THE BODY IN THE POLITICS AND SOCIETY OF EARLY CHINA 
by 
JIANJUNHE 
A DISSERTATION 
Presented to the Department of East Asian
 
Languages and Literatures
 
and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon
 
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
 
for the degree of
 
Doctor of Philosophy
 
December 2007
 
11 
"The Body in the Politics and Society of Early China," a dissertation prepared by Jianjun 
He in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy degree in the 
Department of East Asian Languages and Literatures. This dissertation has been 
approved and accepted by: 
-- ". 
Dr. Stephen Durrant, Chair of the Examining Committee 
!\/6V, /4, ~<Th-::r 
Date 
Committee in Charge:	 Dr. Stephen Durrant, Chair 
Dr. Maram Epstein 
Dr. Michael Fishlen 
Dr. Ina Asim 
Accepted by: 
Dean of the Graduate Schoof 
iii 
An Abstract of the Dissertation of 
Jianjun He for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 
in the Department of East Asian Languages and Literatures 
to be taken December 2007 
Title: THE BODY IN THE POLITICS AND SOCIETY OF EARLY CHINA 
Approved: _ 
Dr. Stephen Durrant 
This dissertation discusses the political conceptualization and social practice of 
the body in early China through a close examination of the texts and documents 
produced from the Spring and Autumn period to the end of the Eastern Han dynasty. It 
demonstrates that, in addition to medical concerns, the body in early China was 
transformed into a political concept and a ritual subject that served indispensably in 
state construction and social control. It is divided into the following three chapters. 
Chapter one, "Physiognomy and the Body," examines the relationship between 
physiognomy and the body. Following a roughly chronological order, this chapter 
shows how physiognomy, a divination technique, read the body for political purposes. 
In addition to this, the chapter also discusses philosophical reactions to this political 
interpretation of the body by looking at criticisms in the works of Mengzi, Xunzi, 
IV 
Dong Zhongshu, Wang Chong and Wang Pu. 
Chapter two, "Politics and the Body," discusses the political theory and practice 
of the body in early China. It begins with a description of the metaphorical meanings of 
the body in early political discourse, focusing on their role in defining the competitive 
relationship between the ruler and the minister, as well as their significance in defending 
the political and ethical legitimacy of the state. The use of the body as an actual political 
tool forms the second consideration of this chapter. I demonstrate how the political 
symbolism of the body weighted significantly in Han China's foreign policy making. 
Chapter three, "Ritual and the Body," deals with the issue ofritualization of the 
body in early China. The chapter is organized in accordance with two issues concerning 
the body in early ritual theories: ritualizing the body and embodying the ritual. I show 
how ritual trains the body to be acceptable to the society and how the ritualized body 
facilitates the maintenance of a hierarchical social order. 
v 
CURRICULUM VITAE 
NAME OF AUTHOR: Jianjun He 
PLACE OF BIRTH: Xi'an, China 
DATE OF BIRTH: July 23,1970 
GRADUATE AND UNDERGRADUATE SCHOOLS ATTENDED: 
University of Oregon, Eugene
 
Northwest University, Xi'an, China
 
DEGREES AWARDED: 
Doctor of Philosophy in East Asian Languages and Literatures, 2007, University 
of Oregon 
Master of Arts in East Asian Languages and Literatures, 2003, University of 
Oregon 
Bachelor of Arts in Chinese Language and Literature, 1993, Northwest University 
AREAS OF SPECIAL INTEREST: 
Pre-modem Chinese literature
 
Pre-modem Chinese intellectual history
 
PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE: 
Graduate Teaching Fellow, Department of East Asian Languages and Literatures, 
University of Oregon, Eugene, 2000-2007 
Chinese Language Instructor, Northwest University, Xi'an, China, 1993-1996 
VI 
GRANTS, AWARDS AND HONORS: 
Provincial Award for Excellent Teaching, Shannxi Province, 1995 
PUBLICATIONS: 
Jianjun He. Burning Incense at Night: A Reading of Wu Yueniang in Jin Ping 
Mei. Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews. (In press) 
VB 
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 
I wish to express sincere appreciation to my professors at the Department of East 
Asian Languages and Literatures. My deep gratitude goes to Professor Stephen Durrant 
and Professor Maram Epstein for their assistance in the preparation of this manuscript. 
Professor Durrant has guided me through every stage of this project and has 
painstakingly edited my manuscript. My dissertation would not be completed without his 
guidance and encouragement both as an advisor and as a friend. Professor Epstein has 
offered me compassionate support and intellectual inspiration. She has also edited my 
manuscript and given me critical comments. I also wish to thank Professor Michael 
Fishlen and Professor Ina Asim for their valuable input and support for this project. All 
my professors at the University of Oregon have not only taught me how to be a good 
researcher but they also taught me, more importantly, how to be a better person through 
their exemplary deeds. 
V11l 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
Chapter Page 
I. INTRODUCTION	 1
 
II.	 PHYSIOGNOMY AND THE BODy................................................................ 8
 
Introduction....................... 8
 
Physiognomy as a Political Reading of the Body . 13
 
Physiognomy as a Philosophical Discourse 56
 
Conclusion 80
 
III.	 POLITICS AND THE BODy........................................................................... 83
 
Introduction 83
 
The Body as Political Metaphors 84
 
The Body as Political Ethics 118
 
From Metaphor to Actual Policy-the Body in Han Foreign Policy........... 129
 
Conclusion 149
 
IV. RITUAL AND THE BODy..............................................................................	 153
 
Introduction 153
 
Principle and Practice in Early Confucian Ritual Discourse 154
 
Ritualizing the Body 170
 
Embodying Ritual 188
 
Conclusion 199­
V. CONCLUSION	 201
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY	 205
 
IX 
LIST OF TABLES 
Table Page 
1. Correspondence between the Body and Natural Elements 94 
1 
CHAPTER I 
INTRODUCTION 
This dissertation, The Body in the Politics and Society ofEarly China, attempts 
to examine the interaction between the body and the world in early China, focusing 
specifically on the issue ofhow the body is connected with the politics and society of the 
pre-Qin and Han period. I intend to probe the political conceptualization and social 
practice of the body in early China through a textual study of both received texts and 
recently discovered written documents from the early period. To be more specific, the 
texts I will investigate extend from pre-Qin philosophical, ritual and medical writings to 
Han historical and legal texts. However, this dissertation is not intended to describe 
general social history and the development ofpolitical thought in early China, nor is it an 
attempt to illustrate the early medical tradition that was based upon a growing 
understanding of the body. Instead, my project attempts to understand early China from a 
new angle that has not been fully explored before. By examining the political 
conceptualization of the body and the interaction between the body and the society, I 
wish to present to the reader a cultural historical study that might supplement our 
thinking about the Chinese past. 
Historical study often falls victim to oversimplification. The Zuozhuan claims 
that the important affairs of a state are those of war and ritual sacrifice. Indeed, scholarly 
2 
interest in early China generally focuses on these most important issues of history. 
Consequently, the politics, economy, philosophy, art and literature of early China have 
long been the center of academic research. Modem academic disciplines further divide 
these researches into specific subcategories, yet they are still organized according to the 
above major interests, which, to borrow anthropological terminology, fall into the 
category of the "great tradition." Our understanding of early China would be incomplete 
ifinterdisciplinary studies were not emphasized and ifthe "little traditions" ofthe past 
were not considered. The philosophy of the body, conventionally a subject of the "little 
traditions," bridges the disciplines of cultural studies and contributes to our understanding 
of early China. For this reason, it deserves scholarly attention. 
In early China studies, the body is often treated as a medical subject. Researches 
on the medical body explicate its role in the understanding and treatment of illness, 
describing its significance in the formation and development of early Chinese medical 
thought and practice. Nevertheless, such research says little about the social meanings of 
the body. Was the body only a pathological matter? Abundant materials in medical 
documents as well as in other texts disprove this assumption. Still, scholars in early China 
studies trend to ignore the social and political significance of the body. Instead of 
acknowledging that the philosophy of the body contributed fundamentally to political 
institutions and social practices in early China, they reduce references to the body to the 
level of rhetoric, regarding such references as nothing more than political metaphors or 
argumentative devices. This oversimplified treatment of the social meaning of the body 
needs to be revised. 
3 
Some recent scholarship on early Chinese philosophy has begun to analyze the 
relationship between the concept of the body and other cultural institutions. In this 
research, the body is no longer a mere medical subject, nor is it a peripheral reference in 
discussions ofphilosophy. Instead, the body is understood as a site where metaphysical 
ideas become concrete and as a channel through which philosophy interacts with the 
world. The term "conceptualization of the body" (shentiguan ~Hft) frequently appears 
in these studies, and it serves as a starting point for philosophical exploration. Among 
these new studies, Cai Biming ~~.:g demonstrates the intimate relationship between 
the perception of the body and the view of nature in the pre-Qin world; Yang Rubin ~ 
11~ focuses on the early Confucian ideas of the body and indicates how these ideas 
shaped Confucian philosophy; and Huang Junjie 'H~1~ explores the social practice of 
the body, showing how the body was ritualized for the purpose of social control. 
Western literature concerning the early Chinese body concentrates mainly on 
medical study. Joseph Needham's research on Chinese medicine exemplifies this interest. 
Art history is the other field in which the body is studied in order to discern its unique 
place in the Chinese aesthetic tradition. However, the body is discussed in a broader 
cultural context in just a few articles. This tendency to separate the body from its social 
context has begun to be challenged only recently. Two major works written in English 
have contributed to this academic change: Kuang-ming Wu's On Chinese Body Thinking 
and Mark Ciskszentmihalyi's Material Virtue: Ethics and the Body in Early China. 
Kuang-ming Wu's book uses Western philosophical theory to assert the concrete, rather 
than the Western abstract, nature of Chinese thinking by organizing its discussion under 
4 
the symbol of "body thinking." His argument is based upon the Chinese 
conceptualization of the body as an intelligent substance and extends this to address the 
social function of the body. Focusing on Mencius' promotion of the concepts ofjing ;fi!f 
and qi *" Mark Ciskszentmihalyi's book examines the development of early Confucian 
ethics, arguing that in early Confucian philosophical discourses virtue has a physical 
manifestation in the human body. The inspiration his research provides is that it explicitly 
demonstrates early Confucians' theorization of the body as a vehicle through which 
virtue is materialized and displayed. 
While the contributions of these new studies on the social function of the body 
ought to be fully appreciated, each of these works is limited by its research scope and 
interest. The main body ofCai Biming's book is devoted to discussions of the medical 
body and natural philosophy. Ciskszentmihalyi narrows his research solely to Mencius' 
bodily discourse and the representativeness ofhis conclusion therefore becomes 
questionable. Concentrating on the Confucian concept of the body, Yang Rubing's work 
pays little attention to the rich materials of the body presented in other pre-Qin 
philosophical writings. The limitations in the work ofHuang Junjie and Kuang-ming Wu 
become apparent when philosophy completely occupies the center of their studies. 
All the materials covered in these studies concentrate on the pre-Qin era. 
Although the importance of the Warring States period in the development ofChinese 
philosophy need not be questioned, the neglect of Han philosophical discourse and social 
practice concerning the body inevitably undermines the comprehensiveness and depth of 
their research. The Han dynasty is the time when correlative cosmology integrates the 
5 
philosophy of the body formulated in the Warring States period with the contemporary 
political construction and maintenance of social control. The Han philosophy of the body 
permeates Han culture and influences profoundly people's thought and deeds. Han 
dynasty writings in the areas ofhistory, literature, religion, and philosophy also yield rich 
material concerning the body. To understand the social function and cultural significance 
of the body in early China, these Han sources cannot be ignored. 
To be sure, examining the Chinese body through philosophical analysis and 
discussing its cultural significance purely on a theoretical level, a common weakness seen 
in the recent research surveyed above, are insufficient in describing the dynamic 
interaction between the body and society in the Chinese cultural tradition. What needs to 
be emphasized instead is to understand the political symbolism projected onto the body 
and the transformation of the body into a subject that needs to be trained for the purpose 
of social control. 
In my dissertation, I examine primarily the received texts and recently unearthed 
documents from pre-Qin to Han, extracting sections from these sources to demonstrate 
the connection between the philosophical body and the social body. This textual approach 
means that my dissertation is not primarily theoretical. However, this does not suggest 
that Western bodily discourses will be completely excluded from my discussion. When it 
is appropriate, I will refer to certain Western literature on the body to strengthen my 
argument. 
My dissertation is composed ofthree chapters. Chapter I discusses the 
relationship between physiognomy and the body. The central argument of this chapter is 
6 
that in early China physiognomy (xiangshu ;f§lfl), a technique of divination, read the 
body for political purposes. Examining Warring States to Han texts, we see that 
physiognomy occupied a spot at the center of the political world. It was used to solve 
succession problems, relieve intellectual anxiety generated by social mobility, link the 
Han imperial body to divine power and transform the female body into a political 
investment for Han elite families. Because of its political influence, physiognomy 
inevitably became a concern in philosophical discussions. Early philosophers such as 
Mencius, Xunzi presented different views on physiognomy, which are adopted and 
developed by the Han thinkers Wang Chong and Wang Fu. 
The relationship between the body and politics is the focus of chapter II. 
Discussions in this chapter are organized around two topics, the political theory and 
political practice of the body in early China, and are divided into three sections. Section 
one examines the metaphorical meaning of the body in political discourse. I argue that 
the physical structure of the body was equated with the structure of the state. By linking 
the ruler's body with the body ofthe state, political legitimacy was best argued and 
manifested. Section two looks at the ethical meanings of the body. I argue that the 
humane treatment of people's body and the brutal damaging ofthe body ofthe innocent 
were presented and read as testimonies ofthe ethical nature of the state. The role of the 
body in actual policy-making is discussed in section three. I will single out Han China's 
relationship with the Xiongnu nomadic people to highlight the use of the body in creating 
efficient foreign politics. 
7 
Chapter III deals with the relationship between the body and ritual. The central 
argument of this chapter is that ritual trains the body to be acceptable to society, and 
society needs the normalized body to maintain its hierarchical order. To demonstrate this, 
I will organize my chapter according into two topics concerning the body in early ritual 
discourse: first, ritualizing the body: and second, embodying the ritual. The three sections 
in this chapter thus discuss respectively the issues of the performative body in ritual 
theories and practice, the notion of weiyi mIG1i and the pedagogical nature of early 
Confucian ritual texts. 
8 
CHAPTER II 
PHYSIOGNOMY AND THE BODY 
Introduction 
This chapter attempts to provide background to the conceptualization ofthe 
body in early China by examining the development of early Chinese physiognomy 
(xiangshu if§t¥}). In the following discussion, I will use an expanded definition of the 
word physiognomy to encompass not just formal inspection but also informal judgment 
of a person's physical appearance. In other words, I use this term to refer to all techniques 
employed to read the body for political and social purposes. Following a roughly 
chronological order, my discussion in this chapter will be organized around two central 
aspects that propel this development of early Chinese physiognomy. One aspect concerns 
the political practice of physiognomy and the other emphasizes its philosophical 
theorization. The dynamic relationship between these two aspects highlights a movement 
in early Chinese physiognomy from an ad hoc use ofphysiognomy within a political 
context to a tendency toward philosophical systematization, a process that finds its full 
expression during the Han dynasty (206 BCE-220 CE). This movement, moreover, is a 
part of the larger picture of Han ideology and provides a philosophical basis for the body 
to connect with political and social constructions that took shape during the Han. 
9 
Despite abundant accounts concerning physiognomy in early Chinese historical 
and philosophical texts, this subject has not yet drawn much scholarly interest in either 
China or the West. There is little research into Chinese physiognomy in English 
scholarship on ancient China, which contrasts sharply with the growing fascination with 
the body in studies of the Chinese medical tradition and of Chinese art history. For 
example, in Joseph Needham's multi-volume Science and Civilization in China, only a 
scant four pages are allotted to a general introduction of Chinese physiognomy.! In 
addition to this, there are scattered comments on physiognomy in Kenneth DeWoskin, 
Jack Dull and Bernhard Karlgren's studies of early Chinese culture.2 These fragmentary 
passages, together with Needham's relative indifference to the subject, reflect a common 
neglect of the Chinese physiognomic tradition and an implicit denial of its social and 
cultural significance. 
Only two Western scholars have produced studies on Chinese physiognomy; 
their works, for this reason, deserve a brief review. The first of these, Livia Kohn, an 
expert on Chinese religion, has published three articles on the topic. Kohn's introduction 
to the Ming a}I encyclopedic physiognomic book Shenxiang quanbian *$;f§~#.W6 offers 
the reader a clear picture of the textual development ofphysiognomic texts from the Tang 
mdynasty to late imperial period. However, Kohn's focus on medieval and later texts 
1 Joseph Needham, Science and Civilization in China, Vol. 2, History ofScientific Thought (Cambridge: 
Cambridge University Press, 1975), pp. 363-4, 385-6. 
2 See Kenneth DeWoskin, Doctors, Diviners, andMagicians ofAncient China (New York: Columbia 
University Press, 1983), Jack Dull, "A Historical Introduction to the Apocryphal (ch 'an-weI) Texts of the 
Han Dynasty" (ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington, 1966), and Bernhard Karlgren, "Legends and 
Cults in Ancient China," in Bulletin ofthe Museum ofFar Eastern Antiquities 18, 1946: 199-365. 
10 
leads her to draw the wrong conclusion that the physiognomic tradition "ultimately goes 
back to the 10th century.,,3 The problem of such an assertion is that it ignores pre-Tang 
sources, especially the Han chenwei ~~ texts which contain a rich vocabulary of 
physiognomic practice as well as a number of theories that were inherited by later 
prognosticators. Kohn's study consequently fails to recognize that the Han dynasty was 
actually the period of time when physiognomic terms and principles were systematized. 
The strengths and deficiencies ofKohn's research are equally evident in her 
other articles. Kohn excels in summarizing the physiognomic tradition in a clear and 
economic way, providing the reader a necessary glimpse of this popular belief. Some 
minor mistakes that Kohn makes cause no serious damage to the overall high quality of 
her research, which is quite creditable and even, at times, inspiring.4 Yet Kohn's 
academic interest in Taoism undermines the scope ofher research. Her study is confined 
to medieval Taoist canons and utilizes very few early sources. Furthermore, focusing 
exclusively on the adoption ofphysiognomic theories by religious Taoism, Kohn 
completely ignores Confucian bodily philosophies. As a result, Kohn explains 
physiognomy in a strictly Taoist sense. Physiognomic examination, Kohn writes, "is the 
3 Livia Kohn, "A textbook of physiognomy: The tradition of the Shenxiang quanbian," Asian Folklore 
Studies, Vol. 45, No.2. (1986), p. 247. 
4 Kohn's article on the appearance ofLaozi in medieval Taoist texts convincingly demonstrates that the 
legends ofLaozi's physical features combines the Chinese physiognomic tradition, Taoist doctrine ofthe 
"immortals' bones," and the Buddhist model ofa perfect body. See her "The Looks ofLaozi," Asian 
Folklore Studies, Vol. 55, 1996: 193-236. However, Kohn seems to have made a mistake in identifying the 
gender of the early bodily diviners Tang Ju •• and Xu Fu ~q:~. She addresses Tang Ju as a "she" 
while referring Xu Fu as a "he." There is no evidence in the early tale ofTang Ju suggesting Tang Ju is a 
female. However, "fu" is a common suffix for an old lady in Qin and Han times. 
11 
recognition of what is natural," and the ideal physiognomist, a sage who is in harmony 
with the Tao, "spontaneously intuits people's standing in the world."s 
William Lessa's Chinese Body Divination is probably the only book on Chinese 
physiognomy in Western language. Lessa is a physical anthropologist and therefore takes 
an exclusively anthropological approach to Chinese physiognomy. It is both surprising 
and disappointing to find out that no primary early Chinese historical documents are used; 
Lessa's writing completely relies upon English translations of a few Warring States texts. 
The major portions of this book are categorizations and translations of the Ming 
physiognomic canon Shenxiang quanbian, followed by a survey of the generic 
connections between Chinese and Indo-European physiognomic traditions. Despite many 
weaknesses found in this slightly out-of-date study, Lessa's emphasis upon the social 
function of physiognomy is usefu1.6 He correctly points out that physiognomy helped to 
relieve anxiety felt by intellectuals in the face of increasing social mobility, a theory fully 
developed in Zhu Pingyi's 15tf- study of Han physiognomy. 
Zhu Pingyi's book, Handai de xiangrenshu ~1~ B<J*§A{,fT, follows the 
theoretical framework Lessa proposes.? It contains six chapters. In the introduction, Zhu 
gives a brief review of previous scholarships on physiognomy, criticizing primarily 
Lessa's research. Chapter two is a survey of the physiognomic tradition before the Han 
dynasty. Zhu argues that in pre-Qin times, physiognomy was used in solving succession 
5 Kohn, "The Looks of Laozi," p. 198. 
6 See William Lessa, Chinese Body Divination (Los Angles: United Worid, 1968), especially chapter IX,
 
pp. 177-95.
 
