a
person, or a horse, can walk in one hour of time.
158 Castillo Lara, Nortemar Aragiiefio, 1:28
70
village of Olavarriaga, is located on the island between the two rivers. Today, the two towns
still dominate the landscape.
Across the bridge on the east side, the island is developed with housing and hotels,
mainly in an area called Entre Rios ("Between Rivers") where low-income housing was built
by the government, circa 1985. In 2009, the government built a bus terminal, causing
fifteen mijaos trees to be cut down. This large concrete construction was not properly
planned and is now an uncomfortable bus stop with high temperatures. As a result, the
buses and people have returned to their old terminal in the shade of a mijao tree. The road
that meanders around all these sites finally reaches the Choroni River again. The landscape
changes and shade crowns the area. The Hacienda Playa Grande is on the other side of the
river, to the east, and the main entrance is just 100 meters past where the road meets the
river. After a grove of bamboos with fresh water, the modern houses and hotels appear
again. The river disappears again from our sight behind the houses that wall off each side of
the road. The slope in the street is subtle but can be felt when the colonial houses reappear
between the modern structures, and the Caribbean Sea is observed beyond. The first one is
the house of the former Hacienda San Antonio. The street then continues north, but
vehicles have to turn east to reach the beach, and go counterclockwise around the town.
Puerto Colombia is bordered by the Caribbean Sea, with a Malec6n or seaboard
walkway at the end of the road that plays the role of plaza (Figure 24). This concrete
structure was built in the 1950s, replacing the sandy beach with uveros (Coccoloba uvifera)
and almendrones (Terminalia Catappa) (some of these trees are still in the site). In order to
Figure 24. Photo "A" is the Puerto Colombia beach, 1904. Photo "B" is the
Malec6n built in 1950s. Photo "A" by M. Leoncio Porras in El Cojo ilustrado.
Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de Venezuela. Photo "B" by author, August 2009
71
build this Malec6n, the Guipuzcoana Company's colonial construction locally known as El
Castillito (little castle) mentioned in Olavarriaga's description of the guard house and also
referred to in the previous chapter, which was built in late 18th century, was demolished.
At the east side of the Malec6n is the mouth of the Choronf River and the port where all the
lanchas or boats and the commercial activity go. Many lanchas go in and out of the sandy
port, carrying fishermen and tourists every day. Parallel to the Choronf River is the Calle
Los Cocos, the road that vehicles must take in order to get to the Malec6n, or to Playa
Grande.
To access the beach, vehicles cross the river at the south edge of the mountain
known as Cerro Pan de Azucar, meaning that the mountain has the shape of a pile of sugar
(Figure 25). This road is part of the Hacienda Playa Grande, and used to be a trail with
acequias at one side. Today it is paved without any trees or acequias. Informal commerce
(non-regulated stores and restaurants, located illegally on private property) skirts the south
side of the road. The road goes west-to-east and the Cerro Pan de Azucar is located to the
north. The Playa Grande beach is oriented northeast, almost diagonal with the Malec6n, and
is part of the hacienda, with large coconuts and a cacao plantation. This beach is
approximately 700 meters long (2,300 feet) and is the main tourist destination of most
visitors. At the southeast end of the beach is another mountain range that runs north-to-
Figure 25. Photo "A" of Choronf Valley from the west mountain range. Photo "S" is a
view of Choronf Valley from the east mountain range. Photo by author, August 2009
72
south and its crest is the limit of Hacienda Playa Grande, while at its foot is the Santa Rosa
creek that reaches the sea. The area between this mountain range and the Cerro Pan de
AZllcar is flat. It is the largest level area in the Choronf Valley and is part of one hacienda,
Playa Grande.
Another mountain range runs parallel to the Choronf River. It turns east to meet the
one that comes from the sea at the main entrance of the Hacienda Playa Grande, where its
house is located. This is the windward side of the mountain, and consequently it has arid
vegetation caused by the winds. Another mountain range also runs north-south that goes
through the west side of the valley.
The Tipire River that reaches the sea at the west side of the Malecon is the limit to
the former cacao and coconut hacienda El Portete, named after the first port that was used
by the Spaniards in this area. This hacienda also has a beach called Tipire which is small
and rocky and not usually frequented by tourists. It is small compared to Playa Grande and
is oriented to the north. As described by Olavarriaga, this beach ends at a large rock, and at
the west side of this rock is a flat rock used as the port in early years of conquest and
colonization until the 1800s. Later a wooden pier was built where the Malecon is now,
demolished also in the 1940s. This mountain range supports arid vegetation and is very
steep.
The soil of these mountains is very rich in red clay, and thus brick kilns are found in
many of the haciendas. The area between the Tipire River and the mountain is semi-flat and
it was originally planted with cacao and coconut trees at the beach. The flat area between
the two mountain ranges was irrigated by the acequias. This has been classified as loamy
soil, perfect for cacao, sugar cane, and fruitages (Figure 26).159
The area between Tipire River and the west mountain range has changed use
through time. Its fertile agricultural soils are now used for housing and hotel development,
and the acequias have stopped irrigating. The mijaos, coconut trees and the uveros at the
Tipire beach are slowing dying due to a lack of fresh water. The only vehicle access to this
area is at the west side of the bridge that crosses the river, previously described, around the
cemetery.
159 Samuel J. Strebin, Atlas de Capacidad de Usa de las Tierras de los Estados Centralesy Centro
Occidentales, 1st ed. (Venezuela: Ministerio del Ambiente y de los Recursos Naturales Renovables,
1989).
73
THE IMPACT OF THE CACAO PLANTATION ON THE LANDSCAPE
The landscape that has enchanted caciques, encomenderos, priests, travelers, poets,
politics, architects, and tourists alike, has been molded by Europeans, Native Americans,
and African slaves. This juxtaposition of cultures is seen in the ethnic heritage of the people,
in traditions that are carried on through time, music, food, and ultimately in the architecture
of the landscape and buildings. Most of the features of the landscape were engineered with
careful though t, starting with the location of towns, the port, the acequias, and the buildings
Figure 26. Soil's map of Choron!. Ills = loamy soils. Moderate fertility. Coluvio-
aluvial. 0-2% slope. well drained. Vle= loamy clay. Moderate fertility. Mountain. With
5-40% slope. Well drained. VIIs =Sandy soils. Low fertility. With 0-1% slope. Poorly
drained. VIIe= clay soils. Moderate fertility. Mountain. With 20-70% slope. Some to
excessive drained. VlIIes= loamy soils. Low fertility. Mountain. With 40-70% slope.
Excessive drained. Source: Samuel J. Strebin, Atlas de Capacidad de Usa de las Tierras
de los Estados Centralesy Centro Occidentales
74
that would serve the cacao haciendas. None of these historical landscape features were
arbitrarily placed. The intentional location of these features was due to use and design
principles that stemmed from the cacao hacienda uses. Many of them have been preserved
enough to tell the stories of their past.
The cultural landscape of Choron! can be observed in the layers of history that have
left a mark on the site. Arnold Alanen and Robert Z. Melnick define cultural landscapes as
places that "exist virtually everywhere that human activities have affected the land."160 In
the previous chapter of this thesis, and throughout the present one, most of the elements
that have affected Choronf's cultural landscape have been discussed. However, the possible
influences from the Native Americans previous to the Spanish conquest have not been
documented or studied to determine whether any of the settlements or elements oftoday's
landscape are a consequence of their activities or lifestyle. Nonetheless, the most recent 400
years of historic layering on this cultural landscape are sufficient to consider its importance
and its preservation.
The hacienda has played a major role in the development of Choron! as has been
discussed, not only on for its economic development and importance, but also in the
shaping of the landscape. The hacienda emerged on the landscape of Venezuela as a new
architectural and agricultural model adapted to the geographic conditions discussed above,
very different from the geography known to the Spaniards and Portuguese in Europe, or
even with New Spain (today Mexico). This situation contributed to the urgency for the
Europeans to develop new agricultural products such as cacao, potato, corn, among others,
as a source offood and income, especially in Venezuela where no precious metals where
found during the colonial era,161
As discussed earlier, each hacienda is an independent microcosm, creating a
different response to its surroundings depending on the existing conditions, producing
microclimatic systems, with distinctive vegetation around buildings and communicating
effectively with the surrounding landscape,162 In Choroni, the major product that shaped
this cultural landscape is Cacao, the production of which involves many steps before the dry
160 Alanen and Melnick, Preserving Cultural Landscapes, 3.
161 Gonzalez Casas, "Las Haciendas en Venezuela," 204
162 Ibid" 206
75
beans are eventually processed into chocolate. Cacao production involves at least three
processes of collection, fermentation, and drying. Steps that precede these include
cultivation, irrigation, and decisions related to building locations in regard to trading points.
Cacao requires constant water and shade. However, typical Venezuelan weather has
a dry season that can be very severe and have negative effects on the plantations. For this
reason the Spaniards used their knowledge, transferred from the Arabs, about the use of
water canals or acequias, (the word comes from Classical Arabic "as-saqiya," which means
"water conduit"). Before the buildings were built, an acequia system was laid out. This
historical engineering required an understanding of topography, geology, and water flows
since it depended on gravity to operate. Many of these acequias were simply constructed of
earth, but the main acequias or acequias madres usually were built with a base of lajas or
stone slab. The water comes from the river through a structure called toma (intake), a lime
and stone (later of concrete) channel (Figure 27-A). There are also distribution points
called calicantos (cal-y-cantos, which literally means lime and stone), that control the flow
of water using wooden gates to open and close, and let water flow to different channels.
Throughout the haciendas' landscape, it is possible to see still many of these caIicantos
(Figure 27- B).
Figure 27. In photo "A" is one Toma of the acequia, the water flows by gravity in
the canal where the leader indicates. In photo "B" is the Calicanto or distribution
point. Photo by author, August 2009
The acequias, which were built based on geographic studies, were not restricted to
particular boundaries or property lines. The system had, and still today does have, many
tomas, and crossed numerous haciendas ending at the sea. Several of these acequias in
76
Choroni are still active today, a majority of which are part of this research project and still
feed active cacao haciendas. In the Hacienda El Casibo, the main acequia flows into a former
creek (the creek dried several years ago) keeping it active for use by the Hacienda Torres.
Historically, and even today, there were conflicts between hacendados over maintenance of
acequias.
This character-defining feature is an important element in the historical cultural
landscape that is attributed to the cacao in Choroni. Without the acequias, there would not
be large trees, or cacao plantations. Even at their last stop, the sea, uveros and almendrones
are irrigated to grow thick and large leaves to keep the cacao safe from the salty air. Today
the large trees are dying due to the inactivate acequias in the El Portete, Santa Clara and
Tipire area (west Choroni). Uncontrolled fires also affect the mostly tourist areas that have
been developed into housing and hotels, because of the dry vegetation and the lack of water
to wet the ground. Proposals for reopening the acequias for reasons of water needs and as a
fire control, are been requested by neighbors envisioning the future.
The acequias also serve as a network to orient people and to connect different
buildings or structures needed by the workers. In the collection process that happens on
the site, as explained in the previous chapter, the cacao is carried to the main house, to be
weighed and to ferment.
The cultural landscape that comprises the cacao hacienda involves more than the
plantation land, since the buildings are at the center of the economic and social activities of
the hacienda. There is an invisible system of edification (hacienda houses and offices) and
landscape whose interactions result in a specific sense of place. There are mainly two
general types of buildings: 1) those related to the residential activities and 2) those related
to the agricultural production, administration and storage activities. "Casona", "oficina" or
"casa grande" (house, office, or big house) are some of the names used for the cluster of
buildings where these activities concentrate on the haciendas in ChoronL These buildings,
as explained in the previous chapter, are open to the landscape with a veranda or corridor
with colonnade facing the plantation.163
In the houses of the hacienda, the concept of building and territory is dissimilar to
the urban house whose outside exposure is typically limited to a private garden. Hacienda
163 Ibid., 207.
77
houses are in harmony with their surroundings,164 It is also important to mention the
freedom of organization in the haciendas due to their geographical isolation. The buildings,
although not controlled by a rigorous urban grid, did follow new composition lines that
could evolve to generate various floor plan schemes. The typical configurations are "L," "H,"
or "V" shape, as around a patio, similar to the monastery in medieval times, with Roman
precedents.165
The "L" shape is the most common option (Figure 28). It created the possibility of a
simple functional setting with two wings generating two open spaces for expansion: an
open external space dominated by corridors, and an internal space with a link to the patio.
In Choron!, most of the haciendas use this plan, and the areas connected to the patio are
usually public, while the others are for social or residential use. Outbuildings such as
Figure 28. In the hacienda houses the "L" shape is the most common option.
This sketch is a conjecture of how the house from Hacienda Playa Grande
might have been originally. The arrow on the right is pointing the area that
was later infill with the desbabadero, because fermentation was later added to
the process of cacao. The arrow on the left indicates the area later built to link
both buildings. Drawing by author
164 Calderon-Trejo, Casas de Hacienda, 24.
165 Gonzalez Casas, "Las Haciendas en Venezuela," 210
78
trapiches (sugar cane mills), lookout houses, kilns, are usually close to the main house, but
not directly connected.
The architecture of the hacienda has been adapted to the cacao processes.
Following the collection is the fermentation, a step that started later. There is no
documentation of this, but approximately the first time that the fermentation process was
applied to cacao was at the end of the nineteenth century. But it is known that it was not
something the Aztecs or Mayas did.l 66 Originally, after the beans were extracted they were
cleaned with water and then dried in the sun. The criollo specie from Choronf is semi-
sweet, and requires 1-2 days fermenting, however the forastero is fermented 4-6 days
because is bitter and its flavor is attenuated by the fermentation process. This might be the
reason that this process was not commonly applied in Choronf. The fermentation rooms or
desbabaderos are found in the haciendas as an annex to the main buildings, usually at the
closest point to the acequias, because the baba or liquid that comes from this process falls
into the acequia. It is also directly related to the patio and workspaces (Figure 28).
The patio, a new element created specifically for the cacao haciendas, was later
adopted by coffee plantations. This character-defining feature was essential in the natural
processing of cacao, and utilized nature to the fullest by capitalizing on the area's strong
sun's rays. This cacao processing technique may have been learned from the indigenous
people. The patio works as an organizational element too, sometimes repeated or
fractionated, depending on the functions needed (Figure 29).
Figure 29. Patio of Hacienda Playa Grande. At the left is the desbabadero. View to the
northeast. Photo by author, August 2009
There are also houses on the haciendas that do not have a patio, but these buildings
are usually located at very high points so they can overlook the landscape. A good example
166 Marice! E. PresiIIa, The New Taste a/Chocolate (Berkeley, California: Ten Speed Press, 2001),18.
79
is the house in Pan de Azucar, Choroni, which is today part of the hacienda Playa Grande.
Earlier there was a family house with a plantation but no patio (Figure 30).
Figure 30. House in Pan de Azucar, Choroni. This house never had a
patio, but has a simple veranda looking at the plantation, probably
built only for residential purposes.
The locations of the buildings were also carefully designed. Patios require the
maximum amount of sun, so they are strategically located in close proximity to the
plantation with large trees, separated enough to get sun during most of the day. Around the
residential buildings are always trees that provide fruits, sugar cane, flowers, and other
trees such as mango and guava for household use. Mango is very distinctive in Choron!;
almost every house has a mango tree as well as guava trees.
Every element on the haciendas is flexible and was adapted to the cacao process.
The landscape was shaped to interconnect all this elements, a factor essential to cacao
business. From water to storage rooms, patios, trees and network, the designers of this
architecture studied and perfected the setting over 400 years, making it worthy of
preservation.
The river protects the haciendas east of Choroni. Today the haciendas Playa Grande,
Torres and Monterrosa (that comprises El Casibo, La Sabaneta, Isleta and Santa Polonia) are
still cultivating cacao and continue maintaining the acequias. However, due to ownership
80
changes and the group of antique haciendas, many of the buildings that were initially part of
other haciendas were abandoned and only their ruins remain as witnesses to the past. A
good example of this is the hacienda Monterrosa that now uses only the house of La
Sabaneta to process cacao.
In the next chapters, three haciendas will be studied in detail as case studies to
understand this historic cultural landscape. Their character-defining features will be
discussed, and a preservation plan will be proposed to conserve the last remaining
haciendas, and help disseminate the information about their importance. The methodology
and research design used to study these haciendas will also be discussed. The community
of Charon! remains unaware of its past, and its contribution to the economy of the country,
to the rise of the new republic, its contribution to the landscape and to the history of
Venezuela. The preservation plan will help resolve this issue and identify find possible
solutions that can help conserve the haciendas in Choron!.
81
CHAPTER IV
METHODOLOGY AND RESEARCH DESIGN
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The purpose of this study is to identify the character-defining features of the Cacao
Haciendas in Choroni, Venezuela and to propose a conservation plan for the remaining
haciendas.