7 Zhu Pingyi, Handai de xiangrenshu (Taibei: Xuesheng shuju, 1990).
 
12 
crises and relieving a general anxiety among scholars that was generated by social 
mobility. Chapter three is a bit ambiguous in comparison with the clear structure of other 
chapters. Zhu discusses the Han conceptualization ofphysiognomy in this chapter, and, at 
the same time, gives explanations ofkey physiognomic terminology. Chapters four and 
five dwell on the political role this divination ofthe body played in Han time. Zhu first 
offers a comprehensive survey ofhow physiognomy is used by the Han ruling class, 
emperors, empresses and prime ministers, in a political context and then analyzes the 
social status ofprognosticators and the general Han attitude towards physiognomy. A 
short conclusion is presented in chapter six. 
Zhu's familiarity with early historical texts makes this book a great source for 
further research on early Chinese physiognomy. Based on concrete textual study, Zhu 
describes the political use of somatomancy during the Han period. The importance of 
physiognomy to the elite community is convincingly demonstrated and its role as a 
popular belief in the whole Han society is also introduced. However, the intertwined 
relationship between the political reading ofthe body and philosophical discourse on 
physiognomy is not fully discussed by Zhu Pingyi. Further studies on the Han 
philosophical systemization of physiognomy still must be done in order to fit it into the 
larger construction ofHan ideological. My goal in this chapter therefore is to demonstrate 
the development of early Chinese physiognomy as a movement from a political concern 
to a philosophical discourse, a tendency toward systemization that culminates in the 
discussions of Wang Chong IJE (ca. 27-97 CE) and Wang Fu Ir-1 (ca. 90-165 CE). 
13 
Physiognomy as a Political Reading of the Body 
Physiognomy in pre-Qin politics 
The earliest account of physiognomy in Chinese historical texts is found in the 
Zuozhuan: 
jGiF~, £1tpg~,Jsl(~Ii*1tJ?o 0f¥-JNIjfJ~~~if§A-tE" JtA=-=f~o ,Jsl(BIiEl: 
"filli~-=f, .lli~-=fofilli.~, ~~~~.~o 
In the first year ofDuke Wen, spring, the king [King Xiang of Zhou] sent Inner 
Scribe Shufu to come to attend the funeral [of Duke Xi]. Hearing that he was 
capable of giving physiognomic examinations of people, Gongsun Ao 
introduced his two sons to him. Shufu said, "Gu is the son who will offer you 
sacrifices and Nan is the one who will bury you. As for Gu, his cheek and chin 
are plump, and he will certainly have posterity in Lu. 8 
In this anecdote, the bodies of the sons are immediately associated with the body of the 
father: Gongsun Ao will be buried by his son Nan and his sacrifices will rely upon Gu. In 
addition to this, the bodies ofthe sons are also intertwined with the body of the family. 
The prognostication the Inner Scribe Shufu gives to Gongsun Ao clearly reveals Gongsun 
Ao's concern for the political fate ofhis clan. As a son of Qingfu )fj(, who assassinated 
two dukes ofLu, Gongsun Ao must feel that at the time ofShufu's visit, when Duke Xi 
1l had just died and Duke Wen X had so recently ascended the throne, was a 
8 Yang Bojun m1s iIJ3t Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhu lttl\t:c1ftt (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1995), p. 510. 
Translation is mine. 
14 
dangerous moment for the Meng tfu clan.9 To learn the fate ofhis family, Gongsun Ao 
consulted Shufu's physiognomic knowledge and entrusted his hope upon the bodies of 
his sons. In Shufu's political reading of the body, the plump cheeks and chin ofGu were 
interpreted as auspicious signs pointing to a favorable future to the clan and offering a 
needed comfort to Gongsun Ao's fear. lO 
This theme ofphysiognomy as an important method for predicting the political 
future of ruling families appears repeatedly in Zuozhuan and Guoyu, texts concerning the 
events of Spring and Autumn period which were compiled by the hands of Warring 
States intellectuals. In this Warring States recounting of the past, the body carries 
political messages and weighs heavily in making decisions for the state and the clan, as 
the following Zuozhuan episode further illustrates: 
t<}], ~T~lJ[{ij~~:*T, W5Mf4>J3"T 1:0 T1:EI: "ttz~*ill, fffiX$ 
~,~~~illo~~z., m~~~oH~Aill, .§fffiMg, ~Aill, ~ 
JjJ.lrill 0 " 
9 Gongsun Ao's father Qingfu JJ.X: was a half-brother ofDuke Zhuang M0 ofLu. Qingfu had an 
incestuous relationship with his sister in law, Aijiang :a~, wife of the duke. When Duke Zhuang died, 
Qingfu assassinated his son Ziban T flN: and established Duke Min ~ 0. Two years later, Qingfu also had 
Duke Min killed and fled to the state of Ju 1§;. After the new ruler Duke Xi *0 ascended the throne, Lu 
bribed Ju to return Qingfu for punishment. Qingfu begged for pardon but this was not granted, so he 
committed suicide as he was returning to Lu. Gongsun Ao succeeded Qingfu as leader of the Meng clan in 
Lu and fathered Gu (Wenbo )(18) and Nan (Huishu ;$:i.lYZ). Later when Gongsun Ao was sent to receive 
his cousin Xingzhong's lHp fiancee from Ju, he took the bride as his own wife. Xiangzhong and Duke 
Wen )(0 consequently planned to attack Ao but fmally made peace with him upon the admonishment of 
a minister. Ao retuned the bride to Ju but subsequently fled Lu in order to join her. The people ofLu then 
established Gu as the head ofMeng clan. Ao later returned to Lu with Gu's help but fled again to Ju after 
three years. Gu soon died and Nan was established. Ao once again requested to return and was permitted as 
the result of Nan's imploring the court. He died before his departure Qi ~. Lu did no allow Ao to be 
buried in Lu. Nan, whose body became haggard when mourning the death of his father, pleaded with the 
court and finally buried his father in Lu. See Yang Bojun, ibid., Duke Zhuang 32: 5, p. 254, Duke Min 2: 3, 
pp. 262-3, and Duke Wen 7:7, 7:8, 8:5, 14:11, and 15: 14, pp. 562-3, 567, 605-6 and 609-11. 
10 Gu's son Xianzi jfu.l1j(T was one of the dominant ministers in the regions ofDukes Wen, Xuan '§, 
Cheng PX. and Xiang Nl. 
15 
Previously the Earl of Chu was about to make Shangchen his heir apparent and 
he conferred about this with Chancellor Zishang. Zishang said, "You are still 
young in age and you have many favorites. Disaster will occur if you dethrone 
him. Succession in Chu always resides in the younger ones. Moreover this man 
[Shangchen] has eyes like a wasp and the voice ofjackal. He is vicious and 
should not be established. ll 
As in many Zuozhuan episodes, the above anecdote is yet another example of a 
succession crisis created by the ruler's abandonment ofproper ritual and his indulgence 
in passions that lead him to favor an unworthy son. The minister Zishang articulates three 
reasons the king should not make Shangchen his heir: the first is the potential disaster 
caused by the capricious nature of the king's favor; the second is the rule of succession in 
Chu; and the third focuses on the vicious disposition of the candidate Shangchen, as 
indicated by some ofhis physical characteristics. Although the second reason is simply a 
fact ofChu political custom, the first and third reasons compose an interesting contrast 
between each other: the unpredictable nature of the king's love and the predictable 
character ofhis son. Zishang's prognostication concerning Shangchen depends 
exclusively on physiognomic terms, highlighting particularly his bodily features: 
wasp-shaped eyes and ajackal-like voice. The cruel personality of Shangchen is 
immediately perceived by Zishang, who points directly at the resemblances between 
Shangchen's physical appearance and the bodies of ferocious animals. Shangchen's body 
indicates that he poses a danger to the safety of the state. What is worth noticing in 
Zishang's rejection of this succession proposal is that Zishang's only attack on 
II Yang Bojun, Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhu, Duke Wen 1: 7, pp. 513-4. Translation is mine. 
16 
Shangchen personally speaks explicitly of the fact that his body fails the physiognomic 
observation. 
This physiognomic connection of a man's evil heart to violent animals based 
upon physical similarities appears repeatedly in Zuozhuan and Guoyu. Bodies ofthis type 
usually pose a threat to the fate of a powerful family. Another striking example from 
Zuozhuan concerns Yuejiao ~~, a child fathered by Ziliang, the Chu minister ofwar. 
Ziwen, a wise Chu minister, notes that Yuejiao's body resembles the figure of a bear or a 
tiger and his voice that of a jackal and then predicts that this boy will destroy the entire 
Ruo'ao;E=7J)( clan. Ziwen's prediction comes true when Yuejiao leads an unsuccessful 
rebellion, which does indeed bring about the destruction of the Ruo'ao clan. 12 
Undoubtedly, the voice of a jackal is understood as an extremely ominous sign 
in Spring and Autumn tales. In addition to the Zuozhuan stories cited above, we see a 
similar prediction given in a Guoyu episode in which two half brothers of the Yangshe 
$.E clan in Jin ~ were born with features that resemble beasts: 
;J9tit1:, ~£J:tjtZ., B: "~m § rm~~, ~fFjrmL:j::Jm:, ~~PJ~, ~/GPJ 
Mili, ~~m~o" ~/Gmo ••~1:,~~~£J:~~,tt,R~, ~~ 
~l1Gili, Jjjg, B: ";1t~, tH~~~, f.l?f~$.E~~*~, ~\~Tilio " 
When Shuyu was born, his mother inspected him and said, "This boy has the eye 
of a tiger and the mouth ofa pig, his shoulder is hawk-shaped and his abdomen 
resembles that of an ox. A ravine could be filled and yet [his ambitions] would 
not be satiated. He will certainly die from taking a bribe." She therefore did not 
raise him herself. When Yang Shiwo was born, Shuxiang's mother went to see 
him upon hearing this. Approaching the hall, she heard his cry and then returned, 
saying, "His voice is the voice ofa jackal. The one who will destroy the 
Yangshe clan must be this boy.,,13 
12 See Yang Bojun, Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhu, Duke Xuan 4: 3, p. 679. 
13 Guoyu IU! (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1988), p. 453. 
17 
This story and the other story cited earlier indicate that the voice seems to have been 
given particular weight in physiognomic judgments. Judging someone as having a 
"jackal-like voice" may have been part of a larger practice of divination by sound. 14 Still, 
most of the comments about ominous beast-like features during the Spring and Autumn 
period do have an ad hoc quality-that is, they do not seem to be part of a larger, 
systematized body ofknowledge. This is especially true when we notice that animals as 
metaphors in Spring and Autumn literary writings are generally regarded as auspicious 
signs while physical resemblances to animals in physiognomic term is believed to be evil 
and inauspicious. IS As a reflection of these contradictory perceptions of animals, the 
physiognomic accounts in Zuozhuan and Guoyu show little effort of systemization in that 
animals are arbitrarily given a negative symbolic meaning, despite the complex, 
sometimes ambivalent, moralities people projected onto them as metaphors. 
It is noteworthy in this connection that there is no general explanation of 
physiognomic principles in either Zuozhuan or Guoyu. The Guoyu story discussed above, 
14 Kenneth DeWoskin argues that in early Chinese cosmological thinking divination by means of sound 
was probably a common practice. See his A Songfro One or Two: Music and the Concept ofArt in Early 
China (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1982), p. 37. 
15 For example, in the Zuozhuan story, a bear-shaped body suggests Yuejiao's wicked nature. However, the 
bear is used as an auspicious metaphor in the Shijing ~iH~ poem "Sigan" :ltJT=f in which the head of a 
Zhou )jJ(J noble family dreams of bears and snakes in his recently built home, which the diviner interprets 
as favorable: "The chief diviner will divine about them. The bears and grizzly bears, are auspicious 
intimations of sons. The cobras and [other] serpents, Are auspicious intimations of daughters." *Ar5 
Z, f.\l~U!EJill, ~-rZt.f:; f.\lm!!.~-lE!l!t, 3z:-rZt.f:o Moreover, the tiger, which is presented as a 
metaphor of ill fortune in the Zuozhuan accounts, is used in Shijing poems to describe mighty ministers. In 
the poems "Changwu" 1itfEt and "Panshui" ¥-'¥7.K, tiger-liked generals are portrayed as heroic defenders of 
the Zhou kingdom and the Lu state. See James Legge, The She King (Taibei: Wenzhi chubanshe, 1981), p. 
244. Koko Takezoe's t'r~J'6¥~ Maoshi huijian =B~ij1W~ (Taibei: Datong shuju, 1975), Vol. 3, pp. 
2010, 2207. For metaphorical meanings of animals in early China, see Roel Sterckx, The Animal and the 
Daemon in Early China (Albany: State University ofNew York Press, 2002) and Victor Mair's review on 
Journal ofthe American Oriental Society, Vol. 122, No.4. (2002), pp. 841-6. 
18 
in which Shuxiang's mother recognizes the jackal-like voice of the infant Yang Shiwo 
and predicts that he will destroy the Yangshe clan, has a much more elaborated version in 
Zuozhuan. 16 It begins with a lengthy lecture given by Shuxiang's mother on the 
devastating nature of female beauty and ends with a quick physiognomic prognostication. 
The long speech focuses entirely on the value ofhistorical precedents and the 
physiognomic diagnosis serves as a vivid demonstration of the lesson drawn from them. 
The logic behind the mother's prophecy is simply an old belief that "a wolf pup has a 
A hint of some of the ideas behind physiognomy can be seen in another Guoyu 
account. A certain Yang Chufu ~mx: once lodged at Ning Ying's W-' house. 
Believing that Yang Chufu was a true gentleman, Ning Ying followed him. After talking 
with Yang Chufu on the road, Ning Ying decided to return to home. When his wife asked 
the reason Ning Ying said: 
§~~~w~~, ~~~W~~o~~, M~¥ili;~, ~~.ilio~~ 
'~~, pX;~*o 8, ~~Jtilio ~Jtrru~~~, ilW~1T, ~~Ij~.o ~~T~ 
~lJIf, ~ ~ [I, ~~~.ilio 
I observed his appearance and desired to [follow] him; but I disliked him after 
hearing his words. Appearance is the full expression of disposition and words 
the essence of appearance. Disposition is generated by the body and formulates 
16 The Zuozhuan story tells that Shuxiang wants to take a daughter of Wuchen ffi ~ and Xiaji 1f~ as 
his wife, but this plan is rejected by his mother. The mother first points out that Xiaji has brought death to 
her three husbands, a ruler, one ofher sons and two ministers and destroyed the state of Chen ~t. She then 
lists those beautiful women in history who have brought disaster to dynasties and families, concluding that 
unless one is virtuous and righteous, taking such a wife as will certainly destroy the family. After hearing 
this, Shuxiang dares not to marry the daughter ofXiaji but is forced to do so by the command of this ruler. 
When his son Boshi 1131=1 (Yang Shiwo) is born, Shuxiang's mother goes to see the infant and she hears 
the jackal-liked voice ofthe new baby. She predicts that Boshi is the one who will destroy the Yangshe 
clan. See Yang Bojun, Duke Zhao 28: 2, pp. 1492-3. 
17 Ibid. 
19 
itse1fwithin the heart. Words are the ornaments of the body. [Only when] words 
are polished and disposition is exposed [by appearance], and these two are in 
accordance with each other then can things be done. If they are in conflict with 
each other disaster will occur. Now Master Yang's appearance excels but his 
words are deficient, this does not show what he truly is. IS 
Ning Ying's criticism of Yang Chufu indicates a popular idea that appearance reflects 
one's character. This adds a philosophical tone to the practice of physiognomy and 
foreshadows the bodily philosophy of Mencius that will be discussed later. However, 
Ning Ying's answer indeed shows a suspicious attitude toward the bodily prognostication. 
Ning Ying delivers a dual criticism. The first criticism points to Yang Chufu's duplicity, 
his physical appearance creates a false impression that covers up what he truly is. The 
second is a self-criticism. By examining Yang Chufu's words Ning Ying realizes that 
observing only appearance can lead to a false reading of a person. Thus while Ning Ying 
acknowledges that appearance is the full expression of disposition, he nevertheless 
stresses that words are a more reliable source for understanding a man. From this point of 
view, Ning Ying seems to be undercutting an excessive belief in physiognomy and is 
suggesting that ultimately what a person says is more important. 
In addition to the lack of a theory or clear system of physiognomy in pre-Qin 
texts, we see there is no professional physiognomist mentioned in the Zuozhuan and 
Guoyu stories. Instead, physiognomic inspections are said to be given by wise ministers, 
including female leaders of the family, and are presented as evidence of their ability to 
make correct judgments. Their reading of the physical features is yet another 
demonstration of their ability to recognize signs that carry political significance, 
18 Guoyu, p. 394. 
20 
including dressing, demeanor and bodily movements. Still, the issue dominating this type 
ofpolitical reading of the body is the concern for the survival of a state or a clan. 19 The 
body is thus transformed into an analyzable source in order to make needed predictions 
that offer proper advice in a political context. Such an adoption ofphysiognomy stays in 
line with the overall use of divination in Zuozhuan and Guoyu. Various forms of 
divination, dreams and the appearance of ghosts for example, convey a message that is 
ubiquitous in these texts-the importance of listening to good advice.2o In these stories, 
wise ministers often function as diviners. They are indispensable to the political body of 
the state or family because of their knowledge of ritual and historical precedents and their 
ability to judge people and events that are based upon keen observation. Within this 
political context, physiognomy, adopted (or probably practiced) by the elite society, is 
utilized as an important form of advice that must be consulted and heeded by political 
leaders. 
19 Zhu Pingyi argues in his book that in Spring and Autumn period physiognomy was used to make 
succession decisions. (p. 28) His theory is that the Zhou zongfa *r* system gradually declined during 
that time and for the priority of the fIrst son in the line of succession was seriously challenged. Zhu further 
cites Du Zhengsheng's HiEMJ research on this topic. Du believes that during the Spring and Autumn 
period, all sons of a ruler could be equal candidates for the throne. The fInal decision was made and 
publicized in the Ii 1L ritual, which was a public ceremony to announce the name of the heir apparent to 
the nobles and other states. However, a careful examination of the physiognomic accounts in Zuozhuan and 
Guoyu shows that Zhu's conclusion need to be revised. Although there is evidence to support his theory, 
many other stories are not linked to succession crises. Rather, they demonstrate a general fear among 
leaders of eminent clans concerning the ill fortune of their families that is indicated by the inauspicious 
physical features of their descents. For Zhu Pingyi's theory, see his Handai de xiangrenshu, pp. 23-37. For 
Du Zhengsheng's article, see "Zhou dai fengjian de jianli: fengjian yu zongfa" in Zhongguo shanggushi 
daidinggao 9=t WiLl: t1.~A~ J:Efil1j (Taibei: Zhongyang yanjiuyan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo, 1985), Vol. 3, pp. 
136-9. 
20 For discussion on the Zuozhuan and Guoyu narratives, see David Schaberg, A Patterned Past: Form and 
Thought in Early Chinese Historiography (Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001). 
21 
The use of physiognomy seemed to have shifted to a different focus as we come 
to the mid-to late-Warring States period. One sees in the historical and philosophical texts 
of this era a growing anxiety about knowing people and appreciating talent, and these 
concerns occupied the center ofmany physiognomic exercises. Dramatic changes in 
social structure took place during the Warring States period. The Zhou feudal politics 
(jengjian !t9l) and zongfa system that had already undergone a gradual decline finally 
fell apart completely. Along with population increase, agricultural improvement, the 
establishment of big cities, the emergence of new types of warfare and the flourishing of 
philosophy, changes in every social aspect contributed together to the formation of a 
different world.21 The rigidly stratified society that once defined the Spring and Autumn 
period diminished, allowing freer movement for "an individual from one social stratum to 
another.,,22 This transition provided the shi ± class with the opportunity for upward 
social mobility, as official positions were no longer reserved for aristocrats. Rank and 
nobility were granted on the basis ofmerit rather than upon bloodline. This change is 
reflected in the following comment from the early Warring States philosopher Mozi ~ 
r: "Merits are evaluated and ranks distributed accordingly, therefore no officials could 
21 For studies of Warring States social change, see, for example, Li Zongdong's **1\lil "Fengjian de 
jieti" M~I¥JMH, in Zhongguo shanggushi daidinggao, ibid., Vol. 3, pp. 549-85, Yang Kuan's .:fi1't 
Zhanguo shi !!!1;WJ!J..'£ (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1980) and Xu Zhuoyun's Ancient China in 
Transition: An Analysis o/Social Mobility (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1965). 
22 Xu Zhuoyun, ibid, p. 1. 
22 
enjoy constant nobility and no commoner would remain inferior forever" (.J.JJITff*f;~, 
Rulers of the Warring States, in their constant competition for hegemony, felt the 
urge to select men of talent. Virtuous and capable men were regarded as vital to the 
government and they were promoted from all social strata. The Liishi Chunqiu g ~lft'<. 
correctly points this out: 
~~, ~~,*r~,~~Ao~Z~*rill~, ~+-~oft~lft'<., § 
~~0~~~0+~=~,~m~~Z, m~~z,~m-illo~~A, ~ 
~~~, ~~~~; ~~A, ~~~~, ~~~~o~xz~~A~~~ 
ill, ;f1!]~;f1!]~, ;f1!]Ji;f1!]*0 
To secure the body, pacify the state and govern the world one must use worthy 
men. In antiquity, there were seventy two sages who ruled the world. Observing 
Chunqiu, from Duke Yin ofLu to Duke Ai there were twelve generations. That 
they were successful or failed depended upon one principle. Ifvirtuous men 
were selected, no state would be in disharmony and no ruler's name would not 
be glorified. Ifvirtuous men were lost, no state would not be in danger and no 
ruler's name would not be stained. As for former kings' seeking virtuous men, 
none of them would not be used, regardless ofhow low and humble their status 