THE PROBLEM AND RESEARCH QUESTION
This study pursued an analytical approach where data collected defined the needs of
the community in order to conserve the historic haciendas.
The town of Choron! was founded by agricultural properties that cultivated cacao
since 1600. At the end of the 18th century, Choron! had more than 30 haciendas,167 and
during the next two hundred years this number did not change drastically. Today the area
has shifted from agricultural to tourism and is gradually destroying these properties. The
number of haciendas has been reduced to six in the survey done in summer 2009. This
quantitative fact raises the question: How can we conserve these haciendas? It is urgent
that a conservation plan for Choron! is created using the community and the national
authorities.
The main research question is: What stories do the cacao haciendas in Choron!
continue to tell and why are they important?
This thesis focuses on the importance of the cacao haciendas in Choron! and finding
the character-defining features that have historic value. The definition of these
characteristics indicate the path to follow to create a conservation plan to protect these
endangered sites.
167 Castillo Lara) Nortemar Arag iiefio, 1:181-183.
82
General Approach
There were several phases to the study of these complex landscapes.
1. Identify the physical components of the haciendas landscape by a survey
done in summer 2009:
a. Identifying and recording those components on maps and aerial
photographs,
b. Understanding the history of those elements,
c. Evaluating the significance and integrity of those components in the
haciendas.
2. An extensive research and literature review was completed to understand
the origin and significance of the cacao haciendas in history and how they
affected the social, economical and political life of Venezuelan society.
3. Understand the Hacienda Playa Grande, Hacienda Torres and Hacienda
Monterosa, as case studies.
4. Understand conservation principles regarding historic cultural landscapes,
and conservation planning issues in this country and apply them in
Venezuela.
5. Understand and apply National Register Bulletin N° 30 Guidelinesfor
Evaluating and Documenting Rural Historic Landscapes to Venezuelan
cultural landscapes.
6. Understand Venezuelan conservation heritage laws, and the influence of the
politics in heritage conservation in the country.
In the survey of summer 2009, the existence of six haciendas was affirmed: Playa
Grande, Torres, Payare, Monterrosa, Tesoro and Aljorra. Three case studies have been
chosen: Hacienda Playa Grande, Hacienda Torres and Hacienda Monterrosa. These three
sites are the best examples of the remaining cacao Haciendas in Choronf. These properties
have been used for agriculture continuously since their founding and have retained their
cultural integrity.
The Hacienda Payare is still cultivated, but it is not in good condition due to poor
maintenance. The survey of the area was difficult and was discarded due to the intricacy in
accessing the property. The Hacienda Tesoro is still used for cacao production; however,
83
the owners were not in the area during the time of the survey, which caused the exclusion of
the hacienda in this study. The Hacienda Aljorra has changed its use, and now hosts a hotel;
although the house has not lost integrity, the landscape is not a cacao orchard anymore.
The area of Choron! was comprised of more than 25 Haciendas; many have changed
to provide space for growing housing needs. Others were bought by the government, and
today are villages along the road that connects Choron! with Maracay, the state's capital.
Few still produce cacao, having not been developed for housing or hotels.
The study area is divided by the Choron! River, a key feature in the development of
Choroni. On the east side of the river are four Haciendas: Playa Grande, Torres, Payare, and
Monterrosa. In the west side are the smallest Haciendas: El Tesoro (still producing cacao),
El Portete, Santa Clara, EI Cumbe, El Parnaso and La Aljorra; that have been developed or
taken over by the community for housing (figure x).
The case studies helped to determine the characteristics of a cacao hacienda in
Choron!, and through the compare and contrast method; the information gathered proved
the importance of these sites. The triangulation of the data collected with the analysis, and
interpretation resulted in common elements, as well as differences between the haciendas,
that indicated a typology of the haciendas layout and landscape organization.
Field work
During the months of July and August 2009, intensive fieldwork took place on the
site. A survey form was developed based on the Guidelines for Evaluating and Documenting
Rural Historic Landscapesps and was used to identify the characteristics of the landscape
and the architecture. One form was required for each Hacienda.
The fieldwork consisted of taking photographs of character-defining feature on each
hacienda. The photos were taken in similar orientations and hours, to compare the
different views and the effects of the sun.
Using aerial photographs and topographic maps, sketch maps were created to
annotate major natural features: building, bridges, outbuildings, roadways, waterways,
168 Linda Flint McClelland et aL, "Bulletin No. 30. Guidelines for Evaluating and Documenting Rural
Historic Landscapes, National Register of Historic Places ," National Register Publications, Revised
19991989, http://www.nps.govjhistoryjnrjpublicationsjbulletinsjnrb30j (accessed October 12,
2009).
84
acequias, orchards, fields, pastures, quarries, boundary demarcations. The predominant
vegetation was identified as well as the land use in these sketches.
The condition of the landscape characteristics was recorded, noting evidence of
historic field patterns, roadways, acequias or boundary markers; deteriorated and altered
buildings and structures; ground disturbances; new land uses and construction; condition
ofthe vegetation; abandoned fields or roads; reforested areas; areas invaded or
expropriated.
The visible changes in the landscape were noted by comparing historic and
contemporary views provided by maps, illustration, and photographs. The changes to the
historic boundaries of properties due to subdivisions, consolidations, growth, invasions,
expropriations or abandonment, were indicated by deeds documents and site visits. Any
characteristics or processes requiring further research were also noted.
For the buildings, the same technical process of surveying for the landscape was
used. The fieldwork included photographing the character-defining features on each site.
Sketches of the settings of the buildings were produced indicating: cardinal location, main
roads, outbuildings, immediate setting, acequias, and topography. The vegetation was also
identified, and an approximate timeline for the additions was estimated. The integrity of
the buildings was recorded, as well as the shape of the floor plan, number of stories,
location offenestrations, roof shape, wall cladding, structure, roofing, doors and windows
material, floors, and condition of the overall building. Visible changes were noted by
photography, sketches and description in structure, by comparing historic and
contemporary photographs, when they were available.
Research on the deeds was done to establish the history of each hacienda. The
Institute of Geography of Venezuela provided the information related to all existing maps
and aerial photographs of Choroni. The National Library of Venezuela, located in Caracas,
was also a source of information in the research.
The main link between the procedures in the United States and Venezuela for the
understanding of the landscape was Bulletin N° 30, because it allowed for a clear
observation on the field, as well as to delineate the character-defining features of the
haciendas. After the research was completed, and the field work was finished, this Bulletin
was used as a filter to comprehend the landscape and decipher the complexity of the
landscape, in order to produce the conservation plan. The processes and physical
85
components of the cultural landscape indicated on the bulletin were crucial to develop the
conservation plan. Based on these two elements, the plan was organized in landscape
strategies, conservation of physical components, and cultural and education components.
86
CHAPTER V
ANALYSIS OF THE CACAO HACIENDAS
Every person that has lived in Choron! has, in some aspects, left a fingerprint on the
cultural landscape observed today. From the Spanish and Portuguese conquistadors and
encomenderos, to the Native Americans whose land was taken, from the African slaves that
were forcably brought to work on the agriculture and to build many structures, to the heirs
ofthe haciendas, and the new owners that saw a future on the cacao. Even more than ever
today's visitors and residents decide on the future of Choroni. Every person has
collaborated in shaping today's landscape. As discussed in earlier chapters, the historic
trends at the national and local level have had some role in the development of the
haciendas in Choroni. The first part of this chapter will study the evolution of vegetation,
roads and growth of the construction of Choron! during this past century through aerial
photographs from 1936 (Figure 31), 1974 (Figure 32), and 2005 (Figure 33), in order to
determine major threats for this landscape. These three major processes and
characteristics are good examples of the changes that Choron! has confronted in the last 70
years, which have therefore instigated the destruction of the haciendas.
To comprehend the development of the haciendas and how each piece connects to
each other, three cases were studied in more detail, and discussed in the second part of the
chapter at the landscape level. These sites are Hacienda Playa Grande, Hacienda Torres, and
Hacienda Monterrosa. As explained earlier, the complex process of cacao cultivation has
had a large impact on the architecture of the landscape and the buildings. The study of
these elements is key to determining the character-defining features of the landscape and
the buildings that define the haciendas of Choroni. The destruction or disappearance of any
of these character-defining features affects the integrity of the haciendas and the sense of
place these sites express, not only for the community, but also for the tourists of Choroni.
87
Figure 31. Aerial photograph of Choronf from 1936. The names of the former and active
haciendas are in bold. The trails and roads are point out with thick arrows and the
acequia in La Sabana is shown with an arrow. Other areas within the haciendas are also
indicated on the photograph. Source: Instituto GeogrMico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar
88
Figure 32. Aerial photograph of Choron! from 1974. The names of the former and active
haciendas are in bold. The trails and roads are point out with thick arrows. Other areas
within the haciendas are also indicated on the photograph. Source: lnstituto Geogratlco
de Venezuela Simon Bolivar
89
Figure 33. Aerial photograph of Choron! from 2005. The names of the former and active
haciendas are in bold. The trails and roads are point out with thick arrows. Other areas
within the haciendas are also indicated on the photograph. Source: Google Earth
90
VEGETATION IN CHORONI: EVOLUTION OR INVOLUTION
The cacao plantations have specific vegetation: the trees that provide shade to the
cacao trees are large - approximately 50 meters in height (164 feet), easily recognizable in
the aerial photographs by their density and the tree canopy's size (Figure 31, Figure 32, and
Figure 33). The only areas not covered by this thick layer of vegetation are the developed
spaces and the mountains.
There is also a different plantation, a coconut plantation observed along the shore
and at both mouths of the two branches of the river, which can be noticed by the size of the
tree canopies and the space between the trees. These agricultural areas, as explained in
previous chapters, serve as buffers from the wind and saline for the cacao plantation, along
with the uveros and almendrones.
The valley is surrounded by mountains, with plantations located on the flat areas
where the land is at 2% or less in slope with loamy soils. There is one pocket to the
southeast ofloamy clay soil at a 5-40% slope, where the haciendas Sabaneta and Casibo are
located. These flat soils observed from the air are shaped like an openly deformed "C," with
the opening to the east, and will be referred to as thus in this thesis. The two towns,
Choroni at the south and Puerto Colombia at the north are clearly distinguishable in the
aerial photographs (Figure 31, Figure 32, and Figure 33) as well as the topography. In the
north is the cerro (hill or mount) "Pan de Azucar" that symbolizes the valley and has been
the beacon for ships and travelers seeking the port.
The haciendas are distributed along the valley, the areas that are not towns or
villages are haciendas. Up to the 1960s, there were settlements in some haciendas. In the
properties bought by General Juan Vicente Gomez in Choroni in 1934, the owners that
acquired the land from the nation after Gomez's death had the option to ask the occupants
of the land to move out within five years, if there was a large crop or a single year with a
small crop or if they needed a house built. Each situation was handled on a case-by-case
basis, as indicated in the deed of the Hacienda Playa Grande. 169
169 "Escritura de Adquisicion (Deeds): Pedro Machado Rodriguez. " (Registro de Oficina Subalterna.
Estado Aragua, Venezuela, 1940), No. 134. Folios 103 a 109 del Protocolo Primero adicional del
Segundo Trimestre.
91
Acequias
The acequias are shared amongst the haciendas, and since the colonial era this has
been a source of much complaining, as explained before. During the eighteenth century, the
hacendados worked as communities in cooperation. However, the acequia system has
always been a difficult subject. By the end of the 18th century, the owner of the hacienda
Torres Antonio Martinez de Fuentes filed a suit against the neighbors of Payare for abusive
behavior related to the acequia.17O The people from Payare, living higher in the mountain
obstructed the use of the water, and did not clean the acequia. During the dispute, the
Payare neighbors argued that they used a creek as a water source, so they had no
responsibility for the acequia. Situations like this were common and even today the owner
of Monterosa argues that the owner of Torres should pay for the maintenance of the acequia
they share, because Monterosa is delivering water to Torres. This kind of dispute might
have been different if they would have resolved it as it was done in the New Mexico
acequias, where an association was formed to manage the water resources.171
The acequias are the main reason that large trees survive in Choroni. There is an
abrupt ending at the foot of the mountains of this dense layer of trees. As seen in the aerial
photographs (Figure 31, Figure 32, and Figure 33), the most elevated acequias are the
elements that create this boundary while they irrigate the soils to help maximize the
efficiency for the cacao plantation. From the air, some acequias can be seen meandering
through the landscape, and are easily discernible from the creeks and river by their snake-
shape, which created enough slope for water to flow in these flat soils. In the area known as
La Sabana (the open range) located to the northeast in the Hacienda Playa Grande, at the
top of the "C," the acequia is easily identified particularly in the aerial photograph from
1936 in Figure 31 as it reaches the sea.
Comparing aerial photographs from 1936, 1974 and 2005, it is possible to clearly
observe the spreading out of the boundaries between the large trees and the mountains.
This process was caused by the drying up of the acequias in many of the haciendas,
particularly the ones located at the foot of the western mountain range. A series of maps
170 Castillo Lara, Nortemar Arag iiefio, 1:189.
171 Jose A. Rivera, Acequia Culture: Water, Land, & Community in the Southwest (New Mexico:
University of New Mexico Press, 1998),47
92
indicating these boundaries was produced for this thesis as shown in Figure 31, Figure 32,
and Figure 33.
In La Sabana, as previously mentioned, the vegetation was significantly reduced
between 1936 and 1974, and even more dramatically in the 2005 photograph. This
decrease in vegetation started to occur in the 1960s when the state government decided to
build a road from Choron! to Chuao, the nearby town to the east of Choroni, and dynamited
part of the existing trail to widen the road. This event caused the demise of the acequias,
and might have also affected the Santa Rosa Creek's course, since it is believed to have killed
the large trees along with the cacao plantation. Today only dead trees and vegetation
adapted to arid climates grow in this area (Figure 34).
Figure 34. In this photography is the Hacienda Playa Grande. The area La Sabana was
affected by governmental actions in 1960s. Observe the dead trees indicated with an
arrow. Photo by author, August 2009
The road was never completed, however the impact of such an arbitrary act is still
felt on the landscape, and even more so on the fauna that once occupied the area. The Santa
Rosa Creek was famous for its large volume of water. It formed a lagoon, referred to as a
boundary line of the Hacienda Playa Grande; this lagoon was named El Pozo del Diablo (The
Devil's Deep Pool) because it was dark and deep enough to support otters and other
93
mammals. Following the road project, these aquatic mammals had to migrate to other areas
or died and have not been seen in Choron! since.
This event not only affected the vegetation, it also had consequences for the fauna.
For example, the impact on the lifestyle of troops of capuchin monkeys that used to inhabit
La Sabana. There is not a scientific study about this matter, but in the last 40 years or so,
the monkeys have migrated out of La Sabana and now wander the haciendas, affecting crops
and roofs (looking for insects underneath the tiles), and have become a major cause of
damage to buildings.
It is also interesting to note the growth of the coconut plantation in the Hacienda
Playa Grande, from 1936 photograph and reflected in the map (Figure 31 and Figure 35 ), at
the northeast on the upper part of the "C," compared with the 1974 photo and map (Figure
32 and Figure 36). In the 1936 data, the coconut trees have enough space between them to
recognize single trees in the photo, and the sugar cane seems to grow under the coconuts,
indicated on the 1936 photo as a diamond shape crop that appears close to the trapiche. By
1974, the production of coconut increased and became an important source of income on
this hacienda; however, in the 2005 photo and map (Figure 33 and Figure 37) there is an
important diminution of the vegetation due to the growth of tourism and the intervention of
local governments, as explained in Chapter III.
There was a change in the vegetation around Puerto Colombia, where the former
haciendas adjacent to the town were still in the process of development. While, many green
areas can be observed in the 1936 and 1974 photograph and maps, this is not the case in
2005, where most of the area between the two rivers was developed. Taking a closer look
at the 1936 and 1974 photos of Puerto Colombia, the acequias can be recognized by their
snake-shape form by the tree canopy, between the two rivers. The last acequia in this area
was still active until 2008, when the bus terminal interrupted its route and a bank was built
on top of it. However, the channel still exists through the rest of the area.
In the 2005 photograph and map, the dramatic reduction of the vegetation on the
west side of the river can be observed. In this area, the acequias also disappeared and the
shade trees were cut down or burned to open up space for houses and hotels.
94
SHADE-PROVIDING TREES
COCONUT PLANTATION
SUGAR CAIN PLANTATION100 a 800 1,000
m ••••• mL.mmm~
CACAO HACIENDAS STUDY 1936
CHORONf VENEZUELA VEGETATION DATA
Figure 35. Vegetation analysis based on the aerial photograph from 1936. The dense
hatch indicates the coconut plantation, and the light hatch the cacao plantation.