might be, how far away they might live and how taxing it might be to visit 
them.24 
In the face of a social trend such as this, the ability to know people became a requirement 
for the ruler. Many texts compiled during the Warring States contain rich discourses on 
this topic and they are designed to train the ruler in how to evaluate people. Physiognomy 
is an important part of this education. For example, the chapter "Xuanjiang" :i!~ in the 
23 See Sun Yiran J!~€l~ Mozi xiangu ~-T~j~i!i, chapter "Shangxian" ~Ji, (Taibei: Shijie shuju, 1962), 
p.27. 
24 Xu Weiyu ~q:ME:lI Lushi Chunqiujishi g ~~;fX~~U' (Taibei: Shijie shuju, 1962), chapter 22, 
section 5, p. 1051. My translation is different from John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel's. For their 
translation, see The Annals ofLu Buwei (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000), p. 578. 
23 
Warring States military text Liu tao /\¥Ef lists eight criteria (ba zheng )~~) in 
selecting a general. The Da Dai Liji :*~f!§c. and Yi Zhoushu ~.ffl] 1} contain similar 
chapters, "Wenwang guanren" XI'§'A and "Guanren" '§'A, in which six principles 
(liu wei /\1Jjt) are given for the purpose of observing people.25 While the Liu tao chapter 
focuses exclusively onjudging a man's virtue, principles advocated both in Da Dai Liji 
and Yi Zhoushu argue for the necessity of examining physical appearance as well. The 
theory behind the principles in such texts as Liu tao and Yi Zhoushu is that external 
appearance displays one's inner heart (cheng zai qi zhong, ci xian yu wai ~{E~9=', 1l:t 
yt$~:J~) through the movement of qi ~?6 Qi generates five types of emotions-joy, 
anger, desire, fear and worry-that determine one's personality. One's facial features and 
other physical characteristics such as the voice give expression to these emotions. 
Through observing voice (sheng !I!), complexion (se '@,), and appearance (mao ~5G), a 
ruler can recognize the inner quality of a man. 
Apparently the Da Dai Liji and Yi Zhoushu passages allude to the influence of 
physiognomy on Warring States political philosophy. Such influence is also reflected in 
the Warring States revision of early tales that detail elements of bodily prognostication. 
The most famous tale of this type is probably the Shang rm king Wuding's fttT search 
for the sage minister Fu Yue 1f~. As reported in Sima Qian's PJ ~iI Shiji, Wuding 
sees a sage named Yue in his dream. He compares the appearance of all ofhis officials to 
25 See Wang Pinzhen .=E~~ Da Dai Lijijiegu j\J&fl~EM~i!i (Taibei: Shijie shuju, 1962), chapter 10. 
Zhu Youzeng *15 W Yi Zhoushu jixun jiaoshi ~ftij ff~IfWII:tSt~~ (Taibei: Shijie shuju, 1962), chapter 7. 
26 See Wang Pinzhen, Da Dai Lijijiegu, chapter 10, pp. 3B-4A. 
24 
this sage, but none of them resemble him. Wuding then dispatches ministers to search for 
such a man throughout the kingdom and subsequently finds Fu Yue.27 As seen in this 
account, searching for a worthy man can, and in this case does, make use ofphysiognomy. 
The king in this case performs the same art as a bodily diviner does: he recognizes a man 
by reading his body. 
In addition to assisting the rulers, the practice ofphysiognomy during the 
Warring States addresses another social need. For those who desire to promote their own 
social class, physiognomy is an effective pill to soothe their pain when reality disappoints 
them. This is caused by the fact that while Warring States social mobility gives the shi 
group greater political opportunity, it is at the same time a source of frustration. 
Numerous stories of immediate appreciation received from a ruler and instant career 
success ignited the hearts of ambitious intellectuals. They traveled from state to state 
selling their doctrines and seeking government positions. To the majority ofthem, reality 
proved to be cruel. These failed men needed an explanation for their lack of success; and 
they also wanted a prediction of their future. Physiognomy, as a form of divination, 
helped to solve this social anxiety. For example, Shiji says that after Cai Ze's ~~ 
political pursuits failed he asked the famous physiognomist Tang Ju for an explanation?8 
27 Shiji, 2: 102 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1996). Sima Qian must have adopted this story from Warring 
States sources. This story also appears in the Shangshu Mjif chapter "Shuo ming" illlilJ. However, the 
authenticity of the Shangshu chapter is highly problematic. It is traditionally believed to be one of the 
Eastern Jin *ti scholar Mei Zi's ~12Jt forgeries. For discussion of the Shangshu chapters see Chen 
Mengjia Ilt~*, Shangshu tonglun rMifJiMlJ (Shanghai: Shangwu chubanshe, 1957). 
28 Cai Ze's biography in Shiji reads: "[Cai Ze] traveled and sought employment among feudal lords and in 
many states, both large and small. But he was not appreciated. He thereupon went to Tang Ju for 
physiognomicinspection" (:ibf"'T~{~' IJ\::ktfxiL /G~, [i'ij1Jtm:;~~U§). See Shiji79: 2418. 
25 
This instance in Shiji of reporting the name of a physiognomist is important. In 
the Warring States texts we see for the first time professional prognosticators emerge. 
Such names as Gubu Ziqing ~i!i;;fffT9~~, Tang Ju and Jiufang Yan fL1J~ represent the 
beginning of a textual tradition of physiognomy. As their names appear in historical and 
philosophical documents, physiognomic records begin to have an authoritative voice. The 
implication of this must be understood in a larger philosophical context, as a variety of 
schools of thought and intellectual traditions took shape at the same time during the 
Warring States period. Similar to the formation of an early Chinese medical school, in 
which fundamental principles were built up by primary figures such as the physicians 
who counted themselves followers of the Yellow Emperor, the appearance of 
physiognomic masters helped a tradition of bodily divination to take shape around them, 
and this lead further to a systematization of physiognomy that was entirely congruent 
with the systematizing trends that characterize Han thought more generally.29 
Physiognomy and Han imperial bodies 
As I have discussed in the section above, physiognomy was used in the Spring 
and Autumn period to make political predictions about states or powerful families. 
Moreover, the Warring States period saw a growing concern about recognizing political 
talent, and this perhaps led to a more widespread application of "techniques of 
recognition," including physiognomy. I have also noted that physiognomy became more 
29 Later physiognomic texts often attribute their authorships to early masters such as Tang Ju. For a brief 
summary of textual tradition ofphysiognomy, see Livia Kohn's article on the Shenxiang quanbian: "A 
Textbook ofPhysiognomy: The Tradition of the Shenxiang quanbian," Asian Folklore Studies, Vol. 45, No. 
2. (1986). 
26 
systematized during the Han, which may indeed be related to the appearance and greater 
status ofphysiognomists. But there is something else new during the Han that should be 
explored here before turning to the systematizing trends, and that is the appearance of 
political myths that center upon the body of the Han ruler. In Han historical narrative, 
physiognomy was manipulated to create political myths that read the physical signs of 
Han imperial bodies as evidences of their heavenly bestowed authority. By linking their 
bodies to a divine source, these myths helped to declare and affirm the political 
legitimacy of Han rulers. 
Mythical stories concerning the body functioning as political narratives is most 
evident in the biography ofthe Han emperor Uu Bang ~IJ*~ (r. 206-195 BeE). In Sima 
Qian's Shiji, the opening paragraphs ofthe biography emphasize the message that the 
future emperor has a destiny bestowed by Heaven. Uu Bang, we are told, had a 
supernatural birth, as his mother conceived him after a dragon covered her body. His 
divine origin was also manifested by visible signs on his own physical body: supposedly 
he had seventy-two black dots on his left leg. The number seventy-two is composed by 
multiplying two other cosmological numbers: eight, symbolizing earth, and nine, 
symbolizing heaven. Sima Qian claims that people also observed a dragon above Uu 
Bang's body when he was sleeping, and they also knew where he might be hiding by 
observing the clouds, natural phenomena that are also associated with dragons. The 
theme of recognizable signs prevalent in the myths surrounding Uu Bang is confirmed by 
physiognomic anecdotes. Liu Bang was first recognized by Elder Lii g 0-, a 
physiognomist who married his daughter to him: 
27 
¥~A§0, ~~~,~~~z~, ~*~~o~~~~!£~~~~~, ~ 
/.';111:1 :;!l!; 1Hr *" '"i'I=; -+-.:a- -&.~.oIi -+--.:± El " 'lh X ,'di!: ..:::(..¢Jt ,M'" ~ I::" ,,-a- \1=11.:E~0 JilnItJ1"'JX5C., ..:t:~, -:::riiaAA: JJ!/I"¥m 1 iJij(;, :x:Z:¥. 1'0 fPJ1l:1. 
fr9~~, .£~!£, ~~fr9.El ".~.", ./F~-~o.A, §0*
1!l, JEg, ifllzF50 §0it, ~f;f§A, Ji.~fiU,*&l, ~~1l&z, iJlA~o JffnJ 
El: r~IJ,*IBI$*g, Y'PX;.0 J, , , §0El: "t2:Y'~f;f§A, ;f§A$~, 
.~,*ffi, .,*~.o t2:~~~,Dfr9*~~~o" 
Elder Ui from Shanfu befriended the magistrate of Pi. While avoiding a foe, he 
followed the magistrate as a guest and thereupon dwelt in Pi. Hearing that the 
magistrate had an important guest, able clerks of Pi all went to greet him. Xiao 
He was the chief clerk and took charge of the congratulatory money. He 
commanded those honored guests, saying, "If the money does not reach one 
thousand, one should be seated lower down in the hall." The emperor [Liu Bang] 
was a village constable and he always disdained those clerks. He then deceitfully 
wrote a letter, claiming [that he brought] congratulatory money often thousand 
cash; but in fact he carried no money with him. When the letter was delivered, 
Elder Lii was greatly surprised. He rose up and welcomed him at the door. Elder 
Lii was a man who was fond of physiognomy. He saw the emperor's appearance 
and deeply respected him. He invited him in and offered him a seat. Xiao He 
said, "Liu Ji always talks big but seldom accomplishes anything." .... Elder Lii 
said, "From a young age I have been fond ofphysiognomy. Many have I 
inspected and none of them had your appearance. I hope that you will take good 
care of yourself. I have a daughter and I want her to serve you as your wife. ,,30 
A comparison between Elder Lii's appreciation ofLiu Bang and Xiao He's contempt for 
him is highlighted in the above anecdote. This makes the recognition of Liu Bang even 
more apparent and important. Instead of being announced by a worthy minister, Liu 
Bang's future achievement is implied by a physiognomic expert. The episode that follows 
the one cited above further articulates Liu Bang's auspicious appearance by introducing 
another anonymous physiognomist who predicts Liu Bang's emperorship: "The lord's 
physiognomy is so noble it cannot be expressed in words" (~;f§./Fl:iJg).31 
30 Takigawa Kametaro til II.§, Shiji huizhu kaozheng ..tgcWr:lt~m (Zhengzhou: Beiyue wenyi 
chubanshe, 1999), pp. 615-7. 
31 Shiji huizhu kaozheng, p. 618. 
28 
The irony of the future chiefminister Xiao He's inability to recognize his ruler's 
potential and the prognosticators' assertions points to the important role physiognomy 
played in the creation of the Han dynastic myth. Xiao He's criticism ofLiu Bang reflects 
a challenge that historical narratives of the founding of the Han must overcome: that is, 
how to reconcile Liu Bang as an indecent commoner with Liu Bang as a son of Heaven? 
To solve this problem, Sima Qian repeatedly claims that Liu Bang's rulership is bestowed 
by heaven. In his preface to "The Monthly Chart of the Transitional Period Between Qin 
and Han" ~¥:lz..~jj ~ff, Sima Qian writes: "Is not this [Liu Bang becoming emperor] 
because ofheaven! Is not this because of heaven! If [he, Liu Bang] had not been great 
sage, who else could have been able to receive the mandate at that moment and become 
an emperor?" (~~F~~! ~~F~~! ~F*~$A~~~J1t~-6Prm*1!r:p.! )That heaven 
grants Liu Bang the emperorship (tian shou ~~) is again affirmed through Zhang 
Liang ~ ~ and Han Xin's ~~1* words.32 In this creation of the political legitimacy of 
the first Han emperor, physiognomy as a form of divination provides the historian yet 
another authoritative voice to assert Liu Bang's heavenly destiny. Thus, as Sima Qian 
concludes, Liu Bang "indeed obtained the Heavenly authority" (de tian tong yi ~J;t~~ 
~).33 
Like his ancestor, the founder of Eastem Han, Liu Xiu ;U3'§ (r. 25-57), had to 
deal with the same challenge in claiming legitimacy. Liu Xiu had to distinguish himself 
32 Shiji huizhu kaozheng, pp. 1178,3081, and 4085. 
33 Shiji huizhu kaozheng, p. 696. 
29 
from many other competitors from the Uu family in the struggle for the throne. His 
biography in Hou Hanshu directly links his body with that ofUu Bang. Their faces show 
similar characteristics. Both of them are portrayed as having a high nose (long zhun ~~) 
and a beautiful beard (mei xumei ~~J§). While Uu Bang's face looks akin to a dragon 
(longyan nM), Liu Xiu possesses a sun-shaped forehead (rijiao B1fJ), another divine 
facial feature. 34 Undoubtedly, the striking facial features, which Uu Xiu and Liu Bang 
shared, manifest the fact that authority is continued within the same ruling family. 
Legitimacy therefore is inherited from the great ancestor to the equally great descendent, 
highlighted by their bodily resemblances to the most prestigious natural objects: the 
dragon and the sun. 
In addition to facilitating the myth of dynastic origins, the body was also an 
important political source Han politicians resorted to when legitimacy was in question. 
Among the Western Han emperors, Emperor Xuan '§,*, Uu Xun ~IJ~ (r. 73-49 BCE), 
was the only ruler besides Liu Bang whose physical appearance had unique features. 
Emperor Xuan was praised as a ruler who rejuvenated (zhongxing r:p J!) the declining 
power of Western Han. Nevertheless, his birth proposed a problem to the dynastic glory. 
Emperor Xuan was the grandson of Uu Ju ~U1', the one-time heir apparent (li taizi J3t 
*-r-) who was executed by his father Emperor Wu fit'* (r.140-87 BCE). His 
grandparents and parents died because of the black magic event (wugu ~A) that 
occurred during the later period of Emperor Wu's reign. As an infant, Emperor Xuan was 
34 See Hou Hanshu, (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965), p. 1. 
30 
put in jail and was almost killed by his great grandfather. When he grew up, he married a 
daughter of the court eunuch Xu Guanghan ~~~ and lived as a commoner. His grand 
uncle, Emperor Zhao BB'I'ii (r. 86-74 BeE), died without an heir. After an unsuccessful 
succession, Emperor Xuan was established by the chief general Huo Guang llB't. 
Because ofEmperor Xuan's problematic background, Han historians were faced 
with the challenge of how to prove his legitimacy as a successor. After all, he was once 
an imperial criminal and had lost all his royal prestige. The solution, as seen in Hanshu, 
involved two strategies: one was a ritual-based argument pointing out Emperor Xuan's 
legal and moral qualifications, as voiced in Huo Guang' s succession proposal; the other 
featured a portrayal ofEmperor Xuan's unique physical body. His torso and feet were 
covered with hair and his body emitted brilliant light when he was sleeping. The detail of 
Emperor Xuan's bodily hair is a clear reminder ofLiu Bang's awesome beard. His 
luminous body resembles again his ancestor's vapor-generating body. Their physical 
similarities unquestionably created a symbolic tie that bound the two rulers together and 
provided visible evidence that allowed the descendant to claim his place in the line of 
succession. 
From the above examples, we see that Liu Bang's body is reduplicated. The 
bodily characteristics that once symbolized Liu Bang's political legitimacy reappear in 
the bodies ofhis descendants as proofs of their own authority. Physiognomy, with a 
shared vocabulary and principles, unifies the imperial bodies, creating ultimately a sense 
of political continuity that sustains the fate of the dynasty. 
31 
The value of physiognomy in affirming political legitimacy was fully understood 
and utilized by Han politicians. Their adoption of physiognomy resonated with Sima 
Qian's description of the heavenly authority (X~JE) that Liu Bang had received. It also 
participated in the construction ofHan ideology and served actively in the discourse of 
the orthodox succession (zheng tong lE~) that was proposed by Dong Zhongshu .1~ 
~(c. 179-c. 104 BCE) and debated among many scholar officials. A comparison between 
two historical writings of Eastern Han illustrates the role physiognomy played in such a 
political discourse. Hou Hanshu presents a brief description of Emperor Ming's l'ljJ '* (r. 
58-75) face: "The emperor was born with plump cheeks and chin" ('*J±.rm~ r).35 
However, the original source in Dongguan Hanji *ft¥~H\c is much more detailed. In 
addition to plump cheeks, Emperor Ming is described as having a sharp forehead and a 
red neck, and these features "resemble the ancestor Yao" (1f1~*,tlt:fli).36 The 
articulation of the physical similarity between Emperor Ming and the sagely king Yao is 
significant. In an article discussing the development of the Five Virtues (wude Iiif,) 
theory in early China, Gu Jiegang lm!filMJlJ has convincingly demonstrated how Yao was 
transformed from an ancient legendary king to the very ancestor of Han imperial 
family.3? As Gu Jiegang shows, from the Han Gongyang 0¥- school, Liu Xiang ~tl rP.J 
35 Hou Hanshu, p. 95. 
36 See Wu Shuping ~fM-'jl annotates Dongguan Hanjijiaozhu *fi~f.ic.f5tn (Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou 
guji chubanshe, 1987), p. 55. 
37 See Gu Jiegang, "Wude zhongshi guan xiade zhengzhi he lishi" Jit~~~€lll.rl¥JlI&¥€l{DJH.'£, in Gu 
shi bian tl.'£m (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1992), Vol. 5, pp. 500-08. 
32 
(ca. 77-6 BCE), Wang Fu .±.1ff to apocryphal texts, theories and stories were produced 
in order to give the Han rulers a respectable ancestor in the circulating course of the Five 
Virtues and consequently prove the legitimacy of the Han replacement of the Qin.38 
Physiognomy, in the writing of such a history, adduced visible evidence for the 
construction of this ideology.39 
That the body served as a testimony for political legitimacy can be seen from its 
power of denial. Physiognomy was often manipulated in historical writing to deprive the 
legitimacy of a usurper. The Han dynasty was briefly interrupted by Wang Mang .±.~ 
from 8 to 25 CEo To Han historians, Wang Mang was a problematic figure. He was an 
ardent Confucian follower who had tried to realize many Confucian ideas that had been 
advocated by scholars for generations but had so far only found textual expression. Yet 
Wang Mang was a usurper who ended the rule ofWestem Han and put himself on the 
throne. To Han historians, Wang Mang's reign was unacceptable and needed to be 
denounced. The Latter Han attack on Wang Mang was intensified in two ways: rebuking 
his morality and demonizing his body. Hanshu portrays Wang Mang as a hypocritical 
man who had stolen the throne by deceitful actions. In addition to moral corruption, 
Wang Mang's body was depicted as presenting many evil features. As Hanshu describes: 
$~A1~Qm~, n~~$~, *~rmPJt1fo ~-tRli>t, ~TJI1.~~f&;, Ij~~ 
;&, &J1Jf ~fJL !IfOC ~ftk:l 0 ~a~1fffl1Jtt1~ ~tj~ r~~, !!;I(J:l~ Ij$ m~fl, 1~ ~tj 
38 Gu Jiegang, ibid. 
39 The value ofphysiognomy in arguing for political legitimacy was also used by men ofambition in early 
China. During the war between Liu Bang and Xiang Yu Jj'P]~, Kuai Tong Jl.Mim pretended to be a 
physiognomist so as to persuade Han Xin to compete for the throne (yi xiangren shui HanXin, I~H§A~ 
~$ffi), see Shiji 92: 4075-6. 
33 
EJ: "~JiJf~~' § JJEJ1mM~zJ!1!f-tE., M!:~~it A, ZfJ\M'~Amito " rl=1~1!ftS 
z, ~~~~~, WMtS1!fo~~B~~mooo 
As a person Wang Mang had a large mouth and a short chin. His eyes were 
protuberant and his pupils red. His voice was loud and hoarse. He was seven chi 
and five cun tall. He liked thick-soled shoes and wore a tall hat, and stuffed his 
clothes with furs. He had a dented chest and looked with his head facing up. To 
those around him, he looked at them as ifwatching far away. At that time there 
was one who, because ofhis expertise, served as a palace attendant. When asked 
about Wang Mang's appearance, the attendant said, "Wang Mang is what is to 
be called a man with the eyes ofan owl, the mouth of a tiger and the voice ofa 
jackal. Therefore he is able to eat people but will also be eaten by people." The 
inquirer reported this to Wang Mang; Wang Mang killed the attendant and 
rewarded the reporter. After that Wang Mang often hid his face behind a mica 
fan. No one except his favorites could see him.40 
It would be naive to believe the Hanshu passage provides a real portrait of Wang Mang.41 
Wang Mang's body is exaggerated and exemplifies all the physical features ofevil men 
throughout history, especially those of the first emperor ofQin.42 Contrary to the Han 
emperors' great bodies that are meant for public display and inspiring awe, Wang Mang's 
stereotyped body is concealed behind a fan. The depravity of Wang Mang's face and the 
malformation ofhis body symbolize the illegitimacy of his rule. The message behind this 
40 Hanshu 99: 4124. 
41 Wang Mang himself was a believer in the apocrypha. He forged many auspicious signs to justify his 
usurpation. Hanshu reports that Wang Mang promoted two commoners as generals because their looks fit 
well with physiognomic principles. See Hanshu 99: 4101. 
42 The first emperor ofQin is described as having a bee-shaped nose, long eyes, hawk-liked shoulders and 
the voice ofajackal (~$, fit §, .,~JF3, M§;). See Shiji huizhu kaozheng, Vol. 2, p. 426. 
34 
manipulation ofhistory is clear: Wang Mang is one who should not appear in the royal 
portraits.43 
Physiognomy and the female body in Han 
The physiognomic transformation of the body into a political subject is also 
evident in the Han treatment of the female body. In Han elite society, the female body 
was politicized and evaluated in physiognomic terms. 
In Hanyinyang cosmology, the dominance ofyang forces was absolutely 
unquestionable. As an embodiment of the yin, women were subordinate to men. But this 
gender differentiation in terms of social status in Han China was not as rigid and arbitrary 
as seen in later Neo-Confucian discourse. Early Chinese cosmological thinking 
acknowledged exchange and transformation occurring between yin and yang energies. 
Influenced by this, Han ideology also emphasized a balanced relationship between men 
and women. As Ban Gu WfIftl(32-92 CE) wrote in his preface to the "Biographies of the 
Imperial Consort Families" (Waiqi zhuan Y'ri1G1f), "the transformation ofyin and yang 
is the primary principle of the ten thousand creatures" (~~~Z~, .4mz*1Eill) .44 
43 We see abundant records concerning physiognomy in Han history. Like other fangshi 1J± experts, 
physiognomists directly served the emperor. Sometimes they participated unexpectedly in crucial political 
events. For example, when general Li Ling *~ was captured by the Xiongnu limftJ., Emperor Wu wanted 
to know if Li Ling had fought to the death, so he summoned his mother and wife and had a physiognomist 
inspect them. They did not have the appearance ofmourning for the death. Later when he heard Li Ling 
had surrended to the Xiongnu, he was extremely angry C..tw\~~!j!X. E~£1:.&~. 1tif'§irmz. ~~ 
~15o ff~~~. L:fB~). Hanshu 54: 2455. 
44 Hanshu 97: 3933. 
35 
Throughout Chinese history, women often held considerable power in politics. 
Their actions could be determinant at certain historical moments. Liu Bang's wife, 
Empress Lft 15m (r. 187-180 BCE), is a famous example of Han women's impact upon 
the course of history. Nevertheless, in the Han political world the female body was 
transformed into a political investment by men of ambition. The famous Han minister 
Huang Ba's marriage with a daughter ofa shaman demonstrates this: 
~€lSd>~~~~1%i:, Wi1f;t§)AfjttIGl±l, ~~~A, ;t§~§: "lit~A&'i' 
., ~~, ffi.~mffl*o "Sm~~,n~.£~*~*oSW~~~, 
~~~~o 
Previously when Huang Ba was young he served as a sheriff in Yangjia. Sharing 
a carriage, he [once] went out with a physiognomist. They saw a woman and the 
physiognomist said, "This woman will be rich and noble; otherwise 
physiognomic books are unreliable." Huang Ba inquired about her. She was a 
daughter of a shaman of the village. Huang Ba then took her as his wife and 
maintained the marriage throughout their entire lives.45 
Huang Ba's marriage with the daughter was purely an act of political speculation. Neither 
the beauty nor the virtue of the woman mattered in this marriage. Despite her low and 
indecent family background, she was qualified to be his wife simply because the 
physiognomist recognized her as profitable political capita1.46 
This political potential of the female body recognized by a physiognomist 
occurred also in stories concerning the Han imperial family. Hanshu recounts that the 
45 Hanshu 89: 3635. A similar story is found in the biography ofBoji ¥it4!l, consort ofLiu Bang and 
mother ofEmperor Wen Jt'i'i1. During the war after the fall of Qin, Boji was given to King Wei Bao ~U"J, 
an ally ofLiu Bang. The famous physiognomist Xu Fu ~q:~ inspected Boji and predicted that she would 
give birth to an emperor. Wei Bao was delighted upon hearing this and joined the competition for the 
empire. See Hanshu 97: 3941. 
46 The social status ofa shaman in Han China was very low. For a study of the Han shaman, see Lin Fushi 
;j;tj'±, Handai de wuzhe ~1-\i¥J,m~, M.A. thesis,National University of Taiwan, 1987, pp. 26-43. Cf. 
Zhu Pingyi, Handai de xiangren shu. 
36 
mother ofEmpress Xu ~lf J§, wife of Emperor Xuan, hired a physiognomist to inspect 
her daughter. The prognostication was so auspicious that the mother refused to marry her 
daughter to the future Emperor Xuan, a commoner who was cut off from his original 
imperial privileges at that time. The same physiognomic prediction was also given to 
Wang Zhengjun £JI&tl, wife of Emperor Yuan j[;1ir (r. 48-33 BCE). After hearing 
that his daughter would be extremely noble, Wang Zhengjun's father trained her to be an 
imperial consort and presented her to the palace when she was eighteen.47 The body of 
Wang Zhengjun thus paved the way to wealth for her family. 
As the above examples show, physiognomy in Han China opened a channel to 
those who desired to join the circle ofthe court and provided to them an immediate 
access to power and wealth. As is further recorded in Hou Hanshu, physiognomy was 
also used for selecting imperial consorts: 
~~!m-IZ9}\Y.i 1f,,A, :iI~ A~~~JJ!ZIs'&if§I, 1iN~~~~ ~*Jl ~*li3(, 
~+=~~, =+B~,~~~.,~~ffi#, ••~~,.mm~,~m 
x-~~li1l11J 0 
The Han convention often took the chance of levying taxes in the eighth month 
and dispatched the Palace Grandee, the Assistant of the Lateral Courts and 
physiognomists to inspect virgins from good families in villages near Luoyang. 
Girls aged between thirteen and twenty, whose looks were decent and beautiful 
and accorded with physiognomic principles, were taken back to palace. After 
examinin4~ their qualification, they were introduced to the service of the 
emperor. 
Following this procedure, a physiognomist's judgment could change the life ofa selected 
girl and, most importantly, could determine the fate of her family. Emperor Shun's J1w:!1ir 
47 See Hanshu 97: 3964; 98: 4015. 
48 Hou Hanshu 10: 400. Translations of official titles are adopted from Hans Bielenstein, The Bureaucracy 
ofHan Times (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980). 
37 
(r. 126-144) wife Liang Na ~:t4*J was thus promoted to be the Honorable Lady (guiren 
JtA) among many candidates because of the physiognomist Mao Tong's ~JI!i 
recommendation.49 
Mao Tong's prediction concerning Liang Na was probably a political plot 
concocted by the Liang family. From the founding of the Eastern Han dynasty, the Liang 
family was at the political center. Liang Tong ~~JE was an influential governor in the 
Hexi ~liJiN region; he joined Liu Xiu's group and was granted a lordship (gaoshan hou 
i%'iLLJ1~). Liang Tong's son was the grand tutor (taipu j«1~) to Emperor Ming and his 
two grandsons, Liang Hu ~fE! and Liang Song ~ft% were famous scholars. Liang 
Song's two daughters became consorts ofEmperor Zhang ~m (r. 76-89) and one of 
them gave birth to Emperor He ~lJm (r. 89-105). However, at that time the Dou .. 
family controlled the court. Fearing that the Liang family would replace them, the Dou 
family, relying upon the influence of Empress dowager Dou .. j«j§, slandered the Liang. 
Liang Song and his two daughters died because of this. After the death ofEmpress 
dowager Dou, the Liang family regained favor from the court. However, their political 
status was far from being solid. Before Emperor An ::t2m (r. 107-125) died, all the 
Liang men lost their official posts. When the new emperor )11~m ascended the throne in 
126, the Liang needed to secure their family.5o Their immediate action was to send two 
girls from the family to the palace. During Eastern Han, becoming imperial relatives was 
49 Hou Hanshu 10: 438. 
50 Hou Hanshu 34: 1165-88. 
38 
regarded as a shortcut to power that many elite families chose to follow, including the 
Liang family. It was against such a background that Liang Na was sent to the palace in 
128 at the age of thirteen. 
Liang Na had to compete with many other girls whose bodies had been entrusted 
with the hopes of their families. The physiognomist Mao Tong distinguished her from 
other candidates by linking her body with the imperial body. Upon seeing her, Mao Tong 
congratulated the court, saying that Liang Na's appearance presented a sun-shaped 
forehead (rijiao El jf.J) with lying moon lines (yanyue (II Ji) on it. 51 The resemblances 
to both the ultimate yang and yin forces that Mao Tong discovered in her visage 
undoubtedly conveyed a political message: Liang Na would give birth to an emperor and 
she should become the empress. Yi !JJ divination confirmed this and Liang Na was 
immediately promoted to the position of"Honored Lady"; five years later, at the age of 
eighteen, she became the empress. There could have been many reasons that account for 
the promotion of Liang Na. For example, the new Emperor Shun JII.~m might have been 
searching for a strong political ally. After all, Mao Tong's prediction gave the promotion 
a legitimate excuse, as her body resembled the natural phenomena that symbolize 
imperial power. With this marriage, the Liang family was guaranteed consistent political 
support from the court. Both Liang Na's father Liang Shang ~fl}j and her brother Liang 
Ji ~a acted as the Chief General (dajiangjun *~m). Liang Ji eventually became a 
51 Hou Hanshu 10: 438. 
39 
dictator in the reigns of emperors Chong ¥Jti'* (r. 145), Zhi Jj' '* (r. 146) and Huan @ 
'* (r. 147-167).52 
Compared with Liang Na, Empress Ma (Mingde Ma hou I~)H~~J§) and 
Empress Dou (Zhangde Dou Huanghou !j[1~'jf jtJ§) were in fact rescuers of their 
endangered families, who had bet their political fate upon them. Empress Ma was a 
daughter of the famous general Ma Yuan ~:Jl. After Ma Yuan died, the Ma family 
declined. Her mother called a physiognomist to inspect her and was told that Empress Ma 
would become the wife of the emperor. At that time, the Ma family was oppressed by 
other noble clans. In order to save the family, Empress Ma's brother terminated her 
marriage engagement with the Dou family and appealed to the court to send her into the 
palace. Her brother requested that she to be examined by a physiognomist to show her 
qualifications for becoming an imperial consort. She was thus favored by Emperor Ming 
and was established as the empress. 53 
The same hope was also entrusted upon Empress Dou by her family. Both 
Empress Dou's grandfather and father died in prison. The survivors of the family are then 
described in Hou Hanshu as follows: "After the family declined, they frequently 
summoned physiognomists to ask about their fortune. Those who had seen the empress 
all predicted that she would enjoy extreme nobility, for her appearance was distinct from 
that of the consorts" (~ret~~, f)(n-gt.t§0FJ:l~,~*B, Ji!.J§~\11' § ~:A••, ~~E2:~~5G). 
52 Hou Hanshu 10: 438. 
53 Hou Hanshu 10: 407-8. 
40 
In 77 CE, she was sent to the palace and became the empress in the following year. Five 
years later, her father was granted a lordship (hou {~n posthumously.54 
As shown in above examples, presenting a female relative to the court became a 
desperate stake for many Eastern Han elite families in their gamble for power. Such a 
transformation of women into a political investment, with the assistance of physiognomy, 
contrasts sharply with the pre-Qin treatment of the female body. As reflected in Zuozhuan, 
for example, the female body was regarded as a threat to the stability and continuation of 
a clan. This destructive nature of the female body was articulated, interestingly, by a wise 
woman: 
1JJ, ;J)l( rt]Z-e%;J)l(JJEz-e~rm/F1t, ~Tf§'~~-eo ~-eEJ: "¥3thLr *~, 
.~ft~o~~, ~m~~ft~~~~o~, ~~~o~$**, /FtA~ 
Z, /FZ;)\~:p.? ~{iiJ~~? " 1tt1fJtJfl, ~;J)l(JJE, ~rm1fmj], ~'I1:T~Z, 
M/:$15 ~zjj~bt~~o 
Previously, Shuxiang's mother was jealous of the beauty ofShuhu's mother and 
therefore did not allow her to serve in the bed. All her sons admonished their 
mother on this. The mother said, "Deep mountains and big marshes indeed give 
birth to the dragon and the snake. She is beautiful and I am afraid that she will 
produce a dragon or a snake that will bring disaster upon you. You are a family 
in decline and there are many favored clans in the state. If some unworthy men 
slandered you, would this not be difficult to deal with? What [else] shall I 
begrudge?" She permitted her to serve in the bed, and she gave birth to Shuhu. 
[Shuhu] was a handsome and mighty man favored by Luan Huaizi, and for this 
reason the Yangshe clan was involved in the calamity.55 
Although it is difficult to explain why the dragon and the snake are used as metaphors in 
this passage, the negative image that these two dangerous animals convey is clear. The 
54 Hou Hanshu 10: 415. 
55 Because Shuhu was favored by Luan Ying ~1iR, he was killed when Fan Xuanzi m'§.y attacked 
Luan Ying. Shuxiang was also imprisoned. See Yang Bojun Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhu, Duke Xiang 21, p. 
1062. 
41 
female body is here linked to yin objects: deep mountains and large marshes. These are 
unconquerable and incomprehensible; they are death traps to man. The female body 
therefore is perceived as a source of danger that must be kept out of the political realm.56 
Politicizing the female body during the Han period resulted directly from a 
political reality. Besides Liu Xiu, the founder of the dynasty, there were only two Eastern 
Han emperors who ascended the throne after the age ofnineteen. Five others ranged 
between the ages of ten and fifteen at the time of their ascension and the rest ofthem 
were even younger than ten (Emperor Chong was two years old, Emperor Zhi was eight). 
The youngest Eastern Han emperor Shang .W (r. 106) was only four months old and 
died at the age of two.57 This generally young age of Eastern Han emperors unavoidably 
put power into the hands of empresses and their families. As Zhu Pingyi summarizes, the 
Liang family had eleven daughters in the palace and two of them were empresses. Their 
marriage relationships with the court lasted through four generations. The Dou family 
married seven daughters to the court and two became empresses. Their imperial marriage 
relationships lasted five generations. The Deng 1il family produced five palace ladies, 
including two empresses. Empress dowager Deng was the most powerful ruler in the 
Eastern Han; she held power for twenty years. 58 Because of their connections through 
56 For other example of a similar early concern with the danger of the female body, see Yang Bojun 
Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhu, Duke Zhao 28, pp. 1492-3. 
57 The following is a summary of the ages ofEastern Han emperors: Emperor Ming ~ * 19, died at the 
age of48; Emperor Zhang _* 19, died at 33; Emperor He *ll* 10 to 27; Emperor Shang 9~* 4 
months old, died at 2; Emperor An ~* 13 to 32; Emperor Shun }II~* 11 to 30; Emperor Chong #* 
2 to 3; Emperor Zhi ~* 8, poisoned to death by Liang Ii at the age of9; Emperor Huan ;l'.§:* was 15, 
Emperor Ling :!:* 12 and Emperor Xian JtII* 9 when they became emperors. 
58 Zhu Pingyi, p. 124. 
42 
imperial marriage, Liang Ji and Dou Xian 'Jf~ were the most feared ministers oftheir 
times. 
Physiognomy and the body ofHan ministers 
In addition to this concern with the imperial body, the Han political reading of 
the body also took the ministers as a subject. Abundant records in Han historical 
documents suggest that in Han political culture the body was conceptualized as a 
reflection of inner virtue. This attention on physical appearance influenced the Han 
selection of officials. It also generated among Han officials a social anxiety about 
physical perfection that physiognomic explanation could somewhat relieve. 
The physical body was often equated with the moral body in Han political 
discourse. It was believed that a distinguished appearance reflected moral superiority. 
The body, following this logic, was a manifestation ofpolitical potential and ability and 
made a person a natural candidate for civil service. In the following passage, for example, 
the Han prime minister Zhang Cang ~::i has been verbally silenced, but his life is 
saved by reason of his unusual body, a body that testified to his moral worthiness: 
1t~~3$JT. M~~JYt. ~**, m~~sfto~Jl\. Bt-=r~mffff/~~;tt~±. n8rrP 
0. ~iJJ$JTo 
Zhang Cang broke the law and was sentenced to be beheaded. Lying on the 
execution block, his clothes were stripped. His body was tall and big; and it was 
corpulent and white, looking like a gourd. At that moment Wang Liang saw him 
and was amazed that he was such a fine man. Wang Ling spoke to the Lord of Pi 
[Liu Bang] and pardoned him from execution.59 
59 Shiji 96: 2675. 
43 
In the above anecdote, Zhang Cang's body was read and his talent was discovered. The 
theme of recognizing people by reading their body that characterized pre-Qin 
physiognomic accounts reappeared in tales from Han political history. Indeed, the 
discovery of a great man first through physical attraction becomes a stereotype in stories 
relating to the founding of Western Han. Like in the story of Zhang Cang above, Han 
Xin's outstanding appearance miraculously saved his life when he was about to be 
executed.60 In another story, we are told that because Chen Ping was so good looking, he 
started his career with finical assistance from a rich woman who married her 
granddaughter to him with the belief that "it is impossible for a man as beautiful as Chen 
Ping to forever suffer from a humble and destitute life" (A lID :ff~t~t~~1 ~:5f rm ~ ~ ~1!f 
3jZ).61 In one further example, when Li Yiji I~it;tt wanted to serve Liu Bang, he 
recommended himself as a sixty-year-old man with an unusually tall body (~/\ +~, 
As I have discussed previously, Zuozhuan and Guoyu stories treat the body as a 
source from which one can make an assessment ofpeople. The body and bodily 
movements are observed and evaluated, and judgment is accordingly given, often as a 
prediction based upon physiognomic principles. Compared with these earlier precedents, 
60 Han Xin was about to be executed. He saw Tenggong ~0 at that moment and spoke to him, "Does 
not the ruler [referring Liu Bang] desire to obtain the world? For what reason does he kill a great man!" 
Tenggong was surprised by his words and admired his appearance. He released him from execution. See 
Shiji 92: 2610. 
61 Shiji 56: 2052. 
62 Shiji 97: 2692. 
44 
the Han reading of the body as a manifestation of talent and merits seems to be generally 
accepted.63 
As reported in Shiji and Hanshu, Emperor Wu was often impressed by subjects 
with impressive bodies and promoted them immediately. Jiang Chong IT1E, Che 
Qianqiu .$ftk and Jin Midi ~ El fEi! were thus favored by the emperor.64 Gongsun 
Hong's 0f/f..iJl. experience would probably serve as the best example of Emperor Wu's 
fascination with outstanding looks. Gongsun Hong was once selected as an erudite (boshi 
t~±) and was dispatched to the Xiongnu as a Han envoy. He was soon removed from 
office because Emperor Wu disliked his report on his mission. Several years later 
Gongsun Hong was again recommended to the court as a learned scholar. This time 
Gongsun Hong's memorial impressed the emperor and he received him in audience. In 
Emperor Wu's eyes, Gongsun Hong's appearance was, as Shiji writes, "very beautiful" 
(rongmao shen Ii $~tfJl) and he was instantly reinstalled.65 The same impression 
63 An anecdote cited in Lunheng ~~J gives us a vivid description of this Han popular notion: Yan Yuan 
~mM climbed Mount Tai with Confucius. At the top, they looked at the Changmeng r;.Il r~ gate in the Wu 
!.R: capital located thousands miles away. Confucius discerned there was a white horse outside of the gate 
but Yan Yuan mistook it for a roll ofwhite silk. Confucius wiped his eyes and corrected him. They then 
walked down. After they descended the mountain, Yan Yuan's hair turned white and his teeth fell. Because 
of this he died CFW~~0m~s~~, ~!U-m~). In this story, not only is Confucius' sagehood understood 
by his ability to discern an object thousand miles away, but also it is highlighted by the suddenly collapsed 
body ofYan Yuan, who exhausted his energy in a vain attempt to imitate his master. Wang Chong further 
provides us a Han general comment on this story: "All in all, [Yan Yuan's death] was because hisjingshen 
was not equal to that of Confucius. He forced his strength to the extreme and exhausted all his energy. For 
this reason he died young. When common folks heard this, they all believed it is right" (If !U-ftH$7f'~~E 
:JLT' 51JJ §:fl11, frUBi~I.A, 1JOl:!fL~~o tlt{~Mt., ~ !U-~f'(,\). See Liu Pansui %¥~g)j-~ Lunhengjijie 
~1ijmfi (Taibei: Shijie shuju, 1962), p. 80. 
64 See Hanshu 45: 2177, 66: 2883, and 68: 2960. 
65 Shiji 112: 2950. Hanshu 58: 2617. 
45 
was also made by Wu Liang ~ ~ upon Emperor Ming of Eastern Han. Wu Liang was 
recommended to the court by Liu Cang ~Hf. Reading the letter, Emperor Ming told his 
minister that: 
~~.~~ .••~~. ~~~~o~••M~. *ffi~.o.M•• 
ffl. ~~wn. ~~~~o~~~A.~o 
Previously I saw Wu Liang on government business. His beard and hair were 
white and brilliant and he dressed imposingly. Recommending virtuous men to 
assist the state is the duty of the prime minister. In Xiao He's promotion of Han 
Xin, he set up a terrace and conferred him an office upon him without evaluating 
and examining him. Now I appoint Wu Liang as a Gentleman Consultant.66 
Emperor Ming's fondness for Wu Liang alludes directly to Han Xin. As we have seen 
above, it was Han Xin's physical appearance that saved a great general for Liu Bang, the 
founding emperor of the Western Han. 
The Han emperors' obsessions with imposing bodies reflect the general Han 
conception of the body as a manifestation of talent and merit; in other words, Han people 
believed that a great man must have an imposing body.67 This popular notion was so 
influential that even the critical historian Sima Qian expressed his surprise when the 
physical appearances ofmen he admired failed to meet this expectation. For example, in 
his postface to Zhang Liang's biography Sima Qian wrote that he originally thought 
Zhang Liang to be a big, awesome man but was surprised upon viewing his portrait to 
66 Hou Hanshu 27: 943. 
67 This notion was so influential that even someone as critical as Wang Chong also believed in this. In 
Lunheng Wang Chong writes: "That people in the world know a sage is also like this. I have heard that the 
reason a sage is an outstanding man is because his body has unique bones and his knowledge is profound, 
these are why he is considered a sage" (tltAZ.9;Q£:, ZJ}~~.l1tilio ~£:AAZ ~1!f, :!iHftr1t, 9;P~~tW 
Ji, ~1J~z.£:~). See Lunhengjijie, p. 341. 
46 
discover thar Zhang Liang actually looked like a delicate woman.68 The same sentiment 
is also expressed in Sima Qian's comment about Guo Jie !IBM, a famous youxia :ibf{~ 
whom Sima Qian had himself seen: 
*~0s:~mfiM,AA.~&~A, ~m~~~#o~~~••ft~~, 
~P5tt!~~p, ~~Jt!!, ~{~#~'31 ~-A-15o gtS: "A~~~-15, ~~e)Pf! " 
I saw Guo Jie. His appearance was not equal to that of an average man and his 
words were not worthy to be recorded. However, within the whole world, men 
who were worthy or unworthy, intelligent or not all admired his fame. Those 
who regarded themselves as knights all referred to him in order to build their 
own reputation. The proverb says, "Using appearance to glorify one's name, is 
there an end of doing this?" Alas, how pitiful!69 
From the above examples, we see that Sima Qian, like many others ofhis time, expected 
great men to have imposing bodies. However, in his comments on Zhang Liang and Guo 
Jie, Sima Qian simultaneously verifies this Han perspective and expresses doubt about it. 
He actually criticizes the equation ofphysical appearance with merit and talent. 