Source: Data from aerial photo 1936 and topographic map from 1984, courtesy of
lnstituto Geografico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn by author
SHADE-PROVIDING TREES
COCONUT PLANTATION
CACAO EN STUDY I 1974
CHORONf VENEZUELA VEGETATION DATA
Figure 36. Vegetation analysis based on the aerial photograph from 1974. The dense
hatch indicates the coconut plantation, and the light hatch the cacao plantation.
Source: Data from aerial photo 1974 and topographic map from 1984, courtesy of
Instituto Geografico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn by author
95
SHADE-PROVIDING TREES
COCONUT PLANTATION
2005
CHORON! VENEZUELA VEGETATION DATA
Figure 37. Vegetation analysis base on the aerial photograph from 2005. The dense
hatch indicates the coconut plantation, and the light hatch the cacao plantation. Data
from aerial photo 2005 and topographic map from 1984, courtesy of Instituto
GeogrMico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn by author
96
~~-----_.-
97
The vegetation in Choron! with the large mijaos and other trees for shade, and the
cacao trees became a tourist attraction in the early 1980s, when the road was freshly paved.
The sense of being in a jungle at just two hours from the city, incite people to visit regularly.
The loss of more than 40% of the vegetation in less than thirty years is alarming. The lack
of water has affected not only the vegetation but also the fauna that inhabits this landscape.
The protection of the remaining green areas at least to the east of the river is a protection
not only for the fauna, but also to ensure that tourists will still have a view of the rich
paradise.
GROWTH OF TOWNS AND TOURISM: INCREASE AND REDISTRIBUTION OF THE
POPULATION
A major cause for the decreased vegetation, and therefore of the haciendas, has been
the growth of towns and tourism. The growing need to build housing and hotels in the last
twenty years has created a new cultural and physical landscape. The population has not
dramatically increased during this period, as can be observed in Table 5 and Figure 38.
However, the geographic distribution of the people over the valley has changed due to new
ownership of the haciendas and changes in lifestyle that require more distance from the
workplace than before.
In the census conducted by Priest Manuel Joseph Montenegro in 1760, Choron! had
1,384 inhabitants distributed in different areas. The first zone had 91 houses. The area is
not identified, but it could be assumed that it was around the towns and church because
Montenegro was counted first on this section of the census. Then were three more areas: La
otra banda (the other side) with fifteen (15) houses and the Sitio de este lado del rio (site on
this side of the river) that counted twenty one (21) houses and one (1) hacienda, and finally
Payare with 58 houses. 172
By 1790, a census by Priest Joseph Antonio Sabino Gomez, as mentioned in previous
chapters, identified the areas with more detail, however the folio that could have given
more information was lost. For the purpose of this thesis, the important data are the large
number of houses and people living in the different areas. Below it is a list of the areas
mentioned on the survey:
172 Castillo Lara, Nortemar Arag iiefio, 1:163-181.
98
1. EI Pueblo (the town)
2. Indios Tributarios (its meaning in this context is not defined. The tributary
Native Americans were the ones used for labor, but the census included
houses of Spaniards with their slaves)
3. El Portete
4. La Isla
5. Playa Grande
6. Barrio Colorado
7. EI Casibo. 173
Year Census Venezuelan Aragua State Choroni'spopulation population Population
1,873 1,883,055 94,151 3,460
1,881 2,097,081 104,967 3,562
1,891 2,314,138 94,994 NjA
1,920 2,666,156 95,902 NjA
1,926 2,758,952 105,839 NjA
1,936 3,617,577 129,746 NjA
1,941 4,096,565 138,235 NjA
1,950 5,413,804 189,891 2,485
1,961 8/004/254 313/274 2,487
1,971 11,405,874 543,170 2,210
1,981 15,609,392 891,623 2,040
1,990 19,405,429 1,108,196 4,680
2,001 24,858,832 1,533,531 NjA
2,009 26,814,843 1,767,884 5,235
Table 5. Venezuela, Aragua State and Choronf Population
comparison. Source: Data from Bolivar Chollet
Almost a century later, in 1873-1875, President Antonio Guzman Blanco ordered the
First Official Census ofVenezuela. The population of the country was 1,784,194. Important
cities like Caracas had 48,897 and Valencia 28,594. The Aragua State (named Guzman
Blanco attime) counted 94,151.174
173 Ibid., 1:171-179.
174 Miguel Bolivar Chollett, Sodopoliticay Censos de Poblaci6n en Venezuela: Del Censo "Guzman
Blanco"al Censo "Bolivariano" (Caracas, Venezuela: Academia Nacional de la Historia, 2008), 62-63
99
Population comparison through time
c
o
:p
'"::J
0..
o
Q.
c
o
:p
'"::J
0..
o
a.
2,000
6,000
4,000
5,000
3,000
1.000
2,000
l,aoo
3,000
6.000
5,000
4,000
2,025
2,025
• Venezuela
• Aragua State - - - .
• Choron!--
.'
1,990
1,990
1,990
~.......•....
.'..
1,955
Years
1,920 Years 1,955
1,920 1,955
Years
1,920
Venezuela vs. Choron!
•
/ ...::..:.~..;..
•............. ..
Aragua State vs. Choron!
Venezuela vs. Aragua State _
•
•
1.885
1,885
1,885
• •
2,000,000
1,800,000
1,600,000
" 1,400,000 c~•••.••••,~, 1,200,000 :8
...1.·..,~;.......... ro
•••••• .... 1,000,000 ~
......<~/ 800,000 f1.
~..<~,;:~:;·:·:>E • :~~:~~~
•• • .....~~~~1·1 :. • 200,DOO
+-----,----"'..:....."".'-----,r------r----.....,..-----+ °
2,025
10,000,000
15,000,000
5,000.000
25,000,000
30,000,000
c 20,000, ODD
o
:p
'"::J
0..
o
Q.
1,850
B 30,ODO,ODO
25,GOO,.a00
c
0 20.000,000
'.Q
co
::J 15.000,000a.
0
0..
10,000,000
5,000,000
a
1,850
C 2,000,0001,800,aoo
i,6ao,oao
c 1,400,fHI00
:p
1,200,000
'"::J
0.. 1,000,000
0
Q. SOO,ODO
600,,000
400,000
200,ODO
0
1,&50
A
Figure 38. Population Comparison at local, regional and national level:
"A" Shows the Venezuelan population against Aragua State.
"B" Shows Venezuelan population and Choronf.
"C" Shows Aragua State against Choronf's Population. The lines represent
the linear regression on the population analysis from Table 6. Source: Data
from Bolivar Chullet
100
During this census, the following places where people lived or used were identified:
1. Choronf
2. Bella Vista
3. Cumbe
4. El Carmen
5. Sitio Cajima
6. Campo Alegre
7. Casibo Abajo
8. Sitio El Corral
9. Sitio Ceciba
10. Chuponal
11. El Charal
12. Dos Rfos (no-inhabitants)
13. La Esmeralda
14. Florida
15. Hoyo
16. EI Pindo
17. Sitio EI Placer
18. Payare
19. Rinconada Abajo
20. Rinconada
21. Santa Barbara
22. Santa Apolonia
23. SanJuan
24. Santa Clara
25. Sitio Torres
26. Tesoro y Mocundo
27. Uraca
28. Isaguirre [Eizaguirre or Izaguirre]
29. [Puerto] Colombia
30. EI Portete
101
31. Valle de Santa Rosa175
The 1873 census counted 3,460 inhabitants in the valley of Choroni; however, it
included the nearby towns of: Chuao, Cepe, Aroa and Tujica. The survey recorded 32 cacao
haciendas, 26 coffee haciendas, and three sugar cane haciendasP6
This information indicated how the population in the valley of Choroni during the
past 300 years was dispersed (Figure 39). The change in the distribution of the people in
the area was also related to the economy. When the cacao lost commercial importance, and
25,ODO,C100
A Rural vs. Urban Population
20,000,000 •
J:
0
'';:;
.!!! 15,000,000 •::l
Co
0 •Q.,
w,oon,ooo
•
5,000,000 •
,
* • •
• • •
•0
1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
Years
100
B 90 Percentag~of Rural vs. Urban
•
• •80
~ •
W 70
•tJ.O •!O 60 •....I::
•WU 50
...
•WQ.. 40
•• •30
20 •
• •10 •
0
1930 1940 1.950 1960 1970 1980 1990 200D 201.0
Years
Figure 39. Venezuelan rural and urban population.
A Shows population growth.
B Shows percentage of the growth.
The squares represent rural population and diamond represents
urban population. Based in Table 6 data. Source: Bolivar Chollet
175 Bolivar 8., Apuntes Geo-Historicos de Choroni, 40-41.
176 Ibid.. 42
102
the fishing industry started to grow, people moved closer to towns in order to find other
means of living. Today, with tourism as the main source of income, direct contact with the
arriving tourists is essential for making money. At the same time, agriculture has found
new products that do not require permanent care and labor, like bananas or plantains,
allowing farmers to live in town while going to take care of the plantations over weekends
or every other day.
Urban population growth in the past hundred years has been dramatic, as shown in
Table 6 and Figure 39, the percentage of urban population increased from 35% in 1936 to
88% in 2001.177 It is also interesting that the rural population has not changed as much or
decreased, staying almost the same. This growth of urban inhabitants also indicates the
density of these spaces, but what is more important is the conversion of the rural areas to
urban spaces, as is happening in Choronf.
Total Total Urban % Urban RuralYear population Growth Population Urban Growth Population
% Rural
rate rate
1936 3,364,347 --- 1,168,039 35 --- 1,168,039 65
1941 3,850,771 2.75 1,516,444 39 5.40 2,334,327 61
1950 5,034,838 3.03 2,709,344 54 6.70 2,325,494 46
1961 7,523,999 4.00 5,073,845 67 6.30 2,450,154 33
1971 10,721,522 3.37 8,276,661 77 4.70 2,444,862 23
1981 1,516,735 3.09 12,034,373 83 3.60 2,482,362 17
1990 18,105,265 2.49 15,226,528 84 2.70 2,878,737 16
2001 23,054,210 2.22 20,381,757 88 2.70 2,672,453 12
Table 6. Urban and Rubal Growth in Venezuela between 1936 and 2001. Observe the
drastic increase of urban growth. Source: Data from Bolfvar Chollet
The growth of the towns is obvious on the aerial photographs from 1936, 1974 and
2005 (Figure 31, Figure 32, and Figure 33). The maps created with this information seen in
Figure 40, Figure 41, and Figure 42, reflect that there were still some spread out buildings
on the haciendas by 1936, but that the areas closer to towns were expanding, especially
Puerto Colombia. In the southern area of this town, some clusters of buildings grew over
time, and by 1974 there stood a complete neighborhood. The areas today called Pueblo
Nuevo (New Town) and La Avenida (the Avenue) were well developed by 1974.
177 Bolivar Chollett, Socfopoliticay Censos de Poblaci6n en Venezuela, 305.
103
CACAO HACIENDAS 1936
CHORONf VENEZUELA S~L~~~E~S JUND;~~~10 Eo F~;~w~I\YOR TOWN DEVELOPMENT
Figure 40. Town development analysis from the aerial photograph from 1936.
Source: Data from aerial photo 1936 and topographic map from 1984, courtesy of
Instituto GeogrMico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn by author
100 a 800 1,000
dt=====l......m mmE"""===.i
CACAO HACIENDAS STUDY 1974
CHORONf VENEZUELA E. F~~;;:AYOR TOWN DEVELOPMENT
Figure 41. Town Development analysis from the aerial photograph from 1974.
Source: Data from aerial photo 1974 and topographic map from 1984, courtesy of
lnstituto Geografico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn by author
104
lOS
CACAO HACIENDAS STUDY 2005
CHORONf VENEZUELA sZL~~~~E~S JUND~~~~10 E. F~;:w~AYOR TOWN DEVELOPMENT
Figure 42. Town development analysis from the aerial photograph from 200S.
Source: Data from aerial photo 200S and topographic map from 1984, courtesy of
lnstituto GeogrMico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn by author
106
La Avenida was built with modern houses starting in the 1940s-S0s in the former
hacienda San Antonio. This area was made exclusive to higher income people coming from
Caracas or other cities to enjoy a vacation home. Today most of these exclusive houses are
being converted to hotels. However, the neighbors have kept traffic away from their houses
by preventing pavement on the streets as a strategy to maintain their exclusivity. This
community was also the group that supported the continuation of the acequia mentioned
before, that was interrupted in 2008 for the construction of the bank. Many of the houses
included the acequia as a feature in their landscape design.
In the aerial photo from 1936, the hacienda houses are clearly observed on the
landscape, and can be identified on the respective map. The vegetation surrounding the
houses was kept away from the buildings. as a working place. In the 1974 map and aerial
photo this is less visible, and some of the houses are more difficult to find compared with
1936. In 2005, the Playa Grande, Torres, and Aljorra are the only hacienda houses clearly
visible; the house from La Sabaneta in Monterrosa is not included in the aerial photograph
from 2005. The hacienda houses, as the Hacienda San Antonio in Puerto Colombia (Figure
43-A), and EI Cumbe in Choron! (Figure 43-B) are fused with the rest of the buildings and
have become part of the urban fabric, as a result of the deterioration of the hacienda system,
and the construction of the urban spaces.
Figure 43. Photo "A" is the House of former Hacienda San Antonio in Puerto Colombia.
Today, only the sign above the door remains the people that this house used to be part of a
cacao hacienda. The building is fussed with the surrounding landscape, losing the sense of
hacienda. Photo "B" is the House of the former Hacienda EI Cumbe. Among today's cultural
landscape are the ruins of many hacienda houses that have lost their context and today
remain as hollow buildings. Photos by author, August 2009
107
Immigration to this valley has increased in the last twenty years along with the
tourism boom. The former haciendas Santa Clara, Parnaso, Santa Barbara, and EI Portete,
among others are now a continuous series of zinc and tile roofs as seen in the aerial
photograph. There are no longer acequias visible in this area, only the creeks' vegetation is
being maintained.
This aggressive pace of construction has been hurried along with the necessity to
respond to the region's growing tourist trade; an industry that can only be supported by
using a lot of space for hotels and not necessarily housing the community. Also, there has
been a large influx of people from Maracay, Valencia and Caracas, whose parents or
grandparents emigrated from Choronf to the cities in the '50s and '60s, and who are now
coming back to claim their "rights." However, in reality they are renting their houses,
building new hotels on their agricultural properties or simply invading (taking) part of the
former haciendas to use as land for a beach house and its supplementary rental income.
This group of immigrants is bringing new traditions with them and new values, which affect
the society that was in some degree isolated from the urban culture previously. Choronf is
becoming more urban than rural every day, doing so without any planning by the
government or enough infrastructures to support this population growth. Continually, the
solution is always to build instead of study and preserve the few pieces of history that
remain.
ROADS AND TRAILS
Historically, communication between Choronf and the other coastal valleys was
maintained along the sea. This was not easy for the fragile embarkations because the sea is
often rough and strong. People kept in constant communication with La Guaira (Caracas's
Port about 45 miles east) and Puerto Cabello (the second most important port ofVenezuela
located about 30 miles west), and even with Curacao or Aruba. However, the rest of the
communication was via ground travel along trails. These old paths were Native American
trails modified during the colonial period (1498-1810). There were three main trails as
seen in the aerial photographs and maps (Figure 31, Figure 32, Figure 33, Figure 44, Figure
45, and Figure 46): one to the south via Maracay, another to the east which connected to
Chuao (reaching La Guaira, and eventually Caracas), and another west that connected
Choronf with Aroa, Cuyagua and Ocumare. These were intricate, difficult and dangerous
108
paths and thus, were not commonly traveled. 178 There is a traditional song whose lyrics
illustrate how difficult these trails were:
"Prestame tu burra pa' ir pa' Choronf
Sf tu burra es buena,
Yo vuelvo a venir... "
Translated:
"Lend me your donkey to go to Choronf
Ifyour donkey is good,
I could come back..."
During the Independence movements, there was some research and review done on
these trails for military reason. In 1815, the officials from the Expeditionary Army of Pablo
Morillo,179 did an inventory of the different trails, indicating the sites and features of the
paths, as well as the duration needed to complete them. They even outlined the trajectories
as flat, upward, or downward,180
In the description of the Maracay-Choronf itinerary, there was a warning indicating
that the trail was narrow with precipices, steps, continuous turns, and many other features
that made this trail almost impossible for pack animals to travel. They said that even only
one man could barely pass through the extremely narrow path. Besides, "they [the mules]
should be very good mules and be rested, so they can do the journey without quitting
during it." The warning emphasized that it was "absolutely impossible for any troops to do
the journey from Maracay to Choronf in one day. To do this trail there should be an
overnight at the foot of the mountain, and during sunrise start the journey to the other side,
staying another overnight after crossing, and getting to Choron! the next day in a short time.