Although the equation of physical appearance with merit and talent was 
personally criticized by the great historian Sima Qian, this popular notion still played an 
active role in Han politics. Moreover, it was deeply involved in Han official selection, as 
demonstrated by the debates between Confucian scholars and the minister Sang 
Hongyang ~iJL}f. that are reported in the mid-Han text Yantie [un D~~.70 
68 Shiji 55: 2049. 
69 Shijil24: 3189. 
70 According to the Hanshu chapter on Confucian scholars, "Rulin zhuan" 11ffl*t1%l, a standard for selecting 
imperial academy students was decent appearance C~1It:t.f~:q:+)\..lJ.J:1iJtl\ftjlijiE::J!t, fmtw±~r). See 
Hanshu 88: 3593. 
47 
In these debates, the government was criticized for "promoting men according to 
their looks" (~~>i.A).71 Indeed, in the Han political conceptualization of the body as a 
manifestation of virtue and merit, physical appearance became an important criterion that 
was used to choose a prime minister. Consequently, Huo Guang's promotion ofCai Yi 
~., who, as Hanshu describes, was eighty years old, short, and resembled an 
old-lady-like cripple with no beard and eyebrows (~~**§~if)\'+~, ~_H>J\~fj 
ill, ~1b(~~, 1-rJ;1JfHI, m-ffi~1j(~JJ~M-r), was attacked by his contemporaries 
as "not choosing the worthy in selecting prime minister" (E)(;§jt:i:**§/FJ!Ui).72 
The Han obsession for the perfect body in selecting officials was mocked by the 
famous Dongfang Shuo Jlflf9iJ3, In a self-recommendation letter submitted to Emperor 
Wu, Dongfang Shuo wrote: 
§M&*~~,~.R.oif+~~., -~~~~fflo+~~.~o+A 
~~., R=+=.§o+~~m~~~, ti~~A, n~~., %M= 
+=.§oA~M~BM~+~.§oXm-m~M~~o~Mif=+=,~ 
~R~~, §~~~,~~~~, ~~~~,~~~B,~~~~,ffi~~ 
::to ~lr~, [jJ~~*~A~~o 
71 Yantie [un, Longxijinghse congshu 1f~~JUw*:iHJ edition (Beijing: Zhongguo shudian, 2001), Vol. 63, 
chapter 4, p. 3A. Wang Chong also criticizes this: "Ji Ru was favored by Emperor Hui and Deng Tong was 
loved by Emperor Wen. They did not have the smallest ability and possessed little talent. They simply were 
favored because of their fine shape, elegant feature, seductive skin and beauty." (*~HfIii:$~~f.!!;, ilHm~~ 
~Xo !!U6lft\'jz7t, W:7llJzf'i~o {~~~1!1filff, &:~~ljl}o ),seeLunhengjijie,p.3. 
72 Hanshu 66: 2899. In addition to good looks, bodily demeanor (weiyi ~1i) was also regarded as a 
demonstration of merit by which candidates for prime minister were assessed. Lacking a decent demeanor 
could mean termination of one's political ambition. For this reason Zhang Chang iJLH\jj( and Zhou Ze ffiJ1l 
lost their chance. See Hanshu 76: 3222-3, Hou Hanshu 79: 2579. The Han admiration of an awe-inspiring 
demeanor can also be observed in He Xi's 1ilJl¥~ biography. According to Hou Hanshu, He Xi was eight 
chi and five cun tall and presented an awe-inspiring demeanor. Emperor He considered this outstanding and 
promoted him. Hou Hanshu: 47: 1593; see also Dongguan Hanji, p. 704. Hou Hanshu also reports that a 
local official Deng Van ilWr was so imposing in demeanor that even Emperor Ming envied him c,*z1i 
~, ~~Jl:t.A). Hou Hanshu 33: 1153; Dongguan Hanji, p. 587. 
48 
I, Shuo, your humble servant, was orphaned young and was raised by my older 
brother and sister-in-law. I learned character writing at the age of thirteen and 
became competent in secretary services three years later. At fifteen I studied 
fencing. At sixteen I studied Book ofSongs and The Documents and I am able to 
recite two hundred and twenty thousands words of them. I learned Sunzi's 
military art at nineteen, including deployment of troops and training soldiers by 
means of gong and drum. I also can recite two hundred and twenty thousands 
words of this. In summary your humble servant Shuo is already able to recite 
four hundred and forty thousands words of the classics. In addition, I have 
always followed Zilu's motto. Your humble servant Shuo is twenty two years 
old, nine chi and three cun tall. My eyes are like pearls, my teeth like sparkling 
shells. My bravery equals that of Mengben, agility that of Qingji, purity that of 
Baoshu and truthfulness that ofWeisheng. A man like me is indeed qualified to 
be a minister of the Son ofHeaven.73 
In addition boasting of his profound learning and knowledge, Dongfang Shuo 
exaggerates his appearance in a way that makes him exceed the great men of the past. 
All this leads, of course, to his assertion that he is absolutely qualified to serve the ruler. 
Moreover, by feminizing his appearance, describing his eyes as pearls and teeth as 
sparkling shells, Dongfang Shuo teases the emperor for choosing virtuous men in the 
same way he would choose beautiful consorts. The ruler's sincerity and the credibility of 
the political reading of the body are therefore totally subverted by Dongfang Shuo's 
parody. Dong Fangshuo's satirical remarks, together with Sima Qian's reservations about 
the popular expectation that great men would have an awesome body, suggests that there 
were serious concerns about the Western Han overemphasis upon physical appearance. 
Still we see this obsession with the perfect body exercising its influence in 
Eastern Han politics. The practice mocked here by Dongfang Shuo became worse in this 
period of time as a result of the dominance of apocryphal thought (Chenwei sixiang ~1.t¥ 
73 Hanshu 65: 2841. 
49 
,~,m). As an extreme development ofearly Chinese correlative thinking, Eastern Han 
apocryphal texts mystified imperial authority by deifying the rulers' body. These texts 
established resemblances between the imperial bodies and natural phenomena, arguing 
for the indisputable power of the throne. Influenced by such thought, the equation of the 
body and merit was subsequently intensified. Not only was the imperial body 
exaggerated, but also descriptions of the physical appearance ofthe ministers became 
extreme. As the Donggu Hanji *ft~l,l~ records: 
M1.~J}J t2*~ EI ~J}JM, :f1~ EI if/JJo, ~~~JJo E)(; EI m:7t*J3.%~jV&;f§, 
f~{U:a.¥.'a ~Bil~--t, ~~~~m rJ, ~~~ft, %~;ft1]~, ~~~~B.Z?fi 
~oill 0 
The imperial decree ordered each family of meritorious ministers to record their 
outstanding services. [But in doing this,] they should not exaggerate themselves 
to falsify past events. Some descriptions of their ancestors' bodily shape and 
physical appearance were not in accord with reality. In addition, what this decree 
does not intend is for them again to say, "Their teeth were one cun long, their 
faces like a dragon and mouths like a tiger, they had strange bodily hair and 
unique bones." Their looks are overly distorted. 74 
Out of consideration for imperial privilege, the court prohibited such physical 
descriptions as "dragon-like face" and "tiger-shaped mouth," which were symbols of 
imperial privilege, to be used to describe the bodies of ministers. But beyond this, the 
decree indicates that there was a widespread abuse of physical description among Han 
elites. It is obvious that the tendency to exaggerate physical appearance had become 
all-too-common during the Han period. However, such a fixation was generated by the 
Han bureaucratic system and was intensified by the political culture that resulted from it. 
74 Dongguan Hanji, p. 887. 
50 
According to Han law, if a government clerk had been sick for more than one 
hundred days he had to be removed from office.75 The idea behind this regulation was to 
maintain governmental efficiency. However, it unavoidably created anxiety over health 
and physical perfection among government functionaries. Sometimes this anxiety even 
caused tragedy. Fengsu tongyi recounts that a local clerk Li Deng *~ asked for sick 
leave and returned home. He then appealed for an extension. Later on he was summoned 
by the governor. Being afraid that he was too weak and thin because ofhis illness, Li 
Deng asked his twin brother to pretend to be him and go to the office. The brother was 
initially reluctant about this but finally relented upon Li Deng's insistence. After a while, 
this was reported to the governor. The brother believed that Li Deng had caused him this 
trouble and became so angry that he killed his brother Li Deng.76 
What is worth noticing in this story is that Li Deng was probably no longer sick 
at the time he was summoned to work. His fear derived from the fact that his physical 
appearance was not at its best: he still looked weak and thin. His twin brother's healthy 
75 See Wang Liqi .:E;fU~ Fengsu tongyijiaozhu llf1':l-:ii.tUStB: (Taibei: Mingwen shuju, 1988), chapter 
4, p. 178. The deadline of one hundred days is interesting. In traditional Chinese medical thought, the ftrst 
one hundred days were a crucial and dangerous period in an infant's life. If an infant survived hislher ftrst 
hundred days, the family would celebrate this. 
76 Wang Liqi, p. 587. 
51 
body seemed to be his only hope. In other words, Li Deng had to borrow a perfect body 
in order to keep his job.77 
When the body was equated with talent and physical appearance, and demeanor 
became a part of the merit that was evaluated in the bureaucratic system, anxiety over 
physical perfection permeated the mind ofHan officials. Dongguan Hanji provides us a 
vivid account ofthis Han social mentality: 
~i/J, *1$113, ~~lt~o ~:fl!:X:f~, ,§,*B~~5~Jl*~, IfJ\ -=f, ~~=-=f 
~,m~~.~,.".~"~o£~%~.*, ~i/Jm~~~.~R,~ 
§~~~.flJ@i, ~-=ff~1PA~, JJ~-=f1Jt~~~, 1:i/J, ~}\R~-to 
Feng Qin, styled Weibo, was from the Wei Commandery. His great grandfather 
Feng Yang served as the Grand Administrator of Hongnong Commandery 
during Emperor Xuan's reign. Feng Yang fathered eight sons and all of them 
became officials ranked 2000 shi. Men in the Zhao and Wei areas regarded this 
honorable and called him "Ten thousand shi." The brothers were all tall and 
strong, only Feng Qin's grandfather Feng Yan did not reach seven chi. He often 
considered himself short and ugly. Fearing that his children would be like him, 
he married his son Feng Kang to a tall wife and thereupon produced Feng Qin, 
who was eight chi and three cun tal1.78 
Feng Yan's anxiety over his children's physique was not without reason. We see in Han 
documents that officials were disrespected simply because they lacked an impressive 
body. For example, when the famous local official Gong Sui ..~ was recommended as 
governor ofBohai m'fflJ Commandery, Emperor Xuan despised him because he was short 
77 Han law also disqualified anyone with a facial injury from government service. A direct result of this 
rule is that the faces of all Han officials' had to be intact. On the other hand, a damaged body terminated 
one's hope for government service. One example of this is found in Xue Xuan's lW'§ biography in 
Hanshu. Xue Xuan was criticized by Shen Xian $ mlt, whose office was Serving within the Palace Ui shi 
zhong ~~9=J). To revenge his father, Xue Xuan's son Xue Kong lW:i5l planned to mutilate Bao Xian's 
face in order to cause him to be removed from his office (i:iX4-E'JmltOO §, 1t/FJi!Hft). He had someone 
attack Bao Xian, cutting off his nose and lips. See Hanshu 83: 3394-5. 
78 Dongguan Hanji, p. 485. See also Hou Hanshu 26: 909. 
52 
also belittled by Emperor Ming because ofhis short height.79 
It would certainly be absurd to conclude that physical perfection was the only 
anxiety afflicting Han officials. There were many other factors that determined an 
official's political career. Among them, education, especially the mastery of the 
Confucian canon, was a more important criterion in official selection. For example, seven 
of the eight Western Han prime ministers reported in historical sources were respected 
scholars.8o Han emphasis uponjingxue ~~ provided intellectuals a road leading to 
rank and wealth, as a famous saying indicates, "Leaving behind for your child a basket 
full of gold cannot equal leaving him a classical text" (iA-T-~~¥~., /G"!zO-~).81 
However, similar to their Warring States precursors, many Han intellectuals' ambition 
went unrealized. Consequently, explanations for the success of a few and the failure of so 
many proliferated, especially since virtually everyone of these intellectuals was a 
hard-workingjingxue scholar. To resolve the resulting anxiety, physiognomy often linked 
the body andjingxue study together as the reason for success. We see a common pattern 
structuring the biographies of Western Han prime ministers. These biographies often 
begin with the names of the person under consideration, his geographical origins, 
79 Hanshu 89: 3639 writes: Zhang Zhong was a clerk from Rinan Commandery and his figure was short 
and small. Emperor Ming asked him: "You, small clerk, are from which commandery?" He replied, "Your 
servant is a clerk from Rinan, and I am not a 'small clerk'" (~:i:, E3 1¥iiIT:se, m~j.!H\, a)j1iH",~~: 
"{iiJm/J\:se? " i§=E1: "~E3 1¥i~c:se, ~~/J\:se-tE.o "). See also Dongguan Han}i, p. 380. 
80 The only exception was general Zhou Yafu )j!iJ52X; he lived before Emperor Wu. The other prime 
ministers all served from Emperor Wu's reign, when}ingxue ~~'" became the dominant learning. 
81 Hanshu 73: 3107. 
53 
something about his studies and a physiognomic prediction ofhis future. For example, in 
Shiji and Hanshu, physiognomists predicted that both Wei Xian $. and his son Wei 
Xuancheng $1rPX; would become prime ministers. The same prognostications were 
given to Wei Xiang ~tfl and Bing Ji ~·~E.82 When a physiognomist found Zhang 
Yu's ~~ appearance outstanding, he suggested to Zhang Yu's father that Zhang Yu 
should learn the classics. 83 
Zhai Fangjin's ~1JJ! biography provides more details on this application of 
physiognomy: 
1JJ!:tF:+ =.:::., ~)(IJR~, ~¥*~m~/J\~, M~~Ji/Gl5t¥, I)(~~~?JT 
1flf,o 1JJ! § 1~, JJ1j09:f¥j~)(t§rJ:1~ B~~?JT:§:o ~)(*1ifJt%~t ~WB: "/J\ 
~1fM1*1f, ~l2J-~,~HflJ!, gJJ~~~~rJ:1~o " 1JJ!&5£OO{~/J\~, iJfJ~)(g, 
I~\j:, lElm~*, ootJt1&-BJ:, W(iID~g8rfi~~~o -BJ:'~~~M, ~Z ft:~, #IJiJ 
~~1JJ!~o~~±~~~o~+~:tF:,~~~~,~~B~,~~~Zo 
l2J-M~Et'~4~~~ =.=~, ~~Jj~, JI~i~~ 00 
[Zhai] Fangjin lost his father when he was twelve to thirteen years old and he 
studied alone. Serving as a secretary to the governor's office, he was considered 
as clumsy and incompetent. He was often scolded and humiliated by other clerks. 
Fangjin was saddened. He then went to Caifu ofRunan for physiognomic 
inspection, asking what career would be proper for him. Caifu considered his 
appearance exceedingly unusual and told him, "You have bones indicating that 
you will become a lord. You certainly will be promoted because of your classical 
knowledge. Work hard at leaming." Because Fangjin was already tired ofbeing 
a secretary, he was delighted upon hearing Caifu's words. Using the excuse of 
82 Shiji 96: 2686-7. A physiognomist's name is mentioned here, as Sima Qian writes: "There was a famous 
physiognomist by the name of Tian Wen who lived in Chang'an. When prime minister Wei, prime minister 
Wei and prime minister Bing were commoners they met Tian Wen in a friend's house. Tian Wen said, 
'These three gentlemen will all become prime minister.' Later the three succeeded each other in serving as 
prime minister. How luminous was his prediction" (-R~r:p1f~;f§I 83)(::j!f, ~~lE;;f§, ~lE;;f§, j)j~lE; 
;f§Wc~~\W~~~C 83)( J§ B: "~Jlt~~::j!f, ~lE;;f§mo ";tt1~~A~Ji:;f§1-~~lE;;f§, {ilJ~z.sA 
m). 
83 Zhang Yu's biography in Hanshu reads: "The diviner was fond ofhim and considered his appearance to 
be extraordinary. He told Zhang Yu's father, saying, 'This body is very intelligent. You should let him 
studyclassics"(~~-~z., 3Z.~;ttw~5G, ~\Il~X:: "~7G$~Q, PT4-"~~o ").SeeHanshu8l:3347. 
54 
sickness he returned home. He bid farewell to his step-mother, saying that he 
desired to go west to the capital to study classics. The mother pitied his young 
age and accompanied him to Chang'an. She wove shoes to support his studies. 
Fangjin received teaching on Chunqiu from an erudite. After ten years, he 
became proficient in classical studies, his followers increased daily and many 
scholars praised him. He became a Gentleman because of his top rank in essay 
writing. After two or three years, he was selected as a Classic Scholar and was 
promoted to Gentleman Consultant.84 
In consoling Zhai Fangjin's frustration, the physiognomist Caifu first predicated Zhai 
Fangjin's nobility through a reading of his body and then pointed out that classical 
learning was the way leading to achievement. 
That the body and jingxue served as two critical standards in evaluating scholars 
is also reflected in other Han materials in addition to the historical records. Tomb 
inscriptions usually present final remarks about the deceased. Restrained by the difficulty 
ofmaking an inscription on stone, the content of tomb inscriptions is extremely selective. 
The language of these inscriptions is concise and the style patterned. Most often they 
concentrate upon the general family background, the career and the achievements of the 
tomb occupant. Any information provided in the inscription is decided by careful 
consideration and is approved by social custom. It must best represent the person's life 
and merit. Yet despite the emphasis upon concision and formulaic expression, the body is 
considered as a legitimate element in this written presentation of an individual's history. 
For example, the stele inscription of Kong Qian fL~ (121-154) begins with a brief 
family genealogy. Kong Qian was a descendant of Confucius and his father was an 
84 Hanshu 84: 3411-12. 
55 
official. It is then followed by descriptions of Kong Qian's physical features and his 
classical studies: 
R.*••~, ~~0~m~, .M~[R*]~~llioMa.~, ~~~ 
~o~.m~,~.~~om~*.,~(~~»~o*~.R,~~~mo 
~mWfr, ~~~.~, *m~o*ft=*~~.~~.o 
Kong Qian, styled Derang, was a twentieth generation descendant of Confucius 
and the son of General Chief [Kong Zhou]. From youth his body naturally 
embodied the merits of orchid and rock. His extended chest and clear-cut chin 
symbolized his filial and brotherly deeds. Inheriting family learning, [Kong Qian] 
mastered the Chunqiu classic. Ascending the hall, he lectured and chanted it, 
deeply probing into the message of the sage. At the age of twenty he served the 
government. In the following four decades he successively held positions as 
Attendant and Clerk in commandaries. In the seventh month of the second year 
ofYongxing reign (154 CE), he died of illness. 85 
We see in this short inscription, which includes family genealogy, a report of personal 
attributes and information on Kong Qian's studies, career and date of death, that Kong 
Qian's body was read as an embodiment ofhis morality and deeds. When physical 
descriptions appear together with compliments of scholarly merit in such a highly refined 
form of writing, they inarguably demonstrate the influence of this bodily culture in Han 
society.86 
85 See Weng Fanggang ~1f~ Lianghanjinshiji ~i~h1l:1i~C., in Shike shiliao xinbian 1i~tl.'t;r...j.~,fl!iU 
(Taibei: Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi, 1982), p. 7299. Kong Qian was an older brother of the famous Eastern 
Han scholar-official Kong Rong iLi%!!! (154-208 CE). 
86 Wee see bodily description in other Han tomb writings. For example, Wang Yuanbin's .r:jf;~ 
inscription says: "When it comes to his own body, it presents all the beauties Heaven granted upon him. 
0His unmeasured talent resembles this." ;lbttz.~, ~jiJt~, ~t~~ fljJ!i'tJl', :IG-Mz.:s: See "Fengqiu 
ling Wang Yuanbin bei" MlI:4t .r:jf;~m\!, in Hong Gua mJti: Lixu ~.bJ(, in Shike shiliao xinbian, Vol. 
10, p. 7188. This dual emphasis upon the body and learning even appears in an inscription of a Han eunuch. 
We read in the stele inscription of the later Han eunuch Qiao Min &!ij( (died in 185) that: "Qiao Min was 
intelligent and found ofleaming. His words accorded with that in such classics as Book o/Songs and The 
Document(rJJITfi~T¥' 7.f~l{!~, «~n «fJ» :J!i1J.'f" §il'~~).Intheeulogy,itdescribesQiaoMin's 
appearance as outstanding: £L IV-fJfit~, {f~DJ3'C See Weng Fanggang Lianghanjinshiji, p. 7438. 
56 
Physiognomy as a Philosophical Discourse 
This section attempts to examine the philosophical discourse on physiognomy 
from the Warring States to the Han, focusing primarily on Mengzi, Xunzi, Dong 
Zhongshu, Wang Chong and Wang Fu. I argue that philosophical discourse of the body 
and physiognomy were developed as a reaction to the changing focus in the political 
readings of the body in early China. While Mengzi and Xunzi reject physiognomy, Han 
thinkers such as Dong Zhongshu, Wang Chong and Wang Fu adopt and synthesize 
previously ad hoc physiognomic discourse to serve Han ideology and social concerns. 
Mengzi and Xunzi 's criticisms ojphysiognomy 
The earliest philosophical responses to physiognomy are seen in Mengzi and 
Xunzi. Although both philosophers deny the social function of physiognomy, their 
criticisms are delivered differently. This difference results from their disagreement on 
human nature; it also reflects the growing power of physiognomy in early China from the 
fourth to the first centuries BCE. 
Mengzi shows an ambivalent attitude towards the body and related issues. To 
Mengzi, the body is a trustworthy source for reading one's moral quality. Mengzi 
believes that human nature is inherently good. The problem arises when environment 
influences us and leads our heart astray. The purpose of self-cultivation is therefore to 
regain the original good nature (qiu qijangxin 5jtt:t.JJ)(I~,).87 When one consciously 
cultivates his nature, in which humaneness, righteousness, ritual and wisdom take root, 
87 D. C. Lau, Mencius 11: 11 (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 2003), p. 255. 
57 
his body displays a transformation of its interior state. Virtue therefore is materialized 
and becomes observable on a gentleman's physical appearance, including his facial color, 
~ll9a, Il9R/F1frm!lftj).88 To Mengzi, the eyes are the most reliable part of the body 
for reading people's character: 
if3f-A1'f, ~ ~~giF-=fo giF-=f/F~~1tJt~o ~9=l iE, ~iJgiF-=f~~; AAJ9=l/FIL 
~lJgiF-=f~{;~o ~Jt1f-tB, IJtJtgiF-=f, A~ml~? 
There is in man nothing more ingenuous than the pupils of his eyes. They cannot 
conceal his wickedness. When he is upright within his breast, a man's pupils are 
clear and bright; when he is not, they are clouded and murky. How can a man 
conceal his true character if you listen to his words and observe the pupils of his 
eyes?89 
Here Mengzi seems to adopt a physiognomic method: bodily qualities are material for 
physiognomic diagnosis and provide him with a source to assess people's morality.9o 
However, when confronted by a direct inquiry concerning the reliability of physiognomy, 
Mengzi shows a different attitude: 
.3trJ:l~ E1: " A ~Jj"I l2J-~*, t.f:, ~MJ? "
 