To start the route there should be good weather, because if there is rain, it is absolutely
impossible to walk the trail because all the way is a river and a very strong one."181
178 Castillo Lara, Nortemar Arag iiefio, 1:213.
179 General Pablo Morillo y Morillo (1775-1837) was Count of Cartagena and Marquis of La Puerta
and a Spanish General. Morillo was one of the leaders of the Spanish Army during the Independent of
Venezuela.
180 Castillo Lara, Nortemar Aragiiefio, 1:213
181 Ibid., 1:213-217
109
=-t---------------1
1936
ROADS AND TRAILS
Figure 44. Roads and trails analysis from the aerial photograph from 1936. Source:
Data from aerial photo 1936 and topographic map from 1984, courtesy of lnstituto
Geografico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn by author
LEGEND
TRAILS
NON-PAVED
ROAD -- ~~c=f~:_iJi~
PAVED
ROADS
100 0
CACAO HACIENDAS STUDY 1974
CHORONr VENEZUELA_ ROADS AND TRAILS
Figure 45. Roads and trails analysis from the aerial photograph from 1974. Source:
Data from aerial photo 1974 and topographic map from 1984, courtesy of Instituto
GeograJico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawing by author
110
~l~;J ~ 1/" "", t./1
, 1:1-
I "
, ,
" /LEGEND--l
PAVED
ROADS
CACAO HACIENDAS STUDY 2005
CHORON! VENEZUELA ROADS AND TRAILS
Figure 46. Roads and trails analysis from the aerial photograph from 2005. Source:
Data from aerial photo 2005 and topographic map from 1984, courtesy of Instituto
Geografico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawing by author
111
112
Today's road to Maracay was built between 1920 and 1935, and does not exactly
follow the previously described trail. In the research process, there was not much
information to be found about the original trail. The old trail is known as "EI Camino de los
Espafioles" (the Spanish Road) and entered Choronf at the east side of the river. This might
partially explain the location of the most important haciendas at the east side, including
Torres, Payare, Casibo, Sabaneta, Rinconada, among many others, whose owners during the
colony were part of the Choronf elite. Also, the soil at the east side of the eastern mountain
range in the valley are fertile as shown on the soil map (Figure 26), and many communities
like La Ceciba still exist today, and are very important for the cultivation of bananas,
plantain and yucca.
The other two trails still exist, however the one most used is the west path that
connects to Aroa, which is only six hours away. The trail to Chuao takes longer; from Playa
Grande it can take up to twelve hours at a fast pace. They are not as dangerous as the way
to Maracay, but there are similar characteristics: very narrow with precipices, steps, rivers
and steep upwards and downwards. The trail to Chuao also connects with the path that
goes through the El Casibo, La Rinconada and La Ceciba that is called "EI Camino Real" (The
Royal Road). The name Camino Real indicates that it was the most important trail even
though there were not enough historical findings to confirm whether this trail connected to
the Camino de los Espafioles.
The maps drawn based on the three aerial photographs (Figure 44, Figure 45, and
Figure 46), show the incremental density around the Choroni-Maracay road. As described
in Chapter Ill, the road has many villages in what are former haciendas. The only active
cacao haciendas that are west of the river and east of the road are Tesoro, and Santa
Apolonia and San Miguel (both part of Monterrosa). However, these haciendas face
continuous threats from the community to be built upon, or to be divided into lots among
the neighbor villages. Since 2009, the government started to intervene on these matters
and in July 2009 Hacienda Monterrosa was taken over by the federal government.
However, they did not divide the land, they kept it as a productive hacienda. In March 2010,
Hacienda Tesoro was also taken over by the government, with an unclear future.
The growth of the roads in Choroni has been crucial to the growth of the towns, as
well as a big threat to the vegetation, and therefore the haciendas. The areas where cars
have reached face the biggest changes. In order to preserve the landscape there must be
.--------------- - ---------------- -~--- --- -
113
restrictions for vehicular access. A good example is also the road that connects Playa
Grande beach to Puerto Colombia. As seen in the aerial photograph from 1936 (Figure 31),
the road was just a trail and then, by 1974 a concrete slab had been built on the river that
facilitated vehicular access to the beach. As a consequence, during 1980s, the local
government allowed parking below the coconut plantation, cutting down trees and
contaminating the sand. The owners, in this case, fought for their property rights and
restricted the cars from their agricultural areas. Then, by 2009 the federal government
proposed a parking lot of 300 vehicles, at the east side of the river, just after crossing the
concrete slab, by cutting down all the trees for this new use. The automobile is still winning
these battles.
Each of the elements analyzed in this section are connected, and have been directly
affected by the economy of the country, social changes and the political winds affecting the
country over time. Since its foundation as an encomienda, Choron) has been molded by
these factors. The landscape is dynamic and cannot be preserved perfectly, but it can be
conserved enough so that future generations understand the origins ofthe site, and the
reasons for its shape as it is today. The cases selected for this study are the remaining cacao
haciendas in the area (Figure 47).
They face continuous threats, not only from the community but also from the local
and federal governments that do not understand the historic importance of the hacienda
and the economic tie of cacao and this land. Sadly, it may take the complete destruction of
the haciendas to promote the value of their heritage. This thesis is intended to prevent this
from happening, to continue the legacy of many, like poet Jose Antonio Maitin, Jose Felix
Sosa (who signed the Declaration oflndependence), Pedro Machado Rodriguez, Vicente
Fuentes, Kai Rosenberg, among others who have believed strongly.
114
CAR IMAR
/ .
. 0,
~l\~,m
I I. .~'~ -~}li. ~
I ffi{~~0
I '\'l~'""""'I'~)~~I ,~\~~~~~
Figure 47. The cases selected for this study are the remaining cacao haciendas in the area.
At the north in yellow is Hacienda Playa Grande, in blue is Hacienda Torres, and to the
south in green are the haciendas that form Hacienda Monterosa. The darker color areas
around the river are the areas apt for cacao plantation. Map courtesy of Kai Rosenberg
115
CASE STUDY I: HACIENDA PLAYA GRANDE
Location
The Hacienda Playa Grande is located at the northeast end of the valley, at the east
side of the Choroni River in the Puerto Colombia area. Within its limits is Playa Grande
beach ("the large beach") where most tourist activities occur (Figure 48 and Figure 49). Its
west side runs along the Choroni River. At the north end, it borders the property of the
Marquez Family and the crest of Cerro Pan de Azu.car. To the northeast is the Caribbean Sea.
Its limits to the east go to the crest of the northeast mountain range and the Fila de Santa
Rosa (crest of Santa Rosa range). In addition, to the south, it borders the Hacienda Torres
and Hacienda Santa Rosa.
This hacienda includes a total of 436.66 hectares (1,078.55 acres), however most of
the land is mountainous, and leaving only approximately 20% of flat area that can be
cultivated. This result in having only 15% of the land to be suitable for cacao, because the
coconut plantation occupies a large area on the flat land.
History
Many owners and people were living in the sitio or area of Playa Grande during the
colonial times (1600s-1810). Within the research for this thesis, the earliest mention of
Playa Grande is in 1756 when Domingo Correa sued Elvira Lopez over the sale ofa cacao
hacienda in Playa Grande.182
Later, the census of 1790 surveyed by Priest Joseph Antonio Sabino Gomes. The area
of Playa Grande included eight houses:
• Isidoro Guardia House: seven (7) free slaves
• Felix Gil House: four (4) free slaves
• Don Juan Luis Atalais [Atalai or Atalay] House: five (5) free slaves
• Miguel Atalai [Atalais or Atalay] House: three (3) free slaves
• Manuel Benites House: three (3) free slaves
• Don Gabriel Oses House: two (2) free slaves
• [illegible] Oses House: eight (8) free slaves
• Don Carlos Rodriguez House: four (4) free slaves183
182 Ibid., 1:313.
183 Ibid., 1:176
116
Pan de A:i1ucar House- no patio
South of the house is a brick kiln
Cerro Pan de Azucar (Mount)
Property line
CACAO PLANTATION AREA
COCONUT PLANTATION
1 - - -ACEQUIA
, .,...,... - TOMA OF ACEQUIA
------. TAil
1+1+- UNPAVED ROAD
- PAVED ROAD
• BUILDINGS
CACAO HACIENDAS STUD
CHORONf VENEZUELA E. FUENMAYOR NORTH-PLAYAGRANDE
Figure 48. Hacienda Playa Grande. The hacienda was originally two haciendas, in this
map is shown the north area corresponding to Playa Grande. Source: Data from
topographic map courtesy of the Machado Family and on the topographic map from
1984 courtesy of Instituto Geografico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn by author
117
\
CACAO HACIENDAS STUDY HACIENDA PLAYA GRANDE
CHORONf VENEZUELA SOUTH - IZAGUIRRE
Figure 49. Hacienda Playa Grande. The hacienda was originally two haciendas, in
this map is shown the south area corresponding to Izaguirre. Source: Data from
topographic map courtesy of the Machado Family and on the topographic map from
1984 courtesy of Instituto GeogrMico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn by author
118
Interestingly, the Atalay family would remain in Playa Grande until 1903 when
Antonia Roldan de Rojas sold out to Emilia Maitin de Collazo. She inherited it from her
mother Carmen Atalay de Roldan in 1850,184
In Choron!, many Spaniards migrated from the Canary Islands, among them was
Francisco Romero, from Santa Cruz de Tenerife. When he died in 1791, he left behind three
haciendas: La Escorzonera (today the village of Romerito along the road), La Isleta (today
part of Monterrosa), and Playa Grande. Romero had purchased these properties from the
Blanco de Villegas Family.18s
Another Spaniard from the Canary Islands was Antonio Gonzalez de Sotomayor,
who owned the Hacienda Playa Grande, and died in 1801. His daughter married Jose
Gorfin, who took charge of the hacienda and its 15 slaves.186
However, the person who changed the course of the history of Playa Grande was
Jose Andres Hernandez who in 1880 started to buy up small surrounding properties. His
son Froilan Hernandez Ojeda married Emilia Maitin, but then died early. Emilia Maitin
married Tomas Collazo, who was the capataz (overseer) of the hacienda, who also played a
role in the history of Choroni haciendas. Jose Andres Hernandez left in his will in 1895, all
his properties to his grandson Jose Rafael Hernandez Maitin when he was still underage.
Emilia Maitin, later known as Emilia Maitin de Collazo as legal guardian of her son bought
many properties in the area of Playa Grande. During this time in Venezuela, there was a
growth on the latifundia, where one powerful person was buying small properties; it
appears that Choroni did not escape this trend.
Between 1880 and 1927, Jose Andres Hernandez, and then his grandson Jose Rafael
Hernandez Maitin acquired more than fifteen properties, increasing the size of the Hacienda
considerably. During this period, there were other houses in the area, and today only two
remain as evidence of this process. The main house of Hacienda Playa Grande was included
among the first properties acquired by Hernandez in the nineteenth century, and is still the
184 "Escritura de Adquisicion (Deeds): Juan Vicente Gomez. Haciendas de Cacao, Cocos y Cafe,
Denominadas "Playa Grande," "Izaguirre,""Torres,""Payares,''''Santa Rosa"y potrero "La Laguna" y
Casas de Choroni. " (Registro de Oficina Subalterna. Estado Aragua, Venezuela, 1934), Bajo el numero
54, Folio 78 al 86 del Protocolo Primero.
185 Manuel Hernandez Gonzalez, Los Canarios en la Venezuela Colonial, 1670-1810, 1st ed., Taller de
Historia 25 (Tenerife, Canary Islands, Spain: Centro de la Cultura Popular Canaria, 1999), 258
186 Ibid., 259
119
main building today (Figure 50). The house is located to the southwest of the Playa Grande
area, at the foot the mountain, elevated from the plantation and with an excellent view over
the property.
Hernandez and Hernandez Maitin boughtthree large haciendas, along with Playa
Grande: Hacienda Campos Elfseos (Champ Elysees), also known as La Gonzalera owned by
the Gonzalez Cordero Family, and sold in 1924. Hacienda EI Rosario, also known as La
Pantojera, was owned by the Pantoja Family and sold to Hernandez Maitin in 1920. In
addition, Hernandez acquired the Hacienda La Trinidad, also known as lzaguirre. 107
Figure 50. The main house of Hacienda Playa Grande. Northeast facades with
drying patio between buildings. The right area was historically the residence and
the left wing was dedicated to storage. Photo by author, August 2009
It is worth mentioning that many of the Haciendas had names that have been
overtime replaced by their historical owner's last name, for example, Hacienda El Rosario is
now known as La Pantojera because its owner's last name was Pantoja. In the case of
Hacienda La Trinidad, the common name is Izaguirre that originates from the last name of
the owner from 1700s (Table 4), Don Jose Ignacio Eizaguirre (also spelled Izaguirre) who is
named as the owner of the Hacienda Chimine, with twenty-eight slaves by the end of the
187 "Escrituras de Adquisicion."
120
eighteenth century. These kinds of facts indicate the importance of traditional families, and
their existence in Choroni. For more than two centuries, these families have been part of
the community, and in the twentieth century, families like the Pantoja, Gozalez Cordero,
Atalay, among other, started leaving their haciendas and changing their lifestyle, as
agriculture lost power in the economy.188
However, as some families sold and moved away others stayed and found
opportunities in the international venue. Venezuela had a pavilion in the 1893 World's
Columbian Exhibition, showing among many other things, cacao and their products. In the
book from the exhibition, the following haciendas from Choroni was indicated:
• Don Jose Andres Hernandez from Hacienda Playa Grande, with 50,000 trees and
400 fanegas of cacao
• Manuel Pimentel Otero from Hacienda Payare, with 10,000 trees and 60 fanegas of
cacao
• Baldomero Sosa from Hacienda Santa Clara, with 30,000 trees and 300 fanegas of
cacao189
In 1934, most of the properties owned by Hernandez Maitin were sold to Juan
Vicente Gomez, the president of Venezuela, as explained in previous chapters. However, the
period where the property was owned by Gomez was very short, because he died in 1935
and later all the possessions were passed to the nation. For only six years, Hacienda Playa
Grande was managed by the government, and was kept in production. The government
offered the haciendas back to the former owners, but many did not accept the offer because
of the lack of interest in cacao, and agriculture in general. These properties, as previously
explained, were offered to families that had suffered under the dictatorship of Gomez as a
compensation for their losses. Under this figure, the Hacienda Playa Grande was sold in
1940 to Pedro Machado Rodriguez, agricultor (farmer) as he would called himself, who
against many people beliefs managed to produce the best cacao in the country, winning
prizes and steadily increasing coconut production as reflected in the aerial photographs
(Figure 31 and Figure 32).190 After Pedro Machado's death in 1973, his daughter Rosa
1BB Castillo Lara, Nortemar Aragiiefio, 1:173,182.
1B9 Arfstides Rojas, ed., Exposicion Universal Colombina de Chicago: Los Estados Unidos de Venezuela en
1893. Publicado de Orden del Gobierno de Venezuela (New York: Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores
Venezuela, 1893),42
190 "Escrituras de Adquisici6n."
121
Haydee Machado Segovia managed to keep the hacienda moving between an architectural
carrier of cacao and coconuts.
The Hacienda Playa Grande is today one of the most threatened haciendas because
of its proximity to the tourist areas. The cacao plantation is currently being restored with
5,000 cacao trees being planted, and has had the same ownership for 70 years. The
granddaughters of Pedro Machado Rodr!guez are the newest generation to take charge and
help produce the best cacao in Venezuela once again.
CASE STUDY H: HACIENDA TORRES
Location
The Hacienda Torres is located to the southeast of the valley, at the east side of the
Choron! River in the Choron! area (Figure 51). It is just south of the southern boundary of
the town of Choron! and to the western limits at the Choron! River. At the north with
former hacienda Izaguirre, today part of Playa Grande, at the east with the crest of the
mountain range, which is also part of the property; at the south with Hacienda Monterosa
The actual hacienda was formed by two haciendas or areas, Torres and La Guillermera
(Figure 52).
Figure 51. The main house of Hacienda Torres. View from the north patio.
This was originally the residential wing. The desbabadero is at the left, as
a late addition. Beyond on the right is the two story building originally for
storage. Photo by author, August 2009
CACAO HACIENDAS STUDY
CHORONf VENEZUELA
122
\ LEGEND
,--------1
\ L::'J CACAO PLANTATION
- - -ACEQUIA
o!'~ -TOMA OF ACEQUIA
••••••• TRAIL
UNPAVED ROAD
- PAVED ROAD
@ BUILDINGS
HACIENDA TORRES
Figure 52. Hacienda Torres. Source: Data from topographic map courtesy of the
Vicente Fuentes and the topographic map from 1984 courtesy of Instituto Geografico
de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawn by author
123
This hacienda includes a total of 176.95 hectares (437.25 acres); however, most of
the land is mountains with an estimated 30 hectares of semi- flatland that can be cultivated.