..::p ::z. EI . " ~l.' "
 
..lin. J • ~(',' 0 
"3tM~£+R, $AR; ~3tARIl9~~~, ~¥rmBo~Wmm?" 
B: "~~~~? *~zrmB~! ~Ajj~.l!:~, j]/F~~Mt~IZ1~fL ~1J~!roij] 
A~o ~BW!Ef~~, ~iJ~~j]A~o r~~IJW!J~li~z1:f:, ~*~}~HiffiJB~o 
~AWl2J-/Fg~~~,~A~o~ff~~1'fmz~,~ff~~1'fmz/F~o 
~~ff1'f,WAM~~~?M/F~-tB!*,t.f:zm,~~ffiJB~o-=fn*Z 
iij~, ~m*z1f, 1T*Z1T: ~*rmB~o -=f~~~zJ~, ~m~z1f, 1T~Z1T: 
~~ffiJB~o " 
88 D. C. Lau, Mencius, ibid., 13:21,p. 295. 
89 Ibid.,7: 15, p. 163. 
90 For discussion ofMengzi's bodily theory and its relationship with early physiognomy, see Mark 
Csikszentmihalyi, Material Virtue: Ethics and the Body in Early China (Leiden: Brill, 2004), especially pp. 
127-41. 
58 
0El: "3t1~ ~jjNH~tt, jjJ l;.L1F1~, ,miffm~~:fj~F' " 
El : " 76M:tf:*Jl*?~ , WJiE 9;U ~! Afpg ~ 31t:~: 0 ~~ rm*z:ff~I5rIL " 
Cao Jiao asked, "Is it true that all men are capable ofbecoming a Yao or a 
Shun?" 
"Yes." Said Mencius. 
"I heard that King Wen was ten foot tall, while Tang was nine. Now I am a 
little more than nine foot four inches, yet all I can do is to eat rice. What 
should I do?" 
"What difficulty is there? All you have to do is to make an effort. Here is a 
man who cannot lift a chicken. He is, indeed, a weak man. Now if he were to 
lift a ton, then he would, indeed, be a strong man. In other words, whoever 
can lift the same weight as Wu Huo is himself a Wu Huo. The trouble with a 
man is surely not his lack of sufficient strength, but his refusal to make the 
effort. One who walks slowly, keeping behind his elder, is considered a 
well-mannered younger brother. One who walks quickly, overtaking his 
elders, is considered an ill-mannered younger brother. Walking slowly is 
surely not beyond the ability of any man. It is simply a matter ofhis not 
making the effort. The way ofYao and Shun is simply to be a good son and 
a good younger brother. If you wear the clothes ofYao, speak the words of 
Yao and behave the way Yao behaved, then you are a Yao. On the other 
hand, if you wear the clothes of Jie, speak the words ofJie and behave the 
way Jie behaved, then you are a Jie. That is all." 
"If the ruler of Zou receives me and I am given a place to lodge, then I 
should like to stay and be a disciple ofyours." 
"The Way is like a wide road. It is not at all difficult to find. The trouble 
with people is simply that they do not look for it. You go home and look for 
it and there will be teachers enough for you.,,91 
The exchange between Mengzi and Cao Jiao reflects a competition between philosophy 
and physiognomy as a guidance for life and a solution to social problems. Mengzi is 
challenged by a believer in physiognomy. Cao Jiao evaluates himself with reference to a 
physical characteristic: his exceeding height, like in the cases of Yao and Shun, suggests 
a promising career. However, Cao Jiao is frustrated by his life, and he comes to Mengzi 
for a satisfactory explanation. Clearly Cao Jiao expects a political answer, for 
physiognomy in early China often provides consolation to ambitious men like Cao Jiao. 
91 Translation modified from D. C. Lau, Mencius, p. 265. 
59 
Nevertheless, we see a double rejection implicated in Mengzi's response. Mengzi first 
refuses to follow this conventional application ofphysiognomy. Instead, he replies to Cao 
Jiao with an ethical criticism. To Mengzi, the way of Yao and Shun evokes proper moral 
behavior rather than political ambition. Obtaining moral superiority is both the goal and 
the content of one's daily life. By giving such an ethical answer, Mengzi in fact refuses to 
acknowledge the social value ofphysiognomy. Rather than being sidetracked into a 
discussion of physical characteristics, Mengzi advises Cao Jiao to make moral effort and 
follow the correct way of the ancient sages. 
Mengzi's persuasion of Cao Jiao is not successful. Until the very end, Cao Jiao 
is still reluctant to make any effort at leaming.92 Mengzi's failure is probably determined 
in part by his ambivalent view of the body. His beliefin the physical manifestation of 
inner virtue restrains him from a complete denial of the political reading of the body. 
After all, morality was deeply entangled with politics in early China. As a result, Mengzi 
shifts the topic from politics to ethics. He does not directly attack Cao Jiao's comment 
about the relationship of height and moral superiority; instead he deflects the 
conversation into a discussion of effort, which seems to him the key to the development 
ofmoral character. His criticism is therefore implied, rather than being explicit, in the 
seemingly irrelevant answer he gives. 
Compared to Mengzi, Xunzi's criticism of physiognomy is direct and resolute. 
In contrast to Mengzi, Xunzi believes that human nature is evil. What prevents men from 
92 This is clear in Cao Jiao's response to Mengzi. After hearing Mengzi's preaching on making effort, Cao 
Jiao was still waiting for others to prepare for him to study with Mengzi. Mengzi therefore immediately cut 
off the possibility that Cao Jiao could become his disciple. 
60 
pursuing their selfish desire is the power of ritual. Because of this lack of innate virtue 
within men's heart, morality is only assessable by observing people's behavior, using 
ritual as the standard. Following this logic, the body is of only peripheral importance to 
Xunzi and it never forms a part ofthe core in his moral philosophy.93 As a result, 
physiognomy is strongly criticized by Xunzi. 
In chapter five, "Feixiang pian" (Attacking Physiognomy ~~*"§~), Xunzi attacks 
the absurdity of physiognomy. He first declares that physiognomy is not a part ofthe 
cultural heritage; it did not exist in antiquity and is not discussed by learned men. The 
contradictory physiognomic descriptions of sages and worthy men are evidences to Xunzi 
of the illogicality of contemporary physiognomic principles. According to Xunzi's 
summary, some of the sages are described as unusually tall while others are extremely 
short; in fact, some of them either look hideous or have physical defects.94 Based upon 
these portrayals it is impossible to use physiognomy to deduce whether one's physical 
appearance is good or bad. Therefore Xunzi asserts that the corporal features, one's 
height, size and appearance, are not worth discussing (i!1l-t~JE>J' *, ~!m%*"§, TI.~ill 
93 Elsewhere, Xunzi does show his concern for the body. When he explains ritual he writes that ritual 
means nourishing the body Uli'f, lHE.). However, nourishing the body should be regulated by ritual and 
is exercised to achieve the harmony ritual prescribes. See chapter "Lilun" tlWtl inXunzi xinzhu llJT~a: 
(Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979), p. 308. See also Zhu Pingci :fR.3f?Jz "Cong Ii de guandian lun xian Qin 
Ru Dao shenti/zhuti guannian de chayi" 11:€tla<JII.!!'~WtIJ\:;~11ffl, i~t!iitU/'±UII.~I'f<J~~, in Yang Rubin 
m11fflj{ ed. Zhongguo gudai sixiang zhong de qilunji shentiguan J:j:l1J~f~,\!H~r:p a<J-'WtI])'(:!iitUII. 
(Taibei: juliu, 1997), pp. 267-9. 
94 For details, see Xunzi, translated by John Knoblock (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988), pp. 
203-4. 
95 See Xunzi xinzhu, p. 52. 
61 
The very fact that Xunzi, a conservative Confucian scholar, wrote an essay 
criticizing physiognomy clearly reflects the popularity of this bodily divination technique 
during the late Warring States period. According to Xunzi, not only does physiognomy 
corrupt social customs, as marriage alliances often were determined based upon physical 
appearance instead of merit, but also, most importantly, it threatens the stability of a 
government when it was used by the ruler in his search of talent. Such a political 
adoption of physiognomy severely undermines the authority of philosophy. To Xunzi, it 
becomes a rival too influential to ignore in competing for a political audience. Xunzi has 
to advocate his own solution for the social anxiety that derives from the emphasis upon 
appreciating the worthy. After discrediting the logicality of physiognomy, a considerable 
remaining portion of the chapter is reserved for a discussion of the proper presentation 
and appreciation of talent. Instead ofjudging people's physical appearance, Xunzi argues 
that discerning one's mind (xin iL.\) and governing technique (shu 1*T) is more important: 
"Hence, to physiognomize the external form is not as important as evaluating the mind, 
and evaluating the mind is not as important as selecting the techniques" (tOl1§%/F:tlO~ 
iL.\, WqiL.\/F:tlo:tltfJ; %/FMJiL.\, iL.\/FMJ1*j).96 Moreover, the idea Xunzi articulates 
here serves both sides of the ruler-minister relationship. A ruler, Xunzi argues, should 
evaluate people according to their ritual behavior; as for educated men, Xunzi continues, 
they, on the other hand, must be eloquent and excel in persuasion and argumentation 
96 Xunzi xinzhu. p. 51. Translation modified from Knoblock, p. 203. 
62 
(junzi bi bian ttT&H~¥).97 The mutual assessment of a ruler and his ministers is 
therefore based upon words and deeds rather than bodily features. 
Like Mengzi, Xunzi' s criticism was initiated in reaction to the threat he 
perceived from physiognomy. These two philosophers felt the need to compete with 
bodily diviners in exercising social influence. Therefore they did not spend effort in 
discussing the socio-political reading ofthe body. Still, their discussions ofphysiognomy 
do give evidence that attributing political meaning to the body was so prevalent that one 
could hardly avoid some consideration ofthis issue. 
We see a deliberate choice made by Mengzi and Xunzi: while the metaphorical 
meanings of the body cannot be completely excluded from philosophical discussion, it is 
deprived of any political meaning. This deliberation reflects in tum an interesting 
philosophical phenomenon during the Warring States period. In the competition among 
the so-called "Hundred Schools of Thoughts" (baijia Ef%), a tendency toward mutual 
influence and synthesis characterizes the development of philosophical writings. At the 
same time, this tendency is intentionally ignored by some philosophers in order to present 
their unique voice in claiming philosophical authority. In Xunzi, for example, we 
encounter no discussion of the yin yang cosmology that was becoming dominant in his 
time. Moreover, the cosmological conceptualization of the body that developed under the 
influence of yin-yang thought and the broader symbolic meanings it projects unto the 
body have left no trace in Xunzi' s writing, even though such conceptualizations 
dramatically changed philosophical discourse on physiognomy in Han China. 
97 Xunzi xinzhu, p. 62. 
63 
Warring States medical thought concerning the body and Dong Zhongshu 's theory 
To understand the new conceptualizations of the body that appear in the early 
Han philosophical writings of Dong Zhongshu, we need to consider briefly what had 
taken place in the late-Zhou medical theorization of the body. 
The early Chinese medical tradition incorporates elements of correlative thought 
that might have been widespread at the time and defines the body as both a still and an 
active entity.98 In these medical texts, the internal structure of the body is described as a 
hierarchical system, in which each organ has its fixed position and its specific function 
and ultimately serves the governance of the heart. As a whole, the body is a part ofthe. 
universe: it reflects and communicates with the cosmos. The human body, as Huangdi 
neijing Yi"-W i*J ~ says, is produced by integrating the qi ofheaven and earth (7:±tl11f! 
., iPZElA).99 Qi forms the essence oflife and exchanges energy with nature. This 
circulating qi connects the body with a variety of natural phenomena and enables the 
body to be understood in terms of the same yin-yang and Five Phases (wuxing Jiff) 
theories that explain the cosmos generally and nature more specifically. The chapter "Yin 
yang yingxiang da lun" (Discussion on the Correspondence of Yin and Yang ~~l!~* 
~jQm) in Huangdi neijing first points out that yin and yang are the creators of the universe 
and the sources of qi. The qi ofyin and yang are the two qis that generate all natural 
elements. The four seasons and the five internal organs (wuzang Jii(,) receive these qis, 
98 For an excellent study ofearly Chinese medical tradition, see Donald Harper's Early Chinese Medical 
Literature (London: Kegan Paul International, 1998). 
99 Guo Aichun '!JB'II'fff., Huangdi neijing Suwenjiaozhu yuyi _"Iff I*J #~~r",~{$ttt~g~i (Tianjing: 
Tianjing kexue jishu chubanshe, 1999), chapter "Baoming quanxing lun pian" "1flJ~.mififlJ~, p. 155. 
64 
with illness occurring when they are unbalanced. Following this principle, the chapter 
then uses the Five Phase theory to describe the body and to link it with the world with a 
system of correlations. Directions, temperatures, flavors, colors, sounds, bodily 
movements, and emotions are all associated with the five elements, mu * "wood", huo 
:k "fire", tu ± "earth",jin ~ "metal", and, shui J1< "water", and subsequently 
influence the health of the five organs to which they are correlated. 100 This structure 
made up of the yin and yang qi generates five directions, the five directions generate five 
temperatures, the five temperatures generate five elements, the five elements generate 
five flavors, and the five flavors nourish five organs-a cycle that repeatedly appears in 
Huangdi neijing. lol In this cosmological systemization, the body corresponds to heaven 
or nature (yingtian L!7() and its physical features are categorized accordingly. I02 
This Warring States cosmological conceptualization of the body provides the 
vocabulary and theoretical framework to Han philosophical discussions ofthe body and 
physiognomy. Dong Zhongshu .{~ti directly incorporated this new medical 
conceptualization ofthe body into his circular historical view known as "the Three 
100 Guo Aichun, pp. 34-5. 
101 See also in chapter "Wuyun xing dalun pian" .li:l!IHrj'J~~ in Guo Aichun, ibid, pp. 373-5. 
102 Chapter "Jinkui zhenyan lun pian" ~II. § ~~ associates the interior and exterior of the body with 
yin and yang and concludes that they correspond to the yin and yang ofheaven (.lIt W~i~~. i*J:71- iIllt'!E;f§ 
-'Jl'trD.l\~, i'& ~D.l\7(Z~i~tB). See Guo Aichun, p. 25. Chapter "Yifa fangyi lun pian" ~rt;1J'§:~~ 
explains that people who live in the east have dark skin, that those who live in the south have red skin and 
that people who live in the west are fat. The physical features ofpeople who live in north are not discussed 
here. However, in Hanshu, we see this cosmological theorization is fully developed and completed. See 
Guo Aichun, pp. 74-6. Hanshu, chapter "Dili zhi" !il!JllLt. 
65 
Authorities" (santong ~~JE), 103 which he used to argue in support of Han political 
legitimacy. 104 
103 See chapter "Sandai gaizhi zhiwen" -=='1~i&lMjt)(, in Chunqiufanlujinzhujinyi, ~tk~~4-~:f4-~~, 
annotated by Lai Yanyuan !.I1fl~ft (Taibei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1984), pp.174-94. The authenticity of 
Chunqiufanlu has long been controversial. The first scholar to question the attribution of this text to Dong 
Zhongshu was Cheng Dachang t.!l1:*: ~ (1123-1195). Cheng Dachang argues that the teachings in the text 
are too shallow to be Dong Zhongshu's, and that the title of the text is never mentioned in Hanshu. 
Traditional scholars Zhu Xi *_ (1130-1200), Chen Zhensun ~*~il (?1183-?1261) and Huang Zhen 
JtIW (1213-1281) all express their suspicions about the authenticity of the text (see more discussions on 
next page). 
104 The question ofDong Zhongshu's authorship of the book has divided modem Chinese and Japanese 
scholars into two groups. The first group believes in the authenticity of the book and uses it as a reliable 
resource to discuss Dong Zhongshu's thought. Most Chinese scholars belong to this group, Feng Youlan 
~:&jj and Xu Fuguan 1*@l1l being two famous representatives of this point of view. For example, Xu 
Fuguan, in his Liang Han sixiang shi ~~}i!1,:m~ (Hong Kong: Xianggang zhongwen daxue, 1975, pp. 
192-5), has a section defending the reliability of Chunqiu fanlu. On the other hand, many other scholars 
doubt the authenticity of the book. Japanese scholars Keimatsu Mitsuo llftt-:Yttt and Tanaka Masami E8 
r:p a~) a found inconsistencies in the chapters concerning the Five Phases in Chunqiu fanlu. Dai Junren 
~tt1= also directly argues that Dong Zhongshu never discusses the Five Phases, and therefore the 
chapters on this topic are not written by Dong Zhongshu (for a good summary on these three scholars' 
research, see Gary Arbuckle's article "Inevitable Treason: Dong Zhongshu's Theory of Historical Cycles 
and Early Attempts to Invalidate the Han Mandate," in Journal ofthe American Oriental Society, Vol. 115. 
No.4, 1995, p. 586, footnote 5; as well as his review ofRobert Gassmann's translation of Chunqiufanlu, in 
Journal ofthe American Oriental Society, Vol. 113. No.1, 1993, pp. 97-8). English scholarship on Dong 
Zhongshu also presents different views of Chunqiu fanlu. Michael Loewe, in his writing in The Cambridge 
History ofChina: Volume 1. The Ch'in and Han Empires, 221 B. C.-A.D. 220 (Cambridge: Cambridge 
University Press, 1986), treats the book as reflecting Dong Zhongshu's philosophy. Yzey-yueh Tain's 
dissertation on Dong Zhongshu's thought is built entirely upon the premise of the authenticity of Chunqiu 
fanlu. In his introduction, Tain provides four evidences supporting the reliability of the book (Tung 
Chung-shu's System ofThought: Its Sources and Its Influence on Han Scholars, UCLA Ph.D. dissertation, 
1974, pp. 8-10). The most critical research on Chunqiufanlu comes from Sarah Queen and Gary Arbuckle. 
Sarah Queen's book, From Chronicle to Canon: The Hermeneutics ofthe Spring andAutumn, According to 
Tung Chung-shu (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), is an attempt to systematically analyze 
the authorship of the Chunqiufanlu chapters. Queen divides these chapters into five categories: exegetical 
chapters, Huang-Lao chapters, Yin-yang chapters, Five-phase chapters and Ritual chapters. The Chunqiu 
fanlu passages I cite in my dissertation, according to Queen's categorization, belong to the exegetical 
chapters, Huang-Lao chapters and Yin-yang chapters. As for the authenticity of these chapters, Queen's 
study presents an ambivalent view. While suggesting that some of the chapters are probably not written by 
Dong Zhongshu, Queen often believes these chapters contain reliable resources for understanding Dong 
Zhongshu. Also frequently we see Queen's inability to distinguish authentic chapters from inauthentic 
chapters. She often writes that "further" studies are required in order to confirm the authorship of certain 
chapters and her ambiguity is criticized by Gary Arbuckle who presents a more aggressive attack on the 
claim ofDong Zhongshu's authorship of Chunqiu fanlu. Arbuckle's study is developed from the research 
done by Keimatsu, Tanaka and Dai Junren. Arbuckle agrees with these earlier researchers, as well as Queen, 
that the most questionable writings in Chunqiufanlu are the Five-phase chapters. In other words, chapters 
38,42,58-64 cannot be taken to represent Dong Zhongshu's thought. At the same time, these scholars' 
suspicions on the authenticity of the book sometimes are counter attacked by plausible arguments. For 
66 
Following early medical thought, Dong Zhongshu argues that man is created by 
heaven (~A1!r, ~ill) and that the human body is formed by the heavenly principles 
(Az.%U, {t~~ffi]px').105 Accordingly, in Dong Zhongshu's philosophy the body 
reflects the principles of heaven and earth: 
IltEA~~~1~~:I:!!!o A1f:=.B /\+1ifJ, 1~~z.1)( ill;%Hf! ~,1~:l:i!!z.JJill;L1f 
E{: § Itl§.!~, 8 ~ z.~ ill;H1f~~~~,)II:tfz.~ ill 0 
Only man can resemble heaven and earth. Man has three hundred sixty joints, 
which resemble the number ofheaven. The body, bone and flesh resemble the 
thickness of earth. At the top of the body, the eyes and ears are able to see and 
listen; they are symbols of the sun and moon. Within the body there are arteries 
and veins, symbolizing rivers and valleys. 106 
We see in Dong Zhongshu's philosophy a systematic integration of heaven and the body. 
This linkage between man and heaven continues beyond physical resemblances, as Dong 
Zhongshu asserts that bodily movement, human intelligence and emotions all find their 
counterparts in the universe. 107 Since heaven, earth, yin and yang construct the human 
body and are manifested therein, Dong Zhongshu concludes that the body is the 
embodiment of heaven U~~t~gg~ill). 
example, Xu Fuguan has a strong argument against Dai Junren's theory that Dong Zhongshu never talks 
about the Five Phases (see his LiangHan sixiang shi). Considering the theories from both sides of the 
Chunqiufanlu controversy, it seems that the five-phase chapters are the focus of the debate. My citations 
from Chunqiufanlu do not come from the problematic five-phase chapters. Until concrete evidence is 
produced by scholars that can convincingly deny the reliability of the non-five-phrase chapters ofChunqiu 
fanlu, my use of the Chunqiufanlu passages should be valid. 
105 Lai Yanyuan, pp. 282. 
106 Ibid., p. 327. 
107 Dong Zhongshu argues that the round shape ofthe human head resembles the sky, other facial parts are 
equated with natural objects: hair is taken as the embodiment of stars, eyes and ears as sun and moon, 
breath as wind. See Lai Yanyuan, p. 327. 
67 
This equation of the human body with heaven provides a theoretical basis for 
Dong Zhongshu's historical and political philosophies. As Xu Fuguan q~~U points out, 
the essence ofDong Zhongshu's philosophy can be characterized as a "philosophy of 
tian" (~I¥J rg~). 108 Different from pre-Qin medical thought, in which tian is an abstract 
force, Dong Zhongshu's tian is conceptualized as an ontological being that reflects an 
ethical concept. Dong Zhongshu argues that the refined ren 1= lies in heaven and that 
heaven is itself ren (1=z~~tE]'~~, ~, 1= ill). 109 Since man is created by heaven, 
he receives ren as his nature. Moreover, the benevolent heaven creates and nourishes the 
myriad things but it attributes its accomplishment to man. Man, especially the ruler, thus 
becomes the agent ofheaven in the world; he receives this ming 1fu from heaven (A'J!:. 
1fu:ljL~).11O 
Clearly Dong Zhongshu inherits the pre-Qin idea of the Mandate of Heaven 
(tianming ~1fu), in which political legitimacy is conferred by heaven's will. 
Nevertheless, different from the pre-Qin thought in which heaven is both a reverential 
awarder and a fearful punisher, Dong Zhongshu describes a genetic tie between heaven 
and man. Because man is created by heaven, heaven, in Dong Zhongshu's view, is 
defined as the ancestor of man (Az*"M:~, ~ZJFAz~tli:X:ill).111 Such a genetic 
108 See Xu Fuguan, Liang Han sixiangshi, Vol. 2, chapter 3 "Xian Qian Rujia sixiang fazhanzhong de
 
zhuanzhe ji tian de zhexue de wancheng" .7t~{'/ffl~C\~H~f§l;~"P B<JilifiJT'&7Cl'I"Jrg~I'I"J1GPX" pp. 177-281.
 
109 Lai Yanyuan, p. 295.
 
110 Ibid., pp. 295, 327.
 
III Ibid., p. 282.
 
68 
link enables a revised tianming thought and a new historical theory to unfold. In addition 
to the famous santong ~~ principle, Dong Zhongshu also proposes a theory called sifa 
1lY:r! (Four Eternal Principles) in which previous dynasties are categorized and the 
course of the past is outlined. Dong Zhongshu argues that the principles of heaven and 
earth are imitated and exemplified respectively by Shang fllj" and Xia ][, despite their 
actual sequence. Shang took the model ofheaven and its rule was wen X (refined); Xia 
took the model of earth and its rule was zhi jq (substantive"). When these elements, 
heaven, earth, Shang and Xia, are multiplied they produce four eternal principles. These 
four principles took turns dominating the past, circulating in the same way that the four 
seasons change. 112 Before heaven granted the mandate to the ruler of a dynasty, its 
intention was first implied in the fate of the ancestor of the ruler and, most importantly, 
fully displayed on the body of the founder ofthe dynasty: 
i!&::K}#H~~, ±:K¥tfllj"fITEE. f£l.~~1~~t~, ~~%Mt ALWffi!-e, W~~= 
!l~, '11-RM-:KX, MPf~~. :K}#J~~, 3:JIP,:r!][fITEE, fJ3.~5t±~~~l~, ~~ 
:±:~M-~, %H-R, -RJEi*, ~1T5ttc, ~J!lV,:;fj, ~tcf~:;fjm, tf-RJJ~1T, ~±1!!~ 
J1(. :KJm~:r~, -=t:K:r!jqW3::, fJ3.~5t±~~~, ~lt~£j::ff"E"J~!1~:±:~, ~5t~~M-, 
tE-RM-Af1flf, ~~H-R~JJ\, JEtcffiaW:;fjff:, ~:;fj~tcm, '11-RM-:K7't, .ffi)M~ 
1=. :K}#J~X3::, ±±1!!Y!XITiEE, fJ3.~5t±t@:~, ~~1~1El£j:~~, RI:KZfi!tJ}, W:±: 
1~1El, 1~1El-RM-a~±, l'IB3n~, ~X3::%HtW-R, ~1lY~LWAJE, '11-RM-±1!!x 
~. 
Thereupon when heaven was about to give the world to Shun, who followed the 
principle ofheaven, imitated the way of Shang, and assumed the title of king, his 
ancestor was bestowed the surname Yao. When it came to Shun, his upper body 
was big and his head was round. He had double pupils in his eyes. By nature he 
was good at understanding the way ofheaven, and excelled in being filial and 
loving. When heaven was about to give the world to Yu, who followed the 
principle of earth, imitated the way ofXia, and assumed the title of king, his 
112 Lai Yanyuan, p. 191. 
69 
ancestor was bestowed the surname Si. When it came to Yu, he was born from 
the back of his mother. His body was tall and large. His legs were long. When he 
walked quickly, he first stepped forward with his left foot and his right foot 
followed. For this reason his left foot was tired and his right foot relaxed. By 
nature he was good at handling things. He was familiar with geography and was 
intelligent on the subject of rivers. When heaven was about to give the world to 
Tang, who followed the principle ofheaven, imitated the way of zhi and 
assumed the title of king, his ancestor was bestowed the surname Zi. [His 
ancestor] Xue's mother swallowed the egg of the black bird and gave birth to 
Xue. Xue came out of her chest. By nature he was good at the way of man. 
When it came to Tang, his body was fat and short. His left foot stumbled but his 
right foot was dexterous. Therefore his left foot was tired but his right was 
relaxed. By nature he was peaceful and had a benevolent heart. When heaven 
was about to give the world to King Wen, who followed the principle of earth, 
imitated the way ofwen and consumed the title of king, his ancestor was 
bestowed the surname Ji. [His ancestor] Houji's mother Jiangyuan stepped at the 
footprint of god and gave birth to Houji. Houji grew up at Tai and planted five 
grains. When it came to King Wen, his figure was big and tall. He had four 
nipples and his feet were large. By nature he was good at knowing land and 
geography. 113 
Certainly many myths about these sagely kings had already existed in oral or written 
traditions before Dong Zhongshu's time. The disposition of Shun, the unbalanced feet of 
Yu, the birth ofXue and Houji, and the body ofKing Wen are by no means stories 
created by Dong Zhongshu and can be found scattered in various early documents. What 
is important in Dong Zhongshu's writing is that these references are integrated together, 
organized neatly to serve an overall philosophical construction in which the 
correspondence between tian and man is highlighted. 
Moreover, as seen from the above passage, the unique physical features of the 
sagely kings are associated with their talents. Their appearances seem also to imply the 
natures of their rules, which are categorized into four types (.:t*Y!ltrjj)(, .:i::I:tgy!;]V 
113 Lai Yanyuan, pp. 191-2. 
70 
Jt, '±~~Jtlll, '±±-l!!~Jt/f§j). The body thus becomes a useful vocabulary in Dong 
Zhongshu's discussion of political legitimacy in which heaven's will is predeterminative. 
Because for Dong Zhongshu the body is created by heaven, observing the physical 
appearance leads to perceiving the way of heaven: 
lit ?:J'BtfJf~~ ,~)d~~J~rm 1~Z-g. ,JJ~ ;!'tPJI)(ill,iIJ'jz,/FPJI)(:1!f ,iIJ~Ji,?:J'M' 
[qJ rm iu~ - t!1 ~ i!iJt ~Jlt!'tf4 %, l}) ~~ %:1!f,1tuJtPJI)(, l}) ~ ~/FPJI)(:1!f ,l})!lt§ 
J!tZ?J)\:§: l}) ~~ if'§ l!,~~ Jt%ill, l}) I)(iffi r:p ill 0 
These [principles ofheaven] secretly attach to the human body. They coexist and 
correspond with man. As for that which is countable, their numbers match with 
each other. As for that which is uncountable, their types accord one with the 
other. [No matter what the case is] they are all the same in corresponding to 
heaven. Therefore displaying those with shapes to illustrate those without shape, 
comprehending those that can be counted to demonstrate those that cannot be 
counted, this is to say that the way between heaven and man follows [the 
principle of] correspondence within the same category, just like their shapes and 
numbers correspond to each other. 114 
In this theory, not only is man the agent of heaven in the world, but also his physical 
body becomes a readable source for the purpose of comprehending the will of heaven. 
Explanation offate: Wang Chong and Wang Fu's discussions o/physiognomy 
Dong Zhongshu's discussion of the body is influenced by Warring States 
medical thought, but it also differs from it in several ways. Warring States medical texts 
utilize the Five Phases theory as the framework in explaining the body and defining its 
relation with the universe. In this system, the body is influence by a wide range ofnatural 
forces; there is no metaphysical arbiter that oversees the relation between man and the 
cosmos. In Dong Zhongshu's philosophy, this absent authority is fulfilled by an 
114 Lai Yanyuan, p. 328. 
71 
anthropomorphic (ian, who grants the legitimacy of dynastic transition and makes its will 
perceivable upon the human body. A logical flow from (ian, to ming ('6P) and to the body 
(including physical appearance) is thus systemized by Dong Zhongshu. 
However, Dong Zhongshu's (ian does not favor men equally. The mandate of 
heaven is only bestowed upon sages and rulers. To explain this bias, Dong Zhongshu 
adopts the yinyang theory: (ian generates yin and yang; yin and yang are further divided 
into four different grades (j>~~, *~~, j>~, *~). Each subcategory selects a 
natural season to govern. Even within one season there are seasonal leaders such as meng 
jfu, zhong {rp, and ji * (defined as the three leaders, sanzhang .=.-&, by Dong 
Zhongshu). This hierarchical status ofnatural seasons demonstrates the mechanism of 
(ian. Since man is created by (ian and assumes bodily form according to this mechanism, 
each individual's qi is consequently dissimilar one from the other (A~~~, rma~z.. 
iff, i&~1i*/J\)J~Z~, Az..~tE.). The different endowments men receive from 
(ian further determine their status in the political world: as (ian differentiates the seasons, 
the sagely king ranks men according to their natural gifts. I 15 The implication in Dong 
Zhongshu's argument is important. In his philosophy of (ian, ming is not only a matter of 
the Mandate of Heaven that concerns exclusively dynastic change, it is also related to 
individual fate. Following his logic in which (ian determines ming and the body reflects 
115 Lai Yanyuan, p. 196. 
72 
the will of tian, both dynastic fate and individual destiny become perceivable on the 
human body; physiognomy therefore receives support from philosophical argument. I 16 
Dong Zhongshu's extension of the meanings of ming from a concern over 
dynastic change into the individual realm in his philosophical discussion of the body 
resonates and is further developed in the writings of the Eastern Han philosophers Wang 
Chong and Wang Fu. Both Wang Chong and Wang Fu wrote an essay on physiognomy 
that intends to promote the credibility ofphysiognomy. They also use physiognomy to 
explain fate to intellectuals who are frustrated at their own inability to move up the social 
ladder. By Wang Chong and Wang Fu's adoption and development of Dong Zhongshu's 
philosophy of the body, the pre-Qin ad hoc discourse of physiognomy is finally 
synthesized. 
The "Guxiang" chapter (Physiognomy on the Bones, 1fif§~) in Wang Chong's 
Lunheng ~OO explicitly addresses a concern with fate. The chapter begins with an 
assertion that fate can be easily known: 
AB**~o*~~~o~~wm?m~1f~oA*.~~,~~~~£~ 
~o.~~~~*, ~.4M~~3~o~~~, 1f~~~*o 
Man says that fate is difficult to foresee, but fate is very easy to know. By what 
means can fate be known? By means of the body and its bones. Man receives his 
destiny from heaven; it has manifestations appearing on his body. By means of 
observing manifestations one knows fate, just as by means of observing 
. M'c . C b fi . 117measures, one knows capacIty. anllestatlOns reler to one con IguratlOns. 
116 Dong Zhongshu writes that because the correspondences between heaven and earth, yin and yang are 
often reflected by the human body, the body resembles tian. Its number matches to that of tian and man's 
fate is therefore related to tian (:1dfuzf-1, ~~~ZmlJ, 1Itt&~:!l:t, :!~H~::R&, f&~Z;f§~, t.1l:1fffWi!z 
ffiJ!&). Clearly here Dong Zhongshu is referring to individual fate rather than dynastic fate. See Lai 
Yanyuan, p. 328. 
117 Liu Pansui, Lunhengjijie, p. 52. Translation adopted from Alfred Forke, Lun-Heng: Philosophical 
Essays o/Wang Chong (New York: Paragon Book Callery, 1962), p. 304. 
73 
The opening statement of the chapter alludes to a general concern with fate that prevailed 
in Wang Chong's time, an anxiety generated by Han social mobility as I have discussed 
in a preceding section. Wang Chong's response to this concern over the uncertainty of 
fate is distinctive and decided. He claims that fate can be easily known from observing 
bodily manifestations (biaohou *1~). To support his thesis, Wang Chong cites the 
legends concerning the unique physical appearances of ancient sages, from the Yellow 
Emperor to Confucius, to argue for the reliability of the physiognomic method. As Wang 
Chong indicates, these sagely bodies are known to the world and are discussed by 
scholars. Such a favorable view ofphysiognomy contrasts sharply with Xunzi's criticism. 
As I discussed above, Xunzi strongly denies the physiognomic tradition. Bodily 
divination, according to Xunzi, did not exist in the past and was not discussed by scholars. 
In contrast to this, Wang Chong's words, indicate that not only is physiognomy a 
common discourse among men of knowledge, it also is reported in Classics and Annals, 
which therefore makes its reliability unquestionable (tlt?fi~M, flm~~, :tE~~f'11f 
~i!f[jJ1'8").118 
Wang Chong gives the reader a sweeping presentation of physiognomic 
precedents. Tales and accounts concerning bodily divination from the Warring States 
period to the end of the Former Han are summarized and retold. These many references 
presented by Wang Chong in a painstaking manner testify to the conclusion he draws: "If 
one examines people's fate and disposition by judging the structure of their bones and by 
118 Liu Pansui, p. 52; Forke, p. 304. 
74 
examining the lines of their skin, there will be no case without a [physiognomic] 
The physiognomic concerns as seen in Wang Chong's retelling of early sources 
focus on three issues: life span (shouyao ax), wealth (pinfu jt'r) and rank (guijian .. 
~). These three are all determined by ming $. Like Dong Zhongshu, Wang Chong also 
believes ming is granted by tian; but he differes from Dong Zhongshu in stressing qi as 
the media through which man receives mingo According to Wang Chong, peoples' 
different fates are due to the different levels of qi they absorb. Life will be strong and 
long if the qi is copious; it will be weak and short if the qi is scarce (5~a~~ x, ~W~m 
~¥t-ili).120 Since man obtains qi from tian and his body grows on earth (~*';O~*, iL 
%;o~±1!!), his fate is manifested on the body. Therefore Wang Chong argues that by 
observing the body on earth one could not fail to understand the fate determined by tian 
To Wang Chong, the bone structure (gufa 1r¥'!) most clearly demonstrates fate. 
An analogy between the body and a vessel is given in Lunheng to illustrate this: 
A.~~~*,~~~xZ$, ~iL*mz%,ft~~ffl±~~~,~~ffl 
M~Wff~oB%B~,~~~*;A~B~,~~~ffioffl~~tt,tt~ 
$~o ~~J=j%~tIH~, 1:~J=j;lt)njt§~g[o %~~5t1-t, $~~~~1JQo 
Men receive the vital qi from heaven. They are all given a fate of a long or short 
life and their tall or short bodies are formed accordingly, just like vessels are 
made out of clay by the potter and plates from copper by the founder. As the 
119 Uu Pansui, p. 55; Forke, p. 307. 
120 Uu Pansui, p. 16; Forke, p. 313. 
121 Uu Pansui, p. 56; Forke, p. 311. 
75 
shape of a vessel, once completed, cannot be made smaller or bigger, thus the 
duration of the corporeal frame, having been settled, cannot be shortened or 
prolonged. Qi forms the constitution, and when it is formed then fate is settled. 
Qi and the body pervade each other; life and death correspond to fixed periods. 
The body cannot be transformed, and likewise fate cannot be lengthened or 
shortened. 122 
Because men's fates are different, their bodies, which are considered containers of qi, are 
not the same, just as each vessel has its own shape. Wang Chong affirms that a 
physiognomist can distinguish one's destiny, whether one will be rich, noble or poor and 
humble, by observing the bone structure and physical frame, just as a man upon seeing 
plates knows the use thereof. 123 
Wang Chong's discussions ofphysiognomy are addressed to a certain audience: 
incumbent government officials or scholars who intend to serve. An anxiety that seems to 
afflict these audiences is implied in Wang Chong's instructions on the topic of fate and 
that anxiety centers upon the need to explain differences in social and political rank. 
Discussion of fate in Wang Chong mainly concern official careers. In the chapter 
"Chubing" (Primary Formation, 1)J~), Wang Chong speaks directly to this audience: 
~~s::P~J:, I1~~~, ~r~~{f*x, ~~j[;±, )7~&WIJ~j(~, m*~~Z 
~ , ;ft~ ~ Z ill , ~ fffi:ff~i!t~]"~ 00 0 
Officials with a yearly income ofmore than a hundred piculs, but of a lower rank 
than princes and counts, such as langjiang, dafu, andyuanshi, or provincial 
officials like intendants and prefects, in short, all salaried functionaries have 
obtained a fate predestinating them for wealth and honor, which after their birth 
. . h· f: 124IS apparent ill t elr aces. 
122 Liu Pansui, p. 30. Translation modified from Forke, p. 325. 
123 Wang Chong writes: "Therefore physiognomists examine the symptoms of the physical frame, and 
perceive wealth and honor, poverty and disgrace, just as we on seeing plates, know the use therof' CiJO!:9iQilJ 
Z-I, ~ffllZ-~iE, m1M.~~, ~M)dVJlt~:t~, 9iQm~ffH!?'). See Liu Pansui, p. 56; Forke, Vol. 1, 
p.310. 
124 Liu Pansui, p. 58; Forke, Vol. 1, p. 130. 
76 
What is suggested by the above passage is that one should accept this predestinated fate 
and be content with one's current position. In the "Guxiang" chapter, this admonition is 
delivered again by the use of the analogy between fate and vessels. Wang Chong 
compares the nobles and high officials (guiren JLA.) with fine vessels (shanqi ~~) 
and the humble (jianzhe ~1!r) with coarse vessels (eqi ~~). Because the corporeal 
frame is settled as soon as one is born, its capacity for receiving qi, which decides one's 
fate, is consequently predetermined. In the case of a vessel, if its capacity is exceeded, the 
object will overflow and be cast aside. In the case ofa rank, if one's fated deficiencies are 
exceeded, one will die and no longer exist (~j@l~:I:, 4m¥it~:iI; ~.j@l~&, ~L::f 
f¥).125 
To summarize, Wang Chong's discussions of physiognomy reveals a sense of 
fatalism. Such a fatalistic view in a philosopher like Wang Chong, who distinguishes 
himself for his strong skeptical mind, is both interesting and surprising. Although his 
skepticism leads Wang Chong to criticize a wide range of beliefs and popular traditions, 
he never questions physiognomy. Instead, in his discussion of physiognomy, the skeptic 
Wang Chong becomes an advocate of this popular practice. To understand such a conflict, 
we must look at his ideas in their social context. That is, Wang Chong's fatalism offers an 
explanation to frustrated Eastern Han intellectuals by addressing directly the way fate 
accounts for their unhappy careers. Moreover, Wang Chong warns them not to be 
ambitious. This admonition to be self-content in fact serves to eliminate a potential threat 
125 Liu Pansui, p. 56; Forke, Vol. 1, p. 130. 
77 
to the stability of the society that might be caused by political dissatisfaction among 
intellectuals. 
Wang Chong's emphasis upon political fate in his discussions ofphysiognomy is 
explicitly identified as "luxiang" *~t§ (physiognomy of rank) in the writings ofWang 
FU. 126 The "Xianglie" (On Physiognomy, t§JU) chapter in Qianfu lun m~~ is 
organized around this central issue. However, in contrast to Wang Chong's fatalistic view, 
Wang Fu argues that physiognomy plays a limited role in the relationship between man 
and his fate. 
Wang Fu agrees with Wang Chong that the physical body, especially the bone 
structure, demonstrates that man's nature and fate are bestowed by tian (*~ttilJ). 
However, Wang Fu also emphasizes the importance of human efforts. According to him, 
men's various osseous structures indicate only that men fall into different categories. 
Each tree has its own shape and use; a good carpenter will make proper use of them 
accordingly. This, Wang Fu indicates, is the correct method and the universal principle of 
doing things. He then asks: if the tree has a good quality but the carpenter does not cut it, 
what can the tree do about itself? We see here an analogy is used by Wang Fu as well: the 
quality of the tree is linked to fate, and the pattern ofwood is compared with man's 
physical body. But who is the carpenter that finalizes the destiny of the tree? The 
physiognomist, somewhat surprisingly, is immediately excluded from candidacy. Wang 
Fu points out that although a physiognomist can predict the ultimate fate ofmen, he 
126 Qianfu lun (Taibei: Shijie shuju, 1962), p. 130. 
78 
cannot make them achieve it (i!&:}L;f§1tt, ~~M;1t?fi1iJl, :IF~~ftz&E~).127 It is man 
himself who completes his destined life. As for intellectuals, no matter how great their 
fates are, they will not hold any position if they do not serve (±rm ~f±, :IFp)tJi~ffr).128 
In addition to this, Wang Fu suggests that man can utilize a physiognomic diagnosis to 
avoid bad fortune: 
W1tt%~,~~~z,;1t~~~,~tr~~o~1tt&~,:IF§~~,B~~ 
%~, m••~o~.~~, ~:IF.~! 
Upon seeing auspicious sign, the wise cultivates good actions to receive it. If 
there is an ominous color on the face, he cultivates his deeds and rectifies his 
wrongdoings. The fool is recalcitrant and never examines himself. [As a result] 
although a good symptom is seen on his appearance, he turns good fortune to 
calamity. Alas, gentlemen, can we not be reverent to this! 129 
The above passage demonstrates that Wang Chong and Wang Fu have two totally 
different views of fate and physiognomy. While to Wang Chong the physiognomist is the 
absolute announcer of an unchangeable fate, Wang Fu considers physiognomy rather as a 
reference than as a life sentence. He believes that deeds can change one's life. 
Physiognomy only deciphers the sign, but moral efforts determine one's fortune. 
Nevertheless, Wang Fu's emphasis upon morality does not mean that he doubts 
anthroposcopy. On the contrary, he is a serious advocate of this belief. Both the 
"Guxiang" and the "Xianglie" chapters can be regarded as encapsulations of early 
Chinese physiognomic thought. Wang Chong collects virtually all the references 
concerning physiognomy from pre-Qin to Han documents and stories and describes a rich 
127 Qianfu [un, p. 131. 
128 Qianfu [un, p. 132. 
129 Ibid. 
79 
textual tradition in an almost encyclopedic presentation. A similar effort of classicizing is 
also found in Wang Fu's essay. The "Xianglie" chapter begins with a citation from 
Shijing to set up a theoretical tone for Wang Fu's promotion of anthroposcopy. This, 
again, is followed by a summary of physiognomic accounts that are also seen in 
Lunheng.130 
In addition to this, Wang Fu's essay introduces physiognomic principles in 
considerable detail. According to Wang Fu, physiognomic inspections are based upon 
various physical features and bodily movements, including facial color, lines on the limbs, 
gestures in walking and voice: 
A~ffi~, ~~OO$, ~~¥~, ~~~~, ~~~~oOO$~~~M~, 
¥~~~m~R,~~~~•••,fi~~m~~~o~OO¥~,~%*~, 
~~~;§IIJ~o l!:~Jt:~~1:Ho 
As for the methods ofphysiognomic inspection, some analyze the face, some the 
hands and feet, some the gait, and others the voice. The ideal face should have 
breadth, symmetry, smoothness, and a moist color. The lines on hands and feet 
should be deep, slender, clear and straight. The way ofwalking should be stable, 
secure and show the strength of bearing. The voice should be mild, harmonious 
and ofmiddle range. All these features on head, face, hands, and feet should 
match with one's fJhysical shape and bone structure; this is the essential principle 
of physiognomy. 1 1 
The above passage is probably the earliest expression of specific physiognomic 
techniques seen in the extant documents from pre-Qin to Han. The standards mentioned 
130 Chapter "Xianglie" writes: The Odes says, "Heaven gives birth to people, there are objects and laws." 
For this reason the human body and physical appearance correspond to and manifest heaven. Each ofthe 
bone structures and formations of the forehead is patterned in order to match with a man's character and the 
length ofhis life, as well as illustrate the signs of nobility and humbleness ~~Jifi~f!'l "~~~R;, 1f4ilJ1f 
~IJ" a ;.l!J'&A~BJ1%~ ~1f~~Jt ff¥~jfl ~';;1f ?t$, ~:f'l1i1fz.M, M.~z.~."See Qianfu fun, p. 
130. Translation modified from Anne Behnke Kinney, The Art a/the Han Essay: Wang Fu's Ch'ien-jU fun 
(Tempe: Center for Asian Studies, Arizona State University, 1990), p. 115. 
131 Qianfu fun, p. 130. Translation modified from Kinney, pp. 115-6. 
--- - __ .-------
80 
-_._---- -_. 
in the passage show a high level of sophistication. Not only are there specific requirement 
for each of the bodily parts, but also a balance is emphasized in the overall appearance. 
By nature, Wang Chong's introduction reminds us of a distinctive trend that persisted 
throughout the course of Han: an enterprise of categorizing and synthesizing previous 
philosophical and literary traditions that yields works as disparate as Sima Tan's ilJ ~~ 
"Lun liujia yaozhi" ~/\*~ l§ and Liu Xiang's ~I,I rtJ "Lue1un" ~g1flf. In addition to 
this, a lecture on bodily inspection presented in a philosophical text clearly indicates the 
influence ofphysiognomy in Han social and political life. 
Conclusion 
As a form of divination, physiognomy was deeply involved in the political world 
in early China. In the Spring and Autumn period, physiognomy was used to deal with the 
crisis generated by political succession. Examining the physical features and observing 
bodily movements provided hints to the political leaders of that time to predict the fate of 
their states and families. This political reading of the body was continued during the 
Warring States time. A new concern over evaluating and appreciating talent can be 
discerned in the use of physiognomy during this period. Moreover, an additional social 
function was added to divination concerning the body. Physiognomy offered a needed 
explanation of fate to intellectuals who were struggling for upward social mobility. 
Because of this social need, professional physiognomists began to appear in the 
documents of this period. Masters of this popular art served as pillars upon which a 
textual tradition of physiognomy was constructed. 
81 
Han China witnessed the prevalence of anthroposcopy in its political life. 
Physiognomy read imperial bodies as possessing signs of political legitimacy. Han 
imperial bodies from different generations were duplicated and reproduced by 
physiognomic description, testifying to an unchallengeable continuation of authority from 
the founder of the dynasty to his legal descendants. It was also during the Han that the 
female body was transformed into a form ofpolitical investment. The bodies of the 
daughters of eminent families became political capital that provided them immediate 
power and support. 
Meanwhile, the physical bodies of Han officials and intellectuals were regarded 
as a manifestation of their morality and capacity. Physiognomy became involved in the 
selection of Han officials and solved the anxiety generated by upward social mobility. 
This political adoption of physiognomy stimulated philosophical responses from 
the pre-Qin to the Han. Warring State philosophers such as Mengzi and Xunzi criticized 
the use of bodily divination. Moral effort and political doctrine were advocated by these 
two philosophers in order to replace the power of physiognomy and to provide an 
alternative solution to social anxiety. Nevertheless, their criticism reflected the popularity 
and influence of physiognomy during the Warring States time. 
Physiognomy was philosophized and systemized by Han thinkers. Dong 
Zhongshu's bodily theory developed from pre-Qin thought concerning the mandate of 
heaven. Fate in Dong Zhongshu's philosophy of tian was extended to the individual 
realm. Since the body was formed in correspondence with heaven, fate as bestowed upon 