This indicates that less than 18% of the land is suitable for cacao, a similar situation to
Hacienda Playa Grande.
History
Similar to Playa Grande, the historic documents and census from the colonial era
indicates that there were many people living in the Sitio de Torres. As early as 1753, Torres
is mentioned as a site with haciendas and houses (Figura 49). As shown in Table 4, by the
end of eighteenth century, Hacienda Torres was owned by the heirs of Dr. Antonio Martinez
de Fuentes, and the mayordomo was D. Nicolas Garcia. Also in 1753, Don Domingo Correa
complained that neighbors from Payare are stealing the water from his acequia that
irrigates his hacienda in the Sitio of Torres. This hacienda was inherited by Correa's sons in
1787,191
In more recent history, in 1913 the Hacienda Torres was sold by Simon Bravo to
Tomas Collazo, who was the stepfather of Jose Rafael Hernandez Maitin. However, by 1924,
Tomas Collazo was sick and blind and just two days before he died, he sold the Hacienda
Torres to his only daughter Maria Lourdes Collazo de Gordils. In 1934, Maria Lourdes and
her stepbrother Jose Rafael Hernandez Maitin decided to sell the property to President
General Juan Vicente Gomez.
In 1941, the government sold the property to Julio Urbano, who also acquired land
in the area of Payares called La Guillermera. This property was bought by Gomez in 1934
from Maria Cleofe Guzman de Guzman and Guillermo Guzman who inherited it from her
dead husband Jose del Carmen Rojas in 1919.192 In 1943, just two years after Julio Urbano
bought the hacienda, he sold it to Vicente Fuentes, agricultor. Since then, the Hacienda
Torres has been owned by the Fuentes Family, who inherited it after Vicente Fuentes
death,193 His youngest son, Vicente Fuentes is an agricultural engineer who currently lives
191 Castillo Lara, Nortemar Arag iiefio, 1:298, 301.
192 "Escritura de Adquisici6n (Deeds): Vicente Fuentes." (Registro de Oficina Subalterna. Estado
Aragua, Venezuela, 1943), No. 83. Folios 154 del Protocolo Primero. Torno 1Q de 1948
193 Ibid.
------ ------
124
on the Hacienda, and since 1989 has started to restore the cacao plantation. In this process,
Fuentes provided vehicular access to the hacienda by building a concrete slab at the river
level; however, a solution that seemed to improve the business of cacao has also become
one of the most damaging, mainly by adding easy tourist access to the "forest" which
became a violation of private property, whether intended or not.
Today, the Hacienda Torres is located across the river from the Haciendas EI
Parnaso, El Cumbe and Santa Barbara, areas that are bringing waves of people looking for a
piece of land to build on and sell. The easy access to the cacao has also been affecting the
plantations, whereby many loads are stolen or damaged for sabotage and/or delinquency.
The house is also not being maintained or restored, and some areas are going into ruins.
Despite the threats, the Hacienda Torres has been in the same ownership for almost
70 years and is producing an excellent cacao criollo with about 12,000 highly productive
cacao trees.
CASE STUDY III: HACIENDA MONTEROSA
Location
The Hacienda Monterosa is located at the southeast side of the valley, at the east side
of the road Choronf-Maracay (Figure 53). It borders Hacienda Torres to the north; the
Choronf River to the west in some parts with, with the road Choronf-Maracay some, and
others with the crest of the western mountain range; with the crest of the mountain range
that is also part of the property to the east; and to the southwest by Hacienda EI Tesoro; and
to the south with the boundary line of Maracay. The hacienda was formed by Sabaneta,
Casibo, Santa Apolonia, and San Miguel (Figure 54 and Figure 55).
The haciendas that form Monterosa are geographically similar to Torres and Playa
Grande, where most of the area is mountainous and a lower percentage is left for
agricultural activities. The hacienda Sabaneta has an area of about 200 hectares, however
only 17 hectares can be cultivated. The hacienda EI Casibo is about 2,276 hectares (6,000
acres) only 41.50 hectares or 2% are semi-flat lands apt for cacao plantation. Santa
Apolonia is about 400 hectares, however, only 15 hectares or 4.93% are semi-flat lands, and
only 41.5 hectares (1.80%) and 15 hectares (3.7%) are apt for cacao plantation. Therefore,
97.8% in the case of El Casibo and 95.1% in Santa Apolonia are mountainous lands without
125
agricultural possibilities, and most of them are located in the National Park, and follow the
Reglamenta de Usa del Parque Nacianal Henri Pittier (Special Use Law for the Henri Pittier
National Park) where agricultural activities are not allowed. The area that corresponds to
this special use is 98% of El Casibo and 95% of Santa Apolonia; these areas are reservoirs to
protect fauna and vegetation.
History
[n 1996, Kai Rosenberg decided to create an organization called Hacienda
Monterosa as an initiative to scientifically and commercially, restore cacao cultivation in
Choron!. This organization bought the Haciendas La Sabaneta, EI Casibo, Santa Apolonia,
and San Miguel in 1996, as part of the Rosenberg project in Choronf. The names of the
haciendas are still their historical names, but for the purpose of this thesis, the name
Hacienda Monterosa was used in reference to the entire group of haciendas.
Figure 53. The main house of Hacienda Monterosa, the house of Hacienda La
Sabaneta. The building at the left is facing north and was originally for residence.
The building at the right faces east, and was originally for storage. Photo by
author, August 2009
126
Acequia and
trail
- -
Former
Hacienda
EI Placer
Mountain Range
CACAO HACIENDAS STUDY HACIENDA MONTEROSA
CHORONf VENEZUELA NORTH· SfAAPOWNIA&LASABANIITA
Figure 54. Hacienda Monterosa. Formed by three main haciendas: Santa Apolonia, La
Sabaneta and EI Casibo. In this map is the north area of Hacienda Santa Apolonia and
La Sabaneta. Source: Data from topographic map courtesy of Kai Rosenberg and on
the topographic map from 1984 courtesy of Instituto Geografico de Venezuela Simon
Bolivar. Drawn by author
127
Mountain Range
Mountain Range
LEGEND
.-..
Ruins of
Hacienda EI
Casibo House
-...
Hac;end
-.. a La Saban
-. -.. eta
Haciend . -..
a £/ Casibo
Creeks
Mountain Range
-..
Former Hacienda EI Placer
Choroni-
Maracay Road----~~
Mountain Range
Electric Plant
from 1930s,
Today a
Museum
CACAO HACIENDAS STUDY HACIENDA MONTEROSA
CHORON' VENEZUELA SOUTH - EL CASIBO
Figure 55. Hacienda Monterosa. In this map is the south area of Hacienda El Casibo.
Source: Data from topographic map courtesy of Kai Rosenberg and on the
topographic map from 1984 courtesy of Instituto GeogrMico de Venezuela Simon
Bolivar. Drawn by author
128
The Hacienda El Casibo was mentioned in the Olavarriaga's census of 1720, and was
owned by Don Simon Coupar and housed 14,000 cacao trees. This hacienda is located at the
southern limits of the valley (Figure 55), and because of this geographic location and
topography, it was cultivated with cacao and sugar cane, since before 1720.194 By 1741,
the hacienda was owned by Francisco Perez Gonzalez, and had grown to 23,000 cacao trees
with 12 tab/ones 195 of sugar cane, included a trapiche by waterpower, and forty slaves,196
In the late eighteenth century census, the Hacienda El Casibo was owned by Dona
Catalina Perez de Gonzalez, with 61 slaves,197 In 1802, Captain Don Manuel de Ayala
Soriano,19B received a donation from his aunt Dona Catalina Perez de Gonzalez, with many
properties and among them, were the Hacienda El Casibo and La Sabaneta. These
neighboring haciendas sat on the northern limit of El Casibo, separated by a creek. In this
census, Hacienda La Sabaneta also appeared as owned by Juan Joseph de Ochoa (Table 4).
These two haciendas shared more than a creek and acequias, since they have shared owners
beginning with Ayala up until today.
The haciendas were divided after the death ofAyala's wife Josefa Manuela de Ayala,
and it was not until almost a century later that these properties were grouped again. In
1904, Fermin Pina bought different properties that once belonged to Hacienda El Casibo,
which were distributed among Ayalas's inheritors, and in 1905 Pina sold the Hacienda El
194 Olavarriaga, Provincia de Venezuela en los Aiios de 1720y 1721,230.
195 Tablones is the measuring system used during the colonial times for sugar cane, and is referred to
the area planted. One tablon is usually one hundred square varas. One vara is the equivalent of three
feet, about a yard. This measuring system varied from country to country but in Latin America, was
commonly used the Castilian Vara that is about 0.9 modern yards (0,8359 m).
196 Castillo Lara, Nortemar Aragileiio, 1:187-188
197 Ibid., 1:181-182
198 Manuel de Ayala was an important and respected person in Choroni, by 1794 he was the
Comandante de Armas ofChoron! and vicinities (Commandant of the Army). He was born in a family
with Military tradition, his father was Coronel Manuel de Ayala, who had important position on the
Spanish Government and his mother was Juana Josefa Soriano. His three brothers were also in the
military carreer. Manuel de Ayala was a fervent supporter ofthe patriotic cause and in 1810 (the
year of the Declaration of Independence) was designated by the inhabitants of Choroni, one of the
electors to designate de senators to the First Congress of the Republic. After the Declaration, he was
elevated to Coronel and was designated the Commandant of the Army of the cost from La Guaira
(Caraca's Port to Patanemo, see figure xx in Chapter II). After the fall of the First Republic in 1814, his
properties were confiscated by the Spanish Crown but then were given to his wife.
129
Casibo to Jorge Rivas Sosa. In 1974, the many descendants of Rivas Sosa formed a company
called Hacienda Casiba Campania Anonima, and the property was sold to Kai Rosenberg in
1996.199
The Hacienda La Sabaneta (Figure 53), as explained before, was also owned by
Manuel Ayala, and it was kept in the family until 1895, when brothers Casimiro and Justo
Sosa Rojas acquired most of the property from Ayala's granddaughter Mercedes Marquez.
In 1907, they also purchased small properties around the hacienda to augment the size of
the asset. When the alliance of the Sosa Rojas Brothers was dissolved in 1909, the Hacienda
La Sabaneta was left in the hands of Casimiro Sosa Rojas, who died in 1943 leaving the
properties to his son Pedro Ramon Sosa Serrano. From 1947 to 1949, after a series of
transactions, the hacienda was owned by Marfa Paula Sosa de Rojas, an illegitimate
daughter of Casimiro Sosa Rojas. In 1991, Sosa de Rojas sold the hacienda to CamBo Daniel
Gonzalez. In 1992, it was acquired by Hacienda La Sabaneta Compafiia Anonima, a company
owned by Kai Rosenberg that was later incorporated in the Monterosa project.
The Hacienda Santa Apolonia has a similar history of ownership, starting out as a
large property, divided up, and later re-established as a large hacienda. The Sosa Rojas
Brothers inherited the Hacienda Santa Apolonia, among other properties in the area, from
his father Domingo Sosa Garcia in 1885, who had also inherited it from his father Domingo
Sosa Perez in 1827 (Domingo Sosa Perez was also a supporter of the patriotic cause as
Manuel Ayala, and his properties were also confiscated and later given to his wife).20o The
Sosa Rojas Brothers grouped together many properties as Jose Rafael Hernandez Maitin did
with Playa Grande around the same time. The brothers began buying properties in 1895,
and continued until 1909 when they split the assets and the haciendas were again
separated.
In the 1909 partition of the brothers' properties, the Hacienda Santa Apolonia was
left in the hands of Justo Ramon Sosa Rojas. His wife Enriqueta Padron de Sosa and their
199 "Escritura de Adquisici6n (Deeds): Hacienda El Casibo" (Oficina de Registro Inmobiliario del
Municipio Girardot. Estado Aragua, Venezuela, January 31, 1974), Bajo el Folio 46 al 53 del Protocolo
3, Torno 1, Primer Trimestre.
200 This lineage of the Sosa Family comes from Domingo Sosa, the father of Domingo Sosa Perez, who
was born in Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Canary Islands in 1725 and moved to Venezuela where he
had important positions among the Spanish Crown, including the administration of taxes in ChoronL
His name is mention in many documents related with Choronl in the eighteenth century. Hernandez
Gonzalez, Los Canarios en la Venezuela Colonial, 1670-1810, 258
130
daughter Maria Sosa Padron, inherited among other properties, this hacienda that was sold
in 1944 to Antonio Maria Romero. In 1972, it was inherited by Manuel Simon Vazquez, and
similar to the other haciendas, after a series of transactions was owned by Freddy Bernardo
Rodriguez Verenzuela in 1979, who sold it to Kai Rosenberg in 1993, as part of Hacienda
Monterosa Compania Anonima.
In 2009, the federal government started to intervene in the cacao production of
Venezuela, and initiated actions in Choron! by taking the Haciendas El Casibo and Santa
Apolonia. Then, a few months later, the government confiscated Hacienda La Sabaneta.
However, the government continues to operate them as cacao haciendas.
It is interesting how all these haciendas are related, not only physically but also
throughout their history, because their ownership tradition is connected through the
traditional families that stayed in Choron! up to the twentieth century. The history of these
three haciendas: Playa Grande, Torres, and Monterosa are good examples ofthe flexibility of
the hacienda system mentioned in Chapter II. Because it not only shrinks and expands in
size, but also the people, owners, families, the haciendas have still managed to continue to
exist until the twenty-first century, (and further) to produce and serve the same purpose,
even using the same mechanisms as over the past centuries. More research can be done to
understand the movement of these ownership patterns through the valley, but for the
purpose of this thesis, the major changes are enough to comprehend their influence on
today's landscape.
THE HACIENDA'S CULTURAL LANDSCAPE: PROCESSES AND CHARACTERISTICS
The history of these haciendas is as complicated as the elements that are part of
these microcosms, because the landscape depends on all of them: trees for shade, cacao
trees, acequias, buildings for offices and residency, trails, and people. All of these elements
are character-defining features, however, because the goal of this thesis is to propose a
conservation plan for future generations to enjoy and learn about these historic places, the
clear identification ofthese features is important to read the landscape and reach the main
goal of this thesis.
In order to comprehend the connection ofthese elements, a series of detailed maps
and sections 'of the landscape were created for each hacienda (Figure 56). The detailed
maps focus on the buildings' interaction with the landscape. For Monterosa, the house of
131
Hacienda La Sabaneta was chosen, because it is the hub of the Hacienda Monterosa and the
only building use for storage and living space. There are many ruins on the landscape, as
part of this shrinkage and expansion process of ownership that has been happening for
centuries.
Bulletin No. 30, Guidelines for Evaluating and Documenting Rural Historic
Landscapes201 from the National Park Service, is an excellent tool designed to understand
rural landscapes such as these haciendas. Although these guidelines were designed
specifically for the United States, the methodology of observation and identification is
generic enough, that it can be applied in a completely different landscape such as Choroni.
Bulletin No. 30 indicates eleven characteristics that "are the tangible evidence of the
activities and habits of the people who occupied, developed, used, and shaped the land to
serve human needs; they may reflect the beliefs, attitudes, traditions, and values of these
people."202
There are processes that have shaped the landscape, many of which have already
been mentioned and discussed throughout this thesis, and there are physical components
that are evidence of the use of the land such as the hacienda houses and acequias.
Processes
Land Use and Activities
The three hacienda case studies contain uses for agriculture, industrial, recreational,
and/or conservation activities. The agricultural activities are represented mainly by the
cacao plantation that is located at the flat or semi-flat areas, and is defined mainly by the
topography, rivers, and creeks.
In the Hacienda Playa Grande, there are two main agricultural uses, the cacao and
coconut plantations, and both have affected the cultural landscape. The cacao is located at
the foot of the mountain in a "P" shape, with the round area of the "P" in the north; this flat
area includes the La Gonzalera, the Playa Grande beach, and La Sabana. The stick of the "P"
on the southwest is known as Izaguirre.
201 Flint McClelland et aJ., "NR Bulletin 30."
202 Ibid., 3
132
8
c
ChorOlliRI'Ier
------
AceqlJias
\
/
Creek channel as aceqllia
Boundarv line
Hac!enela Sabaneta
a"d Ha~iet1da(aslbo
Figure 56. Maps indicating the main elements of the landscape on selected case
studies: "A" is the Hacienda Playa Grande. "B" is the Hacienda Torres and "e" is the
main house of the Hacienda Monterosa (La Sabaneta). Source: Data from topographic
map from 1984, courtesy of Instituto GeogrMico de Venezuela Simon Bolivar, aerial
photograph from 2005, courtesy of Google Earth and topographic maps courtesy of
hacienda owners. Drawn by author
133
In Hacienda Torres and Monterosa, the main agricultural activity is cacao. The
plantation is located west of the house in the semi-flat area, bordered by the river to the
west and the foot of the mountain to the east. In Hacienda Santa Apolonia, the cacao
plantation is located between the Choronf River to the east and the Choronf-Maracay road
to the west, in a semi-flat area. There are other secondary products like banana, plantain,
and other fruits for domestic consumption within the cacao plantation.
The main buildings house residential and industrial activities; this last one is related
to the dry and fermentation element of the cacao process. These uses are directly
connected to the roads and trails to facilitate transportation of the final product, as well as
the mobilization of the cacao pods and beans through the plantation.
In Playa Grande, there are also three kilns identified during the survey in 2009. Two
brick kilns built of bricks to produce roof tiles and bricks. One is located east of the main
house, on the trail to Santa Rosa, and the other one at the foot of the house located at the
Cerro Pan de Azucar, on the trail that connects the Playa Grande beach with Puerto
Colombia, north of the hacienda. The third one is a limekiln built of stone, located
southwest of the house in the area of Izaguirre, at the foot of the mountain and east of the
trail that connects to Hacienda Torres. In Hacienda Torres, no kilns were identified during
the survey (Figure 49 and Figure 52).
In the Hacienda El Casibo, as well as in Playa Grande, there are also trapiches used
to process sugar cane, as previously explained, using waterpower from the acequias, and
worksingon domestic production of the sugar. The trapiche from Playa Grande was small
and used a wooden wheel. The trapiche from El Casibo is larger and has a tower, where
drinks were also distilled, as explained in the deeds documents. There are probably more
kilns on the haciendas that have not been surveyed, some may have been demolished,
others just buried in vegetation, long forgotten.
The major recreational areas are found in the Hacienda Playa Grande in the area of
the beach. This activity has been a major shaping element during the last twenty years. The
roads that were used for internal transportation of the crops are also sometimes used by
tourists who need their vehicles close by, to access areas where this is not permitted. The
construction of barriers like doors and fences has been more reinforced in the last ten
years, as Choronf becomes more popular not only domestically but internationally. This
activity is restricted to the beach area and the riverbanks. The other haciendas have also
134
been impacted by recreational use of the riverbanks, especially Hacienda Torres, where
tourists use the "batea" or concrete slab on the river to park their cars and wash them, even
though there is a sign that prohibits such activities (Figure 57).
In the Hacienda Playa Grande, the conservation activities are practiced by the
family that owns the hacienda by controlling hunting and poaching, and preventing
unnecessary deforestation. The Henri Pittier National Park does not cover this hacienda.
However, Hacienda Torres and Monterosa are all located within the National Park area. The
mountainous areas do not allow agricultural activities.
Figure 57. "Batea" or concrete slab on the river to access the hacienda, where
tourists illegally park their cars and wash them at the entrance of Hacienda
Torres. The sign indicates that is prohibited to wash cars. Photo by author,
August 2009
Patterns of Spatial Organization
The Choronf River has been a major feature in the development of the haciendas.
Today, the area east of the river has been kept protected, leaving the haciendas for
agricultural uses, while west of the river where the towns are located has been mostly
developed for tourism. There are a few exceptions, like the Hacienda EJ Tesoro and
Hacienda Santa Apolonia (part of Hacienda Monterosa), which are still producing cacao that
are located between the river and the road Choronf-Maracay.
135
The mountains' presence has limited growth of the plantations. In most of the
haciendas, more than 80% is a mountainous area, not workable for agricultural activities.
Nevertheless, the architects of the haciendas took advantage of this "disadvantage" by
elevating the buildings instead. The offices and residential areas are located at the foot of
the mountain and elevated enough to watch over the plantation.
Another pattern that has affected the landscape is the change in land ownership, as
was explained with the history of the haciendas. These events can also be related with the
political development during the different periods, as analyzed in early chapters. The
flexibility of the haciendas has allowed them to expand and shrink in size, with
consequences such as discarding extra utilitarian buildings on site, and/or other houses in
the Haciendas. In Playa Grande, the area known as La Gonzalera, was a hacienda that
contained a house with a drying patio, calicantos, acequias and other features. Today, only
the ruins remain. In the Hacienda Monterosa there are several ruins that are identified in
the topographic map (Figure 54 and Figure 55). Many small haciendas were grouped as
explained in the history, to create the present landscape.
Response to the Natural Environment
The hacienda is not only an economic system, but also an agricultural entity that in
Choroni is based on cacao. To ensure the continuity of the haciendas, the cacao crop should
remain in the landscape. However, the weather in the Central Coastal Region of Venezuela
is challenging for this crop, which needs constant shade only provided by large trees like
Mijao, Caobas, etc. The survival of these large trees and the cacao depend directly on the
acequias. This very complex irrigation system was developed over centuries, to move the
water by gravity through the landscape and reach places where creeks and rivers cannot.
The acequias that are used today are still the same that originated on this landscape. Today,
the tradition of building new acequias has not been continued, however existing ones are
being maintained and preserved. It is one of the most expensive parts of the haciendas'
maintenance, because it requires many hours of strong physical labor, and because just a
few branches and leaves can prevent their fully function.
Another response to the natural environment is the topography mentioned before
in this chapter. Each hacienda possesses it own unique topography. The valley of Choroni
is shaped by the mountain and the river that also defines the limits and agricultural areas,
136
as previously explained. However, there are some commonalities, especially on the location
of the plantation and its relation to towns, roads, and water. The settlements are all located
close to the roads and/or springs, and elements like the acequias and creeks have been
adapted to this topography, to serve these settlements. The locations of the edifications in
the haciendas have also been influenced by the mountain terrain and the wind. As the Laws
ofIndies recommended, most of the houses in the haciendas are located in elevated areas, at
the skirt of mountains, and protected from the southerly wind that is usually warmer than
the north wind.203
The topography not only affects the elements previously explained, but also the
actual kind of plantation. At a higher elevation, cacao is been replaced by other crops like
coffee. The elevation above the sea has the most impact on the air temperature in Northern
Venezuela. In 1948, the temperature sinks on the average 0.57° Celsius per 100 meters.
"The cold limit for the cultivation of cacao on a commercial scale is reached in the
Venezuelan Highlands, as a rule, at about 1000 meters above the sea."204 In Choroni at sea
level, the plantations are cacao, coconut, etc., and in the higher mountain areas, there is
coffee, oranges, lime, among others.
The other important response to the environment is the actual process of the cacao
that is dried in the sun, using solar energy instead of ovens. All the Hacienda houses have
one or more patios used to dry the cacao seeds. This sustainable agricultural practice uses
not only zero electricity, but also conserves the fauna and vegetation that are part of the
cacao natural process.
Cultural Traditions
The layout of the haciendas was inherited from the Spanish culture. As it has been
previously discussed, the hacienda was a new economic-agricultural system created for
Latin American; however, the settlement organization was used during the Reconquista
period with the re-conquest of the Spanish and Portuguese territory on the Muslim
occupation, explained in Chapter II. The organization of the buildings on the site, as well as
203 Brewer-Carias, La Ciudad Ordenada, 232.
204 Ivar ErnehoIm, Cacao Production ofSouth America: Historical Development and Present
Geographical Distribution, Meddelande fran G6teborgs H6gskolas Geografiska Institution 34
(Gothenburg, Sweden: G6teborgs H6gskolas Geografiska Institution, 1948), 226
137
the use of the water for the creation of the acequias, came from the traditional Spanish way
of settlement.
The strategic placement of buildings demonstrates an intention ofvigilance over the
plantation. The access trails to the buildings are in all of the case studies from below, which
also creates an effect of dominance over incoming visitors or transients. The plantations of
cacao are usually between ten to twenty meters below the level of the house, and the people
that would walk across these spaces were (are) the workers, so there is a clear social
separation.
There is also a cultural tradition of surrounding residential areas with orchards of
various fruits, sugar cane, spices, and other necessary plants for everyday consumption. In
addition, the use of the acequias, which is a constant among all the hacienda buildings
studied, are part of culture for fresh water close to the main house, not only for
consumption but also for bathing. There are at least two acequias close to the house, in
some cases like in La Sabaneta and Torres, there is one (two in Torres) up on the mountain
at the rear area of the house, and another in the immediate front of the house. The one on
the front receives rainwater run-off from the patio and roofs, as well as the liquid that
comes out of the fermentation room. These acequias ensure fresh water for human
consumption and for keeping the areas around the house clean.
An important aspect is that cacao is an American fruit, meaning that the plantation
and the processes are an adaptation of the Native American cultures. The process of the
cacao pod is not as different as many other products used in Native American cultures: corn,
chili, and yucca, among other, where the seeds or the product itself is extracted, dried in the
sun, and then crushed against a stone, obtaining a powder. The Spaniards carried this
knowledge farther and improved it repeatedly, even up to the nineteenth century when
fermentation was introduced to the cacao process.
The landscape observed today in the haciendas has been shaped by many cultures,
some of their traditions were left on these sites for us to remember them, and some may
have vanished. However, their history is imprinted in the features that this thesis intends to
record and direct conservation efforts for.
138
Components
Circulation Networks
There is a direct connection between water and circulation in the haciendas. The
trails that connect all the haciendas follow the path of the river, creeks and acequias, which
is reasonable for the need of a source of water in case of resting or camping. These trails
are also used for work within the plantation for internal transportation of the pods that are
cut in the field, as explained in Chapter lII, and the beans to storage and drying areas.
The main trail is located along the river, and runs north-south. This trail connects
all the haciendas used as a case study (Figure 58). There are perpendicular trails that
connect to the main path and to access the hacienda houses and the other areas of the
Town of Puerto Colombia
Town of Choronf
Hacienda Santa Apolonia
Hacienda Playa Grande
Hacienda Izaguirre
Hacienda Torres
Hacienda La Sabaneta
Hacienda El Casibo
Figure 58. The main trail is located along the river, and runs north-
south The trail connects all the haciendas. The squares with diagonal
lines represent the haciendas. The squares with a grid pattern indicate
the towns of Choronf and Puerto Colombia. The thick line represents
the trail. Drawn by author
plantation. This path also connects with the two towns, and therefore with the port. This
trail is slowly losing ground in some areas, because the Choronf-Maracay road is now
mainly used.
The road that connects to Maracay has historically marked the development of the
area. Since its opening for vehicular access in 1935, the dynamic of the haciendas has
139
changed. The Hacienda Playa Grande had a transportation system with vehicular access
since 1940s, when the last ownership change happened. Pedro Machado invested in
widening the internal roads to facilitate the transportation of the harvest throughout the
hacienda. The main areas connected the town of Puerto Colombia with the house and the
beach. Concrete bridges were built over the acequias to facilitate the road access, and to
protect the acequias, because they are very important in the prosperity of the crop. The
cacao plantation is protected from the vehicular access, because the road surrounds the
plantation.
The Hacienda Torres opened vehicular access in 1989 as explained before, and it
crosses the cacao plantation. Because the opening of the road was not fully planned, there
are not bridges to cross the acequias, only at the entrance just after the concrete slab was
built at the river level to allow access to vehicles (Figure 57).
Boundary Demarcations
The hacienda is a flexible organism, capable of growing or shrinking depending on
the geography or economy. It is a structure in continuous evolution, whose expression
transforms depending on the necessities of its inhabitants.2os Most of the historical limits of
the haciendas are geographical features: rivers, creeks, mountains, acequias. However, in
some documents, the limits are just set by a tree, an acequia, and/or a trail.
The acequias are also used as features to define boundaries lines between
properties, which indicate their permanence and the sense of perpetuity that they generate.
Each of the hacienda houses surveyed during 2009 included at least two acequias close to
the house to ensure fresh water. This common element ranks first among the haciendas as
a character-defining feature for the landscape. The effects of their discontinuity are
observed in the different cases presented in the first part of this chapter, and their loss
would mean the imminent demise ofthe cacao plantation.
The relationship between buildings and boundaries is impressive in its consistency.
Throughout the case studies, it was noted that all hacienda houses were located at the edge
of the boundary line (in some cases the historic boundary line) of the properties. This can
be observed in Figure 56. There is a clear surveillance purpose to the house location in
relation to the plantation and for control of the access to the property.
205 Gonzalez Casas, "Las Haciendas en Venezuela," 209.
140
Vegetation Related to Land Use
The cacao trees are planted in flat areas, and protected by large shade trees. The
coconut plantation is found right on the shore, and along with these trees are plants like
uveros (Cocc%ba uvifera) or almendr6n (Terminalia catappa), with large and thick leaves
that help protect the cacao plantation from sea salt and winds.
Building. Structures. and Objects
Each hacienda contains a drying patio surrounded by two buildings, one for
residential use, and the other for storage-fermentation use. In the three case studies, the
main buildings form a ((L(( shape with its two separate structures, except in Playa Grande
where the two building are linked by a late 19th-early 20th century room. The open space
is for the patio, which always faces north. The Hacienda Torres has a patio between the two
buildings, but also another one to the north of the residential wing. In the Hacienda Playa
Grande, the buildings are facing the northeast, at the same angle as the Playa Grande bay. In
Torres, the residential building faces west to the river and the storage area faces north. In
Sabaneta, the residential area faces north and the storage faces east (figure 53).
The buildings are all elevated in relation with the plantation and the trails. They are
placed on bedrock. In the Hacienda Playa Grande, the main building is within one to two
meters from the mountain. In the Hacienda Torres, the house is located about two to five
meters from the mountain, and in La Sabaneta the buffer is between five and fifteen meters.
In the Hacienda La Sabaneta, the trail is at the east (rear of the house), and goes up
the mountain overlooking the house. This is an exception and it is probably related to the
special location of this house in a very busy environment, where different trails meet, as
well as acequias from El Casibo and a creek that discharges into the river, but was
channeled to continue as an acequia (Figure 53). In Playa Grande, the road is located north
of the house and about five meters below the patio. In Torres, the trail is located west of the
house also about five meters below the patio.
As explained before, the buildings are all located close to the property line, and
serve as a control and protection to the access of the property. In the Hacienda Playa
Grande there is also a lookout house located east of the main building, and elevated about
ten meters from the level of the patio, where the whole plantation can be clearly observed
141
and controlled. There is a similar situation in the Hacienda Torres, but the building exists
only in ruins at this elevated point. In the Hacienda La Sabaneta, there was no evidence of a
similar building. However, it is important to note that this house had been modified to a
great extent, so that perhaps its ruins were removed from the landscape. Only archeological
investigation could help to determine the actual existence of this structure.
The buildings are also located between acequias, as previously explained. The
buildings were built with earth and wood, all local materials that can be easily transported
along the trails that connect to the kilns and the material sources. Today the Hacienda Playa
Grande and Hacienda Torres have vehicular access to the main buildings, which facilitates
moving materials.
Clusters
As observed in the maps of the haciendas, there are clusters of buildings where
main features converge, like the trails, river, the boundary lines, and the acequias. Along the
creeks today are settlements like the La Rinconada area, where all the houses are located
close to a creek by the same name. There are also clusters of calicantos or distribution
points for the acequias close to the main houses.
Fruit trees can be found close to residential areas, which is an indicator of
household activity. Even in the areas where only ruins are left, mango, tangerine, guava
trees, among others, can reveal that residences were once located there, as is observed
today around the La Gonzalera ruins.
Archaeological Sites
As explained earlier in this chapter, there are several archaeological sites on the
haciendas. Many ruins can be found all around the landscape, from former houses to
platforms of structures related to the slaves quarters, Native American houses, or simply
outbuildings that were no longer needed. Bridges that helped move water from one acequia
to another, and other similar structures are found within the landscape. The kilns that are
not in use are also archeological sites. By word of mouth, a Native American cemetery
seems to be in the area of La Sabana, in the Hacienda Playa Grande. However, there have not
been any further investigations into this matter.
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Small-Scale Elements
Around the landscape, there are small structures as bridges on the acequias,
calicantos to distribute the water, as well as bridges or pipes used in the acequias to cross
the creeks or other acequia (Figure 59).
Figure 59. Bridge used in the acequias to cross-creeks or other
acequias. Where the person is standing is the canal for the water, and
on the arch at the bottom another acequia circulate. Hacienda Playa
Grande. Photo by author, September 2009
In the history of Choron!, the sitios that are today haciendas once had many people
living in their houses, as the various censuses from eighteenth and nineteenth century
indicated. Pivies and other "trash" areas with artifacts can be found around the main
hacienda houses, however there has not been any archaeological research done in Choroni.
In the surrounding areas of the Hacienda Playa Grande House, many artifacts have been
found throughout the years, also in Torres, as witness of their residential use. However, as
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further construction is been done in the haciendas, especially the former haciendas on the
west side of the river, more archeological sites are being lost in the earth movement for the
construction of buildings. A survey of possible archeological sites should be performed to
secure future investigation on these sites.
CHARACTER-DEFINING FEATURES
Character-defining features are physical elements that represent the significance of
the cacao haciendas in Choroni. After analyzing and understanding the complexity of the
hacienda's landscape, the character-defining features of the haciendas can be summarized
and outlined (Figure 60).
Cacao Plantation
The haciendas in Choron! are based on the cacao plantation, this character-defining
feature correlates directing with their regular use and the main reason these entities were
created in the valley. Their preservation is very important to the haciendas.
Shade-Providing Trees
As important as the cacao plantation is, the shade that protects them from the sun
and the wind is a character-defining feature. The presence of these large trees creates a
special and essential atmosphere that has been the theme of poems, songs, and narrative of
the area. Their conservation is important; not only for the cacao plantation, but also for the
sense of place that attracts both tourism and local visitors.
Acequias
The cacao plantation and the trees for shade cannot survive in Choron! without a
continuous water supply. The acequias are not only a necessity for the trees' survival, but
are also a character-defining feature that is found in each hacienda and throughout the
landscape. These historic elements are shared among the haciendas, irrigating the entire
valley, taking advantage of creeks, river, and topographic features. The acequias also
provide fresh water to the hacienda houses and help keep fauna alive.
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Hacienda Houses and Outbuildings
The buildings used for residence and storage are unique to this architecture. The
drying patio with the two buildings surrounding it, and their location at the foot of the
mountains, make these buildings a character-defining feature. There are many hacienda
houses in Choron!, however few are still being used for their original function, and even
fewer retain good integrity. The locations of the buildings, along with their traditional earth
construction are also important for the sense of history these places provide.
Figure 60. Typical cacao hacienda. Plan layout and section. This scheme synthesizes
the typology of the haciendas in Choron!, built during the eighteen and nineteenth
century. Drawn by author
Drying Patios
The drying patio has been introduced to the architecture as part of the cacao
haciendas and their industrial processes. This new element is a character-defining feature
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that is unique to this architecture. The lack of a drying patio changes the understanding of
the place, as happened in the Hacienda El Portete, where the house was divided and the
patio was enclosed by buildings, and is now used as hotels rooms. As observed in the
photograph from 1905 (Figure 61-A), the patio was open and had the industrial feeling of
the haciendas} however today the space reminds you of an urban colonial house with
interior patios, rather than hot open drying patios (Figure 61-B).
Trails and Roads
In the case of Hacienda Monterosa, it is important to conserve that sense of
remoteness. The lack of vehicular access to the hacienda is a character-defining feature that
was lost on Playa Grande and Torres. However, in the case of Playa Grande the vehicular
access is limited to the perimeter of the cacao plantation. In this case, that peripheral road
is a character-defining feature that needs to be conserved.
Figure 61. In the photo "A" is the Hacienda El Portete in 1905. Photo "B" is the same
house in 2009. The patio and house was divided and modify. Photo "A" from El Cojo
llustrado, courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de Venezuela. Photo "B" by author,
September 2009
Ownership
This distinguishing element is also a feature that should be preserved. These
entities were designed and developed to be managed by one owner (one person or one
company) with many workers. As difficult as this statement can be, community
management is not part of the working hacienda system. The leadership of one person or
entity over a group of workers is important to continue what was defined as an hacienda.
The conservation of this kind of system is important for the landscape and functions of the
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houses. The partition of land among communities has not been a solution to conserve the
agricultural places. Throughout time, there have been unions and dissolutions of the
haciendas sizes, however the economic system have been preserved, permitting its long
survival.
Physical Size
The size of the land is important to determine whether a property is a hacienda or a
conuco. The haciendas are large extensions of land. Cacao needs at least five hectares to be
economically feasible. The sense of place the hacienda implies also needs a landscape that
surrounds the houses and trails. To understand this concept, the case of Hacienda La
Floresta (Centro de Arte La Estancia) in Caracas is a good example. This eighteenth century
coffee hacienda was renovated from 1988-1995, to house a cultural center. The
rehabilitation of the landscape and respect for the size of the property, allows the people
from Caracas to feel, in some sense, the true feeling of an hacienda even though it is in the
middle of the busiest area of the city (figure 58).
Figure 62. Hacienda La Floresta (Centro de Arte La Estancia) in Caracas. This coffee
hacienda conserves a considerable extension of land around the house that allows the
people feel like they are in a hacienda, rather than in a city. Source: Photo by
www.radiomundial.com.ve
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The loss of the property size can lead to the lost of integrity, as happened in the
Hacienda San Antonio in Puerto Colombia (Figure 43), as explained before, where just a sign
on top of the entrance door indicates that the building was once part of a hacienda.
THE FUTURE OF THE HACIENDAS
The definition of these features is important to develop a plan to guide the future of
these endangered sites and to protect them. Each of these characteristics needs to live on in
the landscape in order to be understood by future generations. In the next chapter, a
conservation plan is proposed to help owners, communities, and authorities to more fully
comprehend and to protect the haciendas that remain today. It may also help to restore
some of these characteristics back to the former haciendas, to interpret the landscape and
the architecture for the young generations and tourists that enjoy visiting.
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CHAPTER VI
CONSERVATION PLAN: GUIDELINES TO CONSERVE CACAO HACIENDAS
Every chapter ofthis thesis has explained the historic importance of the haciendas
in Choroni. In Chapter IV, Bulletin W 30: Guidelines for Evaluating and Documenting Rural
Historic Landscapes,206 was used to comprehend and explain the complex historic cultural
landscape of the haciendas, while this chapter will apply these processes and components
to the organization of the conservation plan.
This plan addresses three main issues: Landscape Protection, Conservation of
Physical Components, and Cultural Components: Educational and Technical Training. The
Cultural Landscape Protection section addresses the legal problems for heritage
conservation in the haciendas and the modifications needed to integrate the haciendas in to
the existing heritage conservation system in Venezuela. The Conservation of Physical
Components section emphasizes in the built elements that integrate the landscape, the
character-defining features, and how they should be conserved. The last category is the
most important and addresses the cultural elements serving as the link between the first
two sections. The cultural components are focused on engaging the community, the
interpretation of the history and legacy and their dissemination. The protection of the
landscape depends on community action and a willingness to conserve the past. The
physical components can only be conserved as long as the community appreciates them,
understands them and learns appropriate preservation techniques (Figure 63 and Figure
64). Each section explains the proposed strategies, organized by High, Medium and Low
Priority to indicate the importance of the overall plan for each proposed step:
• High Priority: currently needed and requires immediate attention by
community, hacienda owners, and authorities. No action could end in a total loss
of the patrimony.
206 Flint McClelland et aL, "NR Bulletin 3D,"
149
• Medium Priority: very important and needs immediate attention, however, the
consequences of no action from the community, hacienda owners, and
authorities, will not necessarily result in the loss of the patrimony. However,
attention would speed conservation and restoration of the heritage.
• Low Priority: needed, but involves a longer time and legal processes to work
through. The consequences of no action will not necessarily result in the loss of
the patrimony. The community, hacienda owners, and authorities should start
taking action, but it will take time to see results.
GOALS OF THE CONSERVAnON PLAN
The main goal with this proposed conservation plan is to create awareness in the
community about the history that exists in these haciendas, and the benefits of conserving
them as tourist attractions and economic resources. Tourism is the main source of income
today in the region, and the interpretation of the haciendas to the public will motivate the
locals to learn about their history, if only for the simple reason of increasing tourism, which
can later teach them the real necessity of saving these sites.
The youth community and the students need to learn about their history, and
everything related to their families is most likely related to these haciendas. In the past,
haciendas were the single source of income for the town. Everyone has a piece of history
related to any hacienda; acknowledging these resources as a key part of their own history
that should be told is important for the self-esteem of the people of Choronf.
Cultural Landscape Protection Strategies
1. High Priority: Enforce the law on the endangered sites already declared as
having historic importance in Choroni. In the I Censo del Patrimonio Cultural
(First Census of the Cultural Heritage) the historic value of many haciendas in the
region was identified; however, only five are still operating as cacao haciendas:
Hacienda La Sabaneta, Hacienda Torres, Hacienda Playa Grande, Hacienda El
Tesoro, and Hacienda Payares, while the rest have changed use or have been divided
into lots and built on: Hacienda Aljorra, Hacienda Santa Clara, and Hacienda El
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Portete. The Providencia Administrativa N°012j05 (Administrative Providence),
years 196° and 146° on Capitulo II, De Los Bienes Tangibles Inscritos en el Registro
General del Patrimonio Cultural (Chapter II, Of the Tangible Assets Register on the
General Register of Cultural Heritage) establishes that:
a. "Las intervenciones de las edificaciones contenidas en los centros hist6ricos
que pongan en peligro su integridad fisica general y la de sus diversos
componentes, sean estructurales, de cerramientos, de pisos y cubiertas,
ornamentales y de revestimientos, no se podran realizar sin la previa
autorizaci6n del Instituto del Patrimonio Cultural." 207 (The interventions in
the buildings of the historic centers that threaten the general physical
integrity and the various components, that might be structure, enclosures,
floors or roofing, decorative features, or cladding, cannot be performed
without authorization of the Institute of Cultural Heritage). This statement
indicates a necessary revision from the Institute of Cultural Heritage to the
current constructions or modifications on buildings within these historic
centers; however, the outreach of this entity is limited and needs to include
a better plan to control changes to these historic sites. Training of local
authorities under the umbrella of the institute could be an option to protect
the haciendas and their buildings and landscape from future or actual
interventions.
b. The law also indicates "Las obras nuevas a realizarse en terrenos sin
construcci6n contenidos en esa poligonal deberan ajustarse a las normas y
procedimientos que establezca el lnstituto del Patrimonio Cultural
conjuntamente con las oficinas municipales de patrimonio." 208 (The new
work on such properties in places without previous construction, within the
boundary, must comply with the norms and procedures established by the
Institute of Cultural Heritage along with local heritage offices). This will
207 Instituto de Patrimonio Cultural, "Catalogos del Patrimonio Cultural Venezolano: Municipios
Girardot and Francisco Linares Alcantara," Instituto de Patrimonio Cultural, 2004,
http:jjwww.ipc.gob.vejimagesjstoriesjmapajRegionCentroOrientejAraguajGirardot.pdf (accessed
November 15, 2009).
208 Ibid.
151
apply to construction within the existing agricultural areas; however, there
is no local office to control this process.
2. High Priority: Maintain the current ownership of the haciendas, when
possible. The haciendas have been private entities since their foundation in
Choroni in the seventeenth century. The management of the haciendas under one
person or entity has succeeded and helped continue the legacy of the hacienda
system. The distribution of the land among the community for agricultural
purposes by the government in past experience has resulted in the loss of the
hacienda and development of the agricultural areas. It is imperative to conserve the
tradition of ownership to ensure the conservation of the haciendas.
3. High Priority: Include the haciendas as Sitios (Sites) or Centros Historicos
(Historic Centers). These historic cultural landscapes are not clearly identified by
the Ley de Proteccion y Defensa del Patrimonio Cultural from 1993 (Law of
Protection and Defense of the Cultural Heritage), however the haciendas are sites
that include agricultural areas, buildings, outbuildings and acequia systems that can
be treated as Historic Centers, rather than buildings, as categorized in various
surveys over time.
4. Medium Priority: Define the poligonal (boundary) ofthe remaining haciendas'
cultural landscape. This would involve using the geographic coordinates of the
legal property boundaries of the haciendas to establish a boundary line to define the
extent of the haciendas' heritage. This line should be incorporated into the census
by the Instituto del Patrimonio Cultural (Institute of Cultural Heritage of Venezuela).
The Providencia Administrativa W012j05 (Administrative Providence), years 1960
and 1460 on CapItulo VII Disposiciones Finales (Chapter VII Final Dispositions)
defines a poligonal (boundary) as "ellevantamiento planimetrico levantado con el
objeto de demarcar una porcion de territorio caracteristica y significativa para la
identidad cultural de los venezolanos, en correspondencia a sus valores artisticos,
historicos, plasticos, ambientales, arqueologicos, paleontologicos 0 sociales."209 (The
topographic survey performed with the objective to determine the portion of land
which is distinctive and significant to Venezuelan cultural identity, in
209 Ibid.
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correspondence to artistic, historic, environmental, archeological, paleontological,
or social values).
5. Low Priority: The haciendas are agricultural areas that should be
differentiated from park areas. The large reduction of the green spaces in
Choroni requires faster reaction to protect the remaining haciendas from
development. Even in the cases were agriculture is not productive; these haciendas
are refuges for fauna and vegetation that need to be conserved to protect the sense
of place. The concept of a park involves, in many cases, public access to the sites,
but with these private properties dedicated to cacao, the flowering process and the
maintenance of the sites requires different activities and protection than park areas.
Conservation of Physical Components
6. High Priority: Maintain the cacao plantation and restore as needed. The cacao
plantation is a character-defining feature that initiated the prosperity of the Choroni
valley. The cacao criollo from the valley is considered one of the best in the world.
The unique conditions of the soils and environment are needed for the cacao tree,
but also the care, insects, and other animals help sustain the trees. The promotion
of hacienda research as done by Kai Rosenberg should be supported and reinforced
to continue the tradition and to restore the famous cacao criollo of Choroni.
7. High Priority: Maintain and restore as needed the shade-providing trees. The
cacao tree requires shade in this hot and sunny environment. The trees that provide
shade are needed to protect the cacao plantation from the sun and wind, and also
provide an ideal micro-climate to produce high quality cacao. The trees cultivated
in Choroni are primarily the Mijao, Higuerote, Caoba, and Cedros, among others. A
large, but not too dense canopy is required, in order to allow filtered sunlight to
reach the cacao trees. Loss of these trees in the areas of development have caused a
rise in local temperatures, as well as empty and open space, where phenomenon like
the August 2009 tornado have began to affect some of the new settlements,
especially in the areas of EI Cumbe, Parnaso and Santa Clara. The restoration of
shade in the areas of development will help to conserve the sense of place the
vegetation of the haciendas provides, and that has attracted tourism since the early
1980s.
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8. Medium Priority: Restoration of the coconut plantation. The coconut
plantation is one of the most critical areas, because is located in direct contact with
the tourism industry. These delicate trees require attentive care, fresh water and
maintenance that can only be provided by specialized workers. The restoration of
the plantation is beneficial for the community, tourism and the cacao plantation,
because these plants act to buffer and protect the cacao trees from the salt and wind
from the Caribbean Sea. The areas to restore include Playa Grande, Puerto Colombia,
and Tipire.
9. Medium Priority: Restoration of the uveros (Coccoloba uvifera) and
almendrones (Terminalia Catappa). As important as is W 8 with the restoration
of the coconut plantation, is also the restoration ofuveros and almendrones. These
plants were planted during the colonial era (1550-1810) especially to protect the
cacao plantation from the salt and wind, because of the thickness of its leaves. Their
restoration not only benefits the plantation, but also acts as a visual attraction, and
protects the ferrous materials used in general construction in Choroni.
10. High Priority: Maintain the existing acequias, and restore the inactive ones. To
restore the plantations as proposed in N°6 to 9, it is necessary to have plenty of
fresh water. The river capacity is not enough to irrigate all the areas necessary to
maintain the vegetation, and therefore during the past 400 years a complex acequia
system has been developed. The area east of the Choron! River, where most of the
remaining haciendas are located, have maintained most of the active acequias,
however there are some that need to be restored and maintained. The area west of
the Choron! River has stopped using acequias, and as a consequence lacks
vegetation. This traditional system will help provide fresh water and irrigation for
the vegetation and the houses that have been built, besides providing an attractive
environment to tourists. A community organization, like the Concejo Comunal
(Community Council) can manage the maintenance and administration of the
water in the settlement areas, similar to what is done for New Mexico's acequias.
11. High Priority: Maintain environmentally-friendly barriers to separate the
areas for tourism from the agricultural areas. This action must be done
especially in the Hacienda Playa Grande near the beach and along the riverbank.
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These fences should be set up using plants and other environmentally-friendly
materials. Use of brick, concrete blocks, or thick walls are not recommended.
12. High Priority: Forest fire prevention. A ban of bonfires on the beach and river
banks will prevent uncontrolled fires on the plantations. An educational campaign
to explain the consequences of such actions must be implemented, starting with
tourist sites where the bonfires are a nightly practice.
13. Medium Priority: Maintain and renovate the hacienda houses, with in- kind
materials and construction techniques in kind. The continued use of traditional
construction techniques and materials is necessary to conserve the integrity of the
buildings. Substitution of wooden columns with concrete should not be allowed.
Any additions to improve the services of the houses should be done in accordance
with the building's original style and materials. Most of the construction was
originally done using earth, such as adobe and tapia (rammed earth). The
traditional roofs were covered with red Spanish tiles on top of a layer of mud and
another layer of cane. Continuing to use original techniques is important to
conserve the tradition and to understand the origin of these houses as working
places and not only a residential area.
14. Medium Priority: Maintain the drying patios. This element was introduced to
the architecture by the cacao haciendas, and was then extended to coffee. The
conservation of these spaces as part of the architecture is necessary to preserve the
integrity of the buildings. The patios were built facing north with no shade after
early morning to dry the cacao beans. The correct interpretation of these places is
important to understand the origin of the layout of the building as well as the
location of the plantation for the house.
15. High Priority: Maintain the current condition of roads in the haciendas.
Limited access to the haciendas is important to maintaining the integrity of the
landscape. The roads should be limited to the current roads and the trails and paths
should be preserved as walking areas. Examples like Chuao, where the vehicular
access was limited to car and bus transported by sea, had kept the community
prosperous and safe from the development, keeping the cacao plantation in
excellent condition so that it reached international importance, much like Choronf
had a century ago. Today Chuao is getting more vehicular access, and a concrete
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road is being built, and as a consequence the plantation is losing its integrity and the
price of cacao is dropping. The vehicular access should be managed with care when
vegetation, fauna, and vistas are in peril.
Processes: Community and Educational Component
16. High Priority: Engage the community in understanding the importance of the
haciendas through lectures on its history and encourage the sharing of family
stories so they can personally relate to these sites. Getting the Institute of Cultural
Heritage, the professionals and the universities, involved with the community to run
workshops and lectures about the local history, concepts of heritage conservation,
and local architecture will emphasize their importance to the community at a local
and national level, as well as for the tourists. Demonstrate the value of local history
to tourism for exploration of the past with successful examples nearby and around
the world.
17. High Priority: Engage the young community. Find a way for students to increase
their knowledge about local history, the importance of these sites to the local, state
and national level, and their family participation in the over-development of the
haciendas. This can be done through lectures, promotion of small research projects,
and involvement in volunteering activities such as surveys and inventories, and
guide field trips, as well as drafting and observing the local heritage. Internships can
be sponsored through the Institute of Cultural Heritage. Connecting with the
Brazilian Institute of Cultural Heritage is recommended to learn about their
experience with students in their site conservation projects.
18. High Priority: Engage the tourism industry and visitors in understanding the
local history. Promote the production of brochures, pamphlets, plaques, or panels
around the towns to explain the local history, the origin of the haciendas in Choron!
and their recent history. Promote hacienda tours with the authorization ofthe
owners, to make the tourists aware of their conservation efforts. Encourage
photographic research to compare and contrast the changes of the landscape, and
make them part ofthe brochures and signage to create awareness of the threat
haciendas are under.
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19. Medium Priority: Interpret the history and importance ofthe haciendas.
Promote their importance at the local, state and national level through production of
documentary features, papers, books, articles, websites, and any media that can help
disseminate the history of the haciendas, as well as their importance for the
community.
20. Medium Priority: Train the young community with the knowledge ofthe elder.
The lessons learned in the past are vital to continue tradition. The elder community
in Choron! possesses great knowledge of techniques for the cacao plantation related
to recollection, maintenance of the plant, fermentation, and drying. This knowledge
needs to be shared and passed on to the next generation that is today only working
in the tourist industry. Through survey work in collaboration with the local
students, this information can be processed and disseminated with training
workshops, classes and other techniques that might be available.
21. Medium Priority: Training in traditional construction techniques. Teach the
working community about tapia (rammed earth), adobe, and bahareque (wattle and
daub) for building new houses and hotels and about how to use more energy
efficient methods to cool buildings. Teach the importance of the orientation of the
buildings, and the styles used in the past to interpret them for modern architecture.
Involve local architects and tourist in the importance of the local architecture, the
materials, and the techniques. Examples such as the Brazil Institute Cultural
Heritage training programs have excellent tools that can be applied in Choroni.
22. Low Priority: Promote small business ownership in the chocolate industry.
Through training and workshops, create a local market for organic chocolate that
can also serve as an attraction for tourism. Over time, this can be expanded beyond
tourism into a strong chocolate industry that obtains its primary products locally,
reducing the transportation issues and the cost of intermediaries. Success will
create the awareness that from a combination of history and local products there
can be an economic benefit to help see the haciendas in a new way. By coordinating
with culinary schools across the country as well as with the national and
international chocolate processing companies, workshops taught in the area can
help improve the economy and find new value in the area's cacao.
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IMPLEMENTATION PHASING
To accomplish this conservation plan, the points explained above are divided into
three phases. However, it is important to recognize that many of the steps to conserve the
haciendas are ongoing processes that should not end.
Phase One
Goal: Create the foundation for the conservation plan, with the incentive of the community,
hacienda owners, and authorities by disseminating the history, importance and legacy of the
haciendas, as well as their legal frameworks.
The following actions should be accomplished in five (5) years, starting in 2010:
a) Engage the community.
b) Engage the young community.
c) Engage the tourist industry and visitors in understanding the local history.
d) Enforce the law upon the endangered sites already declared as having historic
importance in Choron!
e) Maintain the current ownership of the haciendas, as possible.
f) Maintain the current conditions of roads in the haciendas.
g) Include the haciendas as Sitios (Sites) or Centros Hist6ricos (Historic Centers).
h) Maintain environmentally-friendly barriers to separate the areas for tourism from
the agricultural areas.
i) Forest fire prevention.
Phase Two
Goal: With the supportfrom the community, hacienda owners, and authorities, the restoration
and improvements of the haciendas can be initiated.
The following actions should be accomplished in seven (7) years, starting in 2010:
a) Interpret the history and importance of the haciendas.
b) Maintain existing acequias, and restore inactive ones.
c) Restoration of the coconut plantation.
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d) Restoration of the uveros (Coccoloba uvifera) and almendrones (Term inalia
Catappa).
e) Maintain the cacao plantation and restore as needed.
t) Maintain and restore as needed the shade provided by the trees.
g) Maintain and renovate the hacienda houses, with materials and construction
techniques in kind.
h) Maintain the drying patios.
i) Define the poligonal (boundary) of the remaining haciendas cultural landscape.
Phase Three
Goal: Evaluate progress, complete phases one and two, and set new goals.
The following actions should be accomplished in 10 (ten) years, starting in 2010:
a) Train the young community with the knowledge of the elder.
b) Training in traditional construction techniques.
c) Haciendas as agricultural areas should be differentiated from park areas.
d) Promote small business ownership in the chocolate industry.
The realization of this plan will help promote better tourism for Choronf, elevating
the education level of the students and their vision of their future, including career
possibilities and overall hope for a better place for the next generation. Conservation of the
haciendas can also help conserve fauna and the vegetation that is needed to help the health
of our planet. The water resources are scarce and plantations like cacao can help prevent
evaporation from the rivers with their shade trees. The dissemination of this information
will also help national and international tourists appreciate the history that is hidden
behind the acequias, houses, towns, trees, among other features that are been forgotten by
the everyday routine. Conserving the haciendas in Choron! ensures a better future.
Conserve House
Possible Interpretation
sites
Area currently
developed. Restore
vegetation
CACAO HACIENDAS STUDY
CHORONr VENEZUELA
159
Possible Interpretation sites
Restore cacao plantation
Property Line as Poligonal
PRESERVATION PLAN
NORTH AREA
Figure 63. Conservation Plan for the cacao haciendas. North area. Source: Data from
aerial photo 2005 and topographic map from 1984, courtesy of Instituto Geografico
de Venezuela Simon Bolivar. Drawing by author
160
\ Possible
" Interpretation sites
\.------
Choron[-Maracay
Road
Property Line as possible
PoJigonal
CACAO HACIENDAS STUDY PRESERVATJON PLAN
CHORONf VENEZUELA SOUTH
Figure 64. Conservation Plan for cacao haciendas. South area. Source: Data from
aerial photo 2005, the topographic map from 1984 courtesy of Instituto GeograJico de
Venezuela Simon Bolivar, and from the topographic map of Hacienda Monterosa,
courtesy of Kai Rosenberg. Drawing by author
161
CHAPTER VII
CONCLUSIONS
After completing research on cacao haciendas in Choron!, and identifying the
character-defining features in the landscape, a conservation plan was proposed to preserve
the remaining haciendas. The major shaping element of this landscape has been its
inhabitants, however, it is only the European and African heritage that we can observe
today. There are likely some remaining Native Americans elements on the landscape, but
without further research this cannot be confirmed. The 400 years of layering in this
landscape are a compelling argument to conserve the remaining haciendas. However,
without the support of the community, in just five years all of it could be forgotten. This
chapter will summarize the conclusions of the study, and outline its findings.
The historic research and the data collected during the survey for this thesis
indicate that the haciendas are an extremely valuable resource for studying the past and
ensuring the future of the heritage of Choron! and Venezuela. The complex process of cacao
production has shaped the landscape in Choron!, creating haciendas that are distinct from
each other but that also have commonalities.
The buildings and landscape of the haciendas surveyed reveal a consistent typology
in the setting of the haciendas, especially in the layout of the buildings and their
relationship to landscape components.
The cacao haciendas in Choron! have the following characteristics:
• The haciendas selected for this study - Playa Grande, Torres, and Monterosa -
are all connected by one trail that runs parallel to the river, and that also
connects to the houses.
• The trails and roads are situated lower than the house.
• The houses are all located close to the river, no farther than one hundred meters
(330 feet).
162
• The houses are elevated in relation to the plantation, from ten to fifteen meters
(30-50 feet), and at the skirt of a mountain.
• The hacienda's houses were historically used for housing and office. All of them
have a drying patio facing north, and two buildings in an "L" shape with a single
specific use for each. There is also a desbabadero or fermentation room close to
an acequia.
• There is a veranda facing the patios and one that faces the plantation, usually
serving as the main entrance.
• There are at least two acequias close to the house, one at a higher elevation and
one lower sitting at the edge of the drying patios to receive rainwater run-off
and residue from the fermentation process.
• Historically there was no high vegetation close to the house (only trees for
shade).
This study determined the character-defining features of the landscape to be the
following: cacao plantation, shade-providing trees, acequias, hacienda houses and
outbuildings, drying patios, trails and roads, ownership, and size.
The haciendas face several conservation challenges, including:
• A vague protection status as currently defined by the Instituto del Patrimonio
Cultural.
• Constant pressure by the community to replace the haciendas with housing and
tourist attractions.
• A scarcity of economic resources to compete with the tourist industry.
• A shortage of skilled workers, who prefer easy jobs in hotels over working in the
agricultural fields.
• Large masses of tourists who damage the coconut plantation, the water
resources, and in many cases cause wild fires from bonfire during the windy
season (March-November).
• A lack of knowledge of local history, including a low self-esteem among the
community.
163
This thesis proposed a conservation plan with the intent of creating awareness
about the preservation issues for the haciendas, and presenting an alternate future for
Choronf.
FUTURE WORK
After completing this study, there is future research and work that can be done
using this thesis as a starting point:
1. Develop methodologies to engage the community with specific projects
regarding conservation of the past, involving both social and cultural issues.
2. A study in the incorporation of heritage conservation in the educational system,
not only at the high school level, but also at the university level. The universities
that teach architecture should include the subject of addressing heritage
conservation as a requirement.
3. Undertake an extended survey on the haciendas, including the former
haciendas, to record the architecture of the buildings and landscape.
4. Further research should be done in the ownership history of the haciendas in
Choronf.
5. Record the ruins of the outbuildings and discarded houses on the haciendas,
including archeology to prevent further losses.
6. Study the acequias and their engineering, phasing and influence on the
landscape, including the consequences of their disappearance.
7. Study the effects of deforestation in Choroni, and their impact on the
environment and tourist industry.
8. Clearly define the boundaries of the historic haciendas that remain and need to
be protected and conserved.
9. Create an interpretation of the cacao hacienda's history, and their influence on
the historic events in Venezuela. Also an interpretation of the landscape features
and their importance in Choroni's culture.
164
10. Set up training workshops for construction workers in areas of restoration of
tapia, adobe and bahareque, as well as other traditional construction techniques.
This should include the restoration of acequias and other landscape features.
11. Research the history of the Choronl's families and mine the knowledge the
elderly community can share with the young community. Especially their
knowledge of cacao processes, hacienda ownership and past lifestyles.
12. Study similar landscape in Venezuela or in other countries, and compare with
this thesis, especially in cacao or similar agricultural processes.
It is important to conserve the haciendas and to teach the local and national
community about their legacy. The realization of the proposed conservation plan can help
the future of Choroni, and can influence the future of similar towns in Venezuela, and other
countries.
165
APPENDIX
GLOSSARY
Acequia: of Arabic origin; the Spanish word acequia signifies ditch or irrigation canal
Acequia madre: meaning "mother ditch," The acequia madre is the main irrigation channel
Amos: owner of the haciendas
Blancos de orilla: a direct descendant of Europeans born in America
Cabildo: a town council; a municipal council; town hall. Also called Ayuntamiento.
Calicanto: masonry construction that uses stone and lime mortar. Cal means lime and
canto means stone.
Capellan: a priest
Capitania: a large demarcation of territory; a government of a territory belonging to a
viceroyalty.
Casa grande: see oficina and casona.
Casona: main house of the haciendas, also known as oficina, casa grande, or hacienda
house.
Conservation: describes the process through which the material, historical, and design
integrity of humanity's built heritage are prolonged through carefully planned
interventions.
Criollo: descendant of Europeans. In Venezuela is referred to the sons of the Spaniards born
in America.
Desbabadero: a fermentation room.
Doctrina: a corpus of religious dogma as it is promulgated by a church. In the colony was
also referred as the parish and their followers.
Doctrinero: teacher of Christian doctrine; Curate or parish priest in America.
Drying Patio: open space between the hacienda houses use to dry the cacao and/or coffee.
It is usually built oflime or concrete.
Edification: building or structure in the haciendas
166
Ejido: a communal land holding system
Encomienda: a kind of trust, whereby the Crown granted to a conquistador the right to
tributes of native community, in exchange for benefits, such as the support of a
priest, indoctrination. A land grant with the right of settler in Latin America to
extract tribute from certain groups of Native Americans. The system theoretically
obligated the Spaniard to care for the welfare, spiritual and physical well-being of
the Indians; the Encomendero was supposed to indoctrinate the Indians into the
Catholic religion and to build a church.
Laja: stone slab
La Sabana: same as savannah; a flat grassland in tropical or subtropical regions
Los Llanos: meaning 'the plains'; is a vast tropical grassland plain situated at the east of the
Andes in northwestern South America (Colombia and Venezuela). Its main river is
the Orinoco, which forms part of the border between Colombia and Venezuela and is
the major river system of Venezuela.
MaIecon: a boardwalk with a seawall that overlooks the Caribbean Sea.
Mayordomo: foreman; manager of the haciendas.
Mestizo: a person whose parents are European or European descendant and Native
American
MuIatos: a person whose parents are European or European descendant and African
American descendant
New Granada: Viceroyalty of New Granada located in northern South America,
corresponding mainly to modern Panama, Colombia, Ecuador and Venezuela.
New Spain: Viceroyalty of New Spain; was the first of four viceroyalties created to govern
Spain's territories in North and Central America. It was ruled by viceroy from
Mexico City who governed many territories on behalf of the King of Spain.
Oficina: see casona and casa grande.
Pardos: refers to the group of mestizo people including Mulatos and Zambos.
Patrimonio: same as cultural heritage; is the legacy of physical artifacts and intangible
attributes of a group or society that are inherited from past generations, maintained
in the present, and bestowed for the benefit of future generations.
Peon: Laborer
167
Poyo: a bench, a seat made of stone and mortar against a wall, usually at the lower part of
windows on the width of the wall. Also known as Alfeizar.
Preservation: same as conservation.
Pueblos de Indios or Indian towns: also known as cabeceras de doctrina; they were
Native Americans towns created during the colonial era in America. These towns
were created, in many cases, by grouping different Native Americans communities
and forced to lived together in a specific area. These towns were recognized as an
administrative figure, similar to a municipality.
Quitapolvo : see Vierteaguas.
Repartimiento: a system whereby a Spanish settler in Mexico was allotted a division of
cultivated land and was assigned, as his personal slaves, the Indians who lived on it,
with the consent of the Caciques or chiefs; a grant for Indian labor. Term is
indigenous to Spain also as the Christians re-conquered their territories.
Repisa: free hanging shelves.
Tejas: Spanish roof tiles made with clay
Toma: the water intake for the acequias
Vierteaguas: a small Hood built with stone, azulejos, zinc, wood, brick, etc. that forms a
slope where water can run, on top of the windows, protecting the Poyos, the
projected elements, etc. Also known as quitapolvos.
Zambo: a person whose parents are Native Americans and African American descendant
168
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