the body displayed itself in the physical appearance. Dong Zhongshu's acknowledgement 
82 
ofphysiognomy was fully elaborated by Wang Chong. An encyclopedic presentation of 
previous physiognomic sources provided by Wang Chong promoted the tradition of this 
popular belief. A fatalistic view characterized Wang Chong's bodily discourse in which 
physiognomic inspection announced an unchangeable fate. Such a theory of fate was 
revised by Wang Fu, for whom moral effort was more important in one's life than a 
prediction given by a physiognomist. However, Wang Fu never questioned the reliability 
of physiognomy. Instead, in his philosophical discussion we see for the first time a 
detailed introduction to the technique of anthroposcopy. The scattered references and 
discussions of physiognomy in pre-Qin sources were thus synthesized in the hands of 
these two Eastern Han philosophers. 
83 
CHAPTER III 
POLITICS AND THE BODY 
Introduction 
This chapter examines the relationship between the body and politics in early 
China. It argues that from the period extending from the Warring States to the end of the 
Han discourse of the body formed an indispensable component of the political world. 
This was a time ofpolitical centralization, and the body was adopted as a metaphor to 
illustrate and legitimize new social and political institutions. The body was also used to 
evaluate the ethical basis of a polity and served in actual Han policy-making. To 
demonstrate this, I will organize the following chapter into three sections. Section one 
examines the way the body was used as metaphor in political discourse. I argue that the 
physical structure of the body was equated with the social structure of the state. Within 
such an equation, political legitimacy was best argued and manifested by linking the 
ruler's body with the body of the state. The authority of the ruler was accordingly 
demonstrated by the metaphorical dominance ofheart over other interior organs. Section 
two looks at the ethical meanings the body acquires in the construction of an ideal polity. 
I argue that two different treatments of the body, burying the nameless corpses or 
damaging the body of the innocent, testify to the ethical nature of the state. The humane 
care of the body on the one hand and the violent abuse of the body on the other 
84 
distinguished an ideal governance from a corrupted one, arguing virtually for the 
legitimacy of dynastic change. The role of the body in actual policy-making is discussed 
in section three. I will single out Han China's relationship with the Xiongnu nomadic 
people to highlight the use of the body in creating efficient foreign politics. 
The Body as Political Metaphors 
This section focuses on the metaphorical meanings of the body in the political 
discourse of early China. In this section I will first discuss the problem ofthe word shen 
~ and then introduce two ontological conceptualizations of the body and their political 
implications. This is followed by a discussion of the ruler-minister relationship that was 
explained by an analogical relationship between the heart (xin i~\) and limbs (gugong ,IN 
Jit). Different views of the metaphorical relationship between heart and limbs suggest the 
tendency toward a centralized power as well as the tension created by this tendency 
during the time from the late Warring States to the Han. In this equation between the 
structure of the body and the structure of society, the body of the ruler was integrated 
with the body of the state. The imperial body became a symbol of political legitimacy and 
was therefore mystified and reduplicated. Because of this association of the physical 
body and politics, in the mind of early Chinese, bodily dysfunction, it was believed, 
resulted directly from political disorder. In other words, the body and politics were too 
interdependent to be separated from each other. 
85 
Problem ofthe word "shen" 
That both the body and the state are considered spatial objects enabled an 
analogy to be made between them in early Chinese correlative thinking. l In this mode of 
thinking, similarities between the two subjects were elaborated and their distinctions 
ignored. As a result, a constructed pattern based upon shared qualities was extended from 
one to the other, permitting the two mutually to explain each other. The body became a 
metaphor of the state and the state found its reflection in the body. 
In the elaboration of the analogy ofbody and state, the moral quality ofChinese 
political concerns led to a belief that rectifying the body was the first step toward good 
government. In Analects, Confucius commented that "Ifhis shen is correct, then there 
will be obedience without orders being given. Ifhis shen is not correct, there will not be 
obedience even though orders are given (;tt~ IE, ::f4-rnH-r; ;tt~::f IE, B4-::f1~).,,2 
A problem presented by this quotation is how to interpret the word shen ~, 
which means both the physical body and the self. However, traditional Chinese 
commentators ofAnalects spent no effort to explain which definition of the word 
Confucius had in mind in this context. This lexical indifference suggests an acceptance of 
1 For a study of the body as the basic spatial unit, see Mark Lewis, The Construction a/Space in Early 
China (Albany: State University of New York, 2006), especially chapter one on the human body. 
2 Yang Bojun, Lunyu yizhu 13.6, p. 136. Translation modified from D.C. Lau, The Analects (London: 
Penguin Books, 1979), p. 119. 
86 
the compound connotations of the word.3 In other words, to the Chinese the physical 
body and the self are one integrated concept denoted by shen that should not be separated 
from each other. However, English translators of the book unanimously interpret shen as 
"conduct" or "person" and completely exclude its reference to the physical body.4 In 
their readings, the etymological origin of the word does not fit into a discussion of 
political morality and should be consequently disregarded. 
But is this dichotomous judgment correct? Was the word shen in early Chinese 
philosophical discussions alluding only to the self and conduct? The answer is negative. In 
understanding the meanings of shen, Liji l;~c provides a clear example of the 
involvement of the physical body in state construction. The beginning statement of the 
"Daxue" *¥ chapter in Liji directly points to the idea that learning has a moral purpose. 
Learning is, according to the chapter, to display illustrious virtue and renovate the people. 
In order to achieve proper governance, rectification should first concern the smallest social 
unity, the shen, then extend to larger units (jia * and guo ~) and eventually to the 
whole world (tianxia X r). 5 The concept shen in this discourse includes both the self and 
3 The Qing ~ scholar Uu Baonan ~IJ 1f:lWJ (1791-1855) did not explain the word shen at all. Qian Mu 
~~ (1895-1990) gave an interesting modem translation ofthe passage. He translated shen as "ta shen 1m 
~". It seems that Qian Mu also thinks the word includes both the physical body and the self See Uu 
Baonan Lunyu zhengyi Mu~!lE~ (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1933), Vol. 3, p. 90. Qian Mu Lunyu 
xinjie Mu~!~M (Taibei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1965), p. 441. 
4 For example, James Legge, Roger Ames and Henry Rosemont translate the word as "conduct". See
 
Legge, The Chinese Classics (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1960), Vol. 1, p. 268. Roger
 
Ames and Henry Rosemont, The Analects a/Confucius: A Philosophical Translation (New York: The
 
Ballantine Publishing Group, 1998), p. 163.
 
5 For a discussion ofthe construction of social unities, see Mark Lewis' The Construction a/Space in
 
Early China.
 
87 
the body. To rectify the body, the mind should be cultivated. Accordingly, refined virtue 
glosses the body (de run shen ttWlJ~) and puts it at ease (xin guang ti pan 'G'~M1~*).6 
"This is to say," as the "Daxue" puts it, "that what truly is within the body will be 
manifested without (!~~m~~*, %~)7r).,,7 
Such a beliefof a bodily manifestation of refined inner quality resonates clearly 
with Mengzi' s theory of materialized virtue. As I discussed in chapter one, Mengzi argues 
that the transformation of a gentleman's inner state is displayed by a sleek, jade-like facial 
color.s The "Daxue" sentence therefore stays in line with Mengzi's idea. More importantly, 
in the "Daxue" passage the improved body adorned by outward virtue signifies the 
completion of rectifying the basic social unit, the individual. In this sense, the word shen as 
a fundamental concept in the overall scheme of social construction connotes both meanings 
of the physical body and the person. 
This notion of cultivating the physical body as the first step toward an ideal 
governance was also explicated in the writings ofLiishi Chunqiu g ~:fft'c Compiled 
around 239 BCE, before the Qin ~ unification of China, Liishi Chunqiu incorporated a 
wide range of popular thought to prepare a.sweeping political ideology for the impending 
centralized power. The eclecticism that marked this compilation encouraged competition 
as well as mutual adoption among different political doctrines. The meanings ofshen as 
both physical body and as self played a role in this political synthesis. For example, in an 
6 Legge, The Chinese Classics, Vol. 1, p. 367. 
7 Translation modified from Legge, ibid.
 
8 D. C. Lau, Mencius 13: 21 (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 2003), p. 295.
 
88 
argumentation for the centralization ofpower that unfolds in the essay "Zhiyi" fJt-, a 
conversation between a king of Chu J! and Master Zhan He 1t1PJ was reported. The 
king asked Zhan He about governing; Zhan He replied that the root of ruling a state 
resided in cultivating shen (~~Z*, 1±»~~~).9 Zhan He's discussion followed the 
same pattern presented in the "Daxue" chapter, in which rectifying shen was advanced as 
the basic rule for governing the family, the state and the world. As for the matters that 
concerned a sage, Zhan He concluded that at the broadest they covered the whole 
universe at the narrowest they were within the boundary of the body (Ni.Az."$, $iz~1J 
;fi!1¥*, g BJ:J; *~Z~IJf!tIi tiPf~ 1!rtB). In other words, although the body/self, 
family, state and the world are concerns of different levels, the primary principle was 
rooted in cultivating shen (Jtt I]] 1!r, ~1fI Iqj*). 10 
The most convincing evidence of the combined meanings ofthe word shen is 
given in chapter three in Liishi Chunqiu. In a discussion of proper governance, King Tang 
asks his minister Yi Yin how to control the world and is advised that the key is 
controlling the body. The author of this essay then argues that rectifying the body (shen) 
is the principle of doing things: 
A."$z*, ~nm~, ~~*.offl~~,.~~,.~~~oft~B~, 
$ ••~,&~*~o&z~~Aofi1!rnNi.I,~~~W*~~,m~~ 
w*~mo "'~*~1!r::f~*~»~~o 
As a general principle, the foundation of all undertakings rests in the necessity of 
first governing your body and being sparing of your "great treasure." Use the 
9 Xu Weiyu, Lushi Chunqiujishi, chapter 17, pp. 32A-B. 
IO Ibid. 
89 
new and expel the stale, so that the circulation within your veins remains 
free-flowing. Then the vital essence and the ethers will be renewed each day, 
and evil ethers will be completely expelled, and you will reach your natural life 
span. If you attain this, you will be called a "True Man." In The past, the first 
sage-kings perfected their bodies, and the world was made complete. They 
governed their bodies and the world became well-ordered. Thus...one who 
exercises control over the world works not on the world but on his body.II 
A philosophical classification of this passage is difficult. The Daoist word "zhenren ~ 
A" is a clear reference to a concept found in Zhuangzi M.:r-. At the same time, it is also 
parallel with the Confucian sagely king. The essay in chapter three ofLushi chunqiu, the 
source of the above passage, combines both the Daoist concept, "wuwei" ~~, for 
example, and Confucian moral teachings (qinqin zhangzhang f~fJH~:-R).12 As a result, 
the chapter reflects an eclectic philosophy that is typical ofLushi Chunqiu, an eclecticism 
seen in many early Han texts such as Huainanzi Yll¥i.:r-. Despite the philosophical 
ambiguity ofthe passage in question, the use of the compound meaning of the word shen 
is quite clear. 
From the above examples, it is evident that Confucius' comment on proper 
governance includes correcting both the body and the self. The body is the trainable self 
and the self is the abstract body. They are inseparable. Moreover, from Analects, Liji to 
Lushi Chunqiu, we see a coherent use of the two meanings of shen in pre-Qin 
philosophical texts. When shen is referred to as the basic unit of society, both meanings 
of the word are implied, as is the idea that there is a strong linkage between those 
II Xu Weiyu, chapter three, pp. 9B-IOA. Translation modified from John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel, 
The Annals ofLii Buwei, ibid. p. 102. 
12 Xu Weiyu, pp. lOA, 12A. 
90 
meanings. The physical body thus serves as a metaphor in the dialogue of social 
construction. As Lushi Chunqiu asserts, "As for governing the body and governing the 
state, the technique is of the same principle" (x~~:W~~, -JIt!.zffr-tE.) .13 
But what is the body? How was the body conceptualized and how exactly were 
the perceptions of the body connected with politics? To answer these questions, I will 
discuss two ontological concepts of the body in early China and explain their political 
implications in the following subsection. 
Two ontological concepts ofthe body and their political implication 
The last three centuries before the common era were an important time during 
which early Chinese understandings of the body developed. Warring States perceptions 
of the body were only hinted at and were scattered in various philosophical writings; and 
an examination of these references reveals a lack of a coherent conceptualization of the 
body. In an attempt to summarize these inconsistent views, the Japanese scholar Ishida 
Hidemi ~ E8 *_ categorizes early Chinese conceptions of the body into two types: the 
13 Xu Weiyu, chapter 17, p. lA. The essay "Wuzheng" liiEJl in the Mawangdui manuscripts provides 
another evidence of this: when asked by the Yellow Emperor the question from what matter governance 
should start, Yan Ran ~ fit affirms that it must begin with governing the body. Only after correct rules are 
established within it, can others be commanded 1i1iHI:t~~f4E1: "-!f-W\fmnmlilE (j])[), ~Jt~~i1? " 
WEI: "~i1~~o ~1flE)jt, 1~.&J'~A. SeeMawangduiHanmuboshujingfa mx:lt~1l;IfH!~r~, 
edited by Mawangdui Hanmu boshu zhengli xiaoZll mx:lt~1l;Ifti!J~lllH\~ (Beijing: Wenwu 
chubanshe, 1976), p. 54. 
91 
fluid body (t,1EliJl¥J~H) and the body as a spatial site (1t~~~I¥J~H).14 Focusing on 
theories ofthe formation of the fetus, Ishida points out that to early Chinese the body was 
produced by and contained within flowing qi m. Internal organs (zangfu JJiW) were 
formed after qi created life; they were bodily sites where qi dwelled. 
Yang Rubin defines Ishida's "fluid body" as the "qi view of the body" (~1t1¥J 
~au) and attributes this theory to TaoismY To Laozi, as Yang Rubin argues, the 
body was a substance that leant on yin, embraced yang and harmonized qi (~~~ffg~# 
m[;I,~~Q).16 A balanced qi was essential to Laozi's body in the cosmological 
framework. 
The notion of the body created by qi is confirmed by Zhuangzi. Zhuangzi 
understood the course of life as a transformation ofqi: when qi gathers in the body, life 
emerges; when qi scatters, life disappears (Az:.1:., mz:.~illo ~~iJ~1:., ~~iJ~ 
~) Y In these Taoist ideas, qi is a natural concept; it is the essence of life. 
14 Ishida Hidemi :;P E8 '*_, "You shenti shengcheng guocheng de renshi lai kan Zhongguo gudai 
shentiguan de tezhi" E8:!i'tH1:pxj~*~i¥J~igMM~~r:pWlJ~1~~HIlH8*f~, in Yang Rubin m11j{ ed., 
Zhongguo gudai sixiang zhong de qilun ji shentiguan r:p WlJ ~ 1~)i!:!,;m r:p i¥J*,JiflJR:!i't HII. (Taibei: juliu 
tushu gongsi, 1997), pp. 185. 
15 See Yang Rubin's introduction to Zhongguo gudai sixiang zhong de qilunji shentiguan, ibid, p. 21. See 
also his book Rujia shentiguan 11*~ HII. (Taibei: zhongyang yanjiuyuan Zhongguo wenzhe yanjiusuo 
choubichu, 1998). 
16 Yang Rubin, Zhongguo gudai sixiang zhong de qilun ji shentigua, p. 21. 
17 See chapter "Zhi bei you" 3i1:r::I~W1 in Wang Xianqian's .:EJt;~ (1842-1917) Zhuangzijijie M-=t-~M, 
(Taibei: Shijie shuju, 1962), p. 138. Chapter "Shuidi" 7.K:l:i!! in Guanzi ~T compares the human body 
with flowing water and regards it as a product of the uniting ofmale and female jingqi (;fij~). See Zhou 
Hanguang )j!(J~:Yt, Zhu Youwen *f9JJt and Dai Hongcai :wx#!;/t ed., Guanzi zhijie ~-=t-1[M 
(Shanghai: Furlan daxue chubanshe, 2000), p.334. 
92 
Warring States Confucian philosophers also believed that a circulating qi 
conceived and maintained the body. Mengzi and Xunzi both described that qi as filling 
the body and regarded it as the source of life. IS Different from the Taoist natural concept, 
qi in Mengzi and Xunzi connoted profound moral meanings. While Mengzi's 
"flood-like" qi (~?I,\Z") demonstrated his moral fortitude, Xunzi's discussion of 
"cultivating qi" was intended to "nourish the heart" (yangxin lfJL.\) for the purpose of 
obtaining the ritually refined virtue. I9 
Despite their different understandings, the bodily qi in both Taoist texts and 
Confucian writings was viewed as an element of the cosmos. Not only did qi circulate 
inside the body, it also flowed beyond the bodily boundary and exchanged with other 
natural essences.20 This notion that qi connects with the universe is explicitly stated in 
early medical texts. A chapter entitled "Shengqi tongtian lun pian" (Discussion on the 
Living Qi Connects the Universe, ~":li!i*~Ifa~) in Huangdi neijing argues that "from 
the antiquity people knew that the root of life lay in man's connection with the universe" 
(§ il:li!i*1!f~z*).All the nine orifices, five zang organs and twelve joints in the 
18 Mengzi writes that qi fills the body (., Ml2: 7E-ill), see Yang Bojun, Mengzi yizhu, 3.2, p. 62. Xunzi 
also talks about cultivating qi in order to nourish life (¥i1.if~), see chapter "Xiushen" fli~ in Xunzi. 
19 The Mawangdui text "Wuxing pian" 1i1T~ directly associates qi with virtues and defines qi as f= 
., ii~ and fl•. See Pang Pu Jft;j+ Boshu wuxingpianyanjiu I!'fH;:1i1T~.uJfJL: (Jinan: Qilu shushe, 
1980), pp. 36, 50, and 51. 
20 For example, Mengzi distinguishes the qi in the morning (If13.2:.) and the qi at night (15[.) and 
believes that the different qualities of these qis influence one's innate qi/nature. See chapter "Gaozi shang" 
1!r-TL. 
93 
body connected with the cosmic qi Chi(, ]i., +=~ff, ~Jm..:p.:K~).21 More 
explicitly, chapter five in Huangdi neijing associates each of the five organs with a 
specific qi: heavenly qi connects with the lung, earthly qi connects with the throat, the qi 
ofwind connects with the liver, the qi of thunder with the heart, the qi of grain with the 
spleen, and the qi of rain with the kidneys (:K~Jm.jjNrP, :I:i!!~Jm.:M-~, JI~Jm.:M-}ff, 
were categorized into different types ofqi; the internal organs, as Ishida points out, 
become containers ofqi and each of them executes a specific duty. 
This imagination of the interior of the body is very unique in comparison with 
the European emphasis upon an anatomical bodily system. As Nathan Sivin argues, "The 
early Chinese body was composed mainly ofvaguely defined bones and flesh traversed 
by circulation tracts.,,23 Although there were names of internal organs, their locations 
and physical correlations with other bodily components "did not mandate diligent 
exploration;" therefore Sivin concludes that in classical Chinese medicine "structure did 
not matter.,,24 
When Sivin is criticizing the lack of concern for the structure ofthe body in 
early Chinese medical thought, he probably is considering it from the perspective of the 
21 Guo Aichun, Huangdi neijing suwen jiaozhu yuyi, p. 14. 
22 Guo Aichun, p. 38-9. 
23 Nathan Sivin, "State, Cosmos, and Body in the Last Three Centuries B.C." in Harvard Journal of 
Asiatic Studies, Vol. 55 (Jun., 1995) 5-37, p. 12. 
24 Sivin, ibid. pp. 12, 13. 
94 
European tradition. It is certainly true that anatomy had never been seriously explored by 
traditional Chinese physicians, but a concrete structure did exist in early Chinese 
descriptions ofthe body, although this structure was based upon a cosmological 
explanation. For example, chapter five in Huangdi neijing uses the Five Phases (wuxing 
1i1T) theory to explain the body and the correlations ofbodily organs. In this chapter, the 
correspondences between the body and natural elements are shown in Table 1: 
Table 1. Correspondence between the body and natural elements 
East Wind Wood Sourness The liver (in Sinews The 
charge of 
the eyes) heart 
South Hotness Fire Bitterness The heart Blood The 
(the tongue) 
spleen 
Center humidity Earth Sweetness The spleen Flesh The 
(the mouth) 
lung 
West Dryness Metal Pungency The lung 
(the nose) 
Skin, 
hair 
The 
kidney 
North Coldness Water Saltiness The kidneys 
(the heart 
takes charge 
ofears) 
Marrow The 
liver 
In this table, each of the elements generates the one that follows it and the correlation 
among the five internal organs can be defined as a circle of creation: the liver-the 
heart-the spleen-the lung-the kidneys-the liver. In addition to this, the five facial 
parts are also connected with the five internal organs. Within this link between inside and 
95 
outside bodily parts, the heart is given two responsibilities: it takes charge of both of the 
tongue and the ears-a superior status that I will discuss later. 
Moreover, as the above passage shows, the natural types of qi were categorized 
into different ranks and were arranged by order: heaven, earth, wind, thunder, grain and 
rain. Internal organs were defined as receivers or containers of a specific qi and together 
they served to achieve an overall balance in the body. Indeed, in early Chinese medical 
thought, order and duty constructed the internal structure of the human body. In other 
words, the interior of the body was described as a hierarchical system within which 
organs executed particular roles in order to maintain the function of the whole body. 
Furthermore, because the microcosmic body was perceived as a counterpart of the 
macrocosm, the hierarchical bodily system can be explained as a political structure. 
Chapter eight in Huangdi neifing offers the best example of this. 
In this chapter we read that when the Yellow Emperor asked about the functions 
of the twelve organs (shi er zang +=~), the physician Qibo dLt113 associated each of 
the viscera with an official post: the heart, the source of intelligence, was the ruler, the 
lung was the premier and adjusted the activities ofthe body, the liver was the general, 
who derives strategies, the gallbladder was the official of the treasury and was able to 
make judgments, the pericardium (shanzhong .Ii: r:p) was the official of inner chamber, 
managing joys and pleasures. The spleen and stomach were the garnary officials (canglin 
zhi guan ~Jlz.'g), the source ofthe five flavors. In addition to these, the large and 
96 
small intestines, the kidneys, the triple-wanner (sanjiao -=~) and the bladder were all 
linked with official posts.25 
In this conception, the bodily structure was analyzed with reference to the 
structure of the state; the political system was thus adopted as a metaphor for the 
articulation of the body. In return, the body as a microcosm explained the principle of 
governance. After elaborating the functions of the twelve organs, Qibo emphasized that a 
balance must be kept among them. He then concluded that if the ruler of the body, the 
heart, was wise, the whole body would be at ease. Cultivating the body in this way, a man 
will enjoy long life without danger. If the same principle is used in governing the world, 
the world will be prosperous. However, if the heart/ruler is not wise, the body will be 
greatly hanned, life will be calamitous and the world will collapse. Those ruling the 
world, as Qibo warned, must be careful about this (.3::/GI3)j~iJ+=B'fe: ... ~.rI:~.:£~iJ 
J3(, ~~*r 1!f, ;!'t**fe:, ~Z1lX.Z).26 
As shown in this Huangdi neijing chapter, this perception of a hierarchical 
bodily structure had a profound political implication. Qibo's words compared the 
dominance of the heart in the body with the authority of the ruler in the state, an equation 
that also appeared in many early philosophical texts. At the same time, a balance between 
the ruler of the body (the heart) and its ministers (other organs) was emphasized equally 
(fL.tIt+='§1!f, /Fq~*§~lli).27 In addition to medical documents, the same concern 
25 Guo Aichu, Huangdi neijing suwen jiaozhu yuyi, p. 54.
 
26 Ibid.
 
27 Ibid.
 
97 
was evident in other early writings, in which balance was stressed between the heart and 
limbs (gugong JRJifl). 
This equation of the hierarchy of the society with the stratified structure of the 
body and the attention paid upon the relationship between the heart and other bodily parts 
provided early thinkers with a handy reference and a vivid vocabulary for their political 
discussions. The heart and limbs were especially adopted as metaphors in early Chinese 
argumentations of the ruler-minister relationship. The tension in the metaphorical 
relationship between the heart and limbs corresponded to and reflected the changes in the 
real political world.28 
The tension between the heart and limbs and the battle ofpower 
The relationship between the heart and limbs was repeatedly used to explain the 
ruler-minister relation in early texts. Mengzi compared the ministers to the hands and feet 
and the ruler to the belly and heart,z9 In Zuozhuan, ministers were often addressed as 
gugong JREt, limbs, to the ruler.3D A Zhou ji!fJ scribe once read an omen as indicating 
28 It is interesting to compare this metaphorical meaning of the body in the Chinese tradition to that in the 
Western culture. As Ernst Kantorowicz's famous study, The King's Two Bodies, illustrates, in the early 
West the king's body was also equated to the body politic. But in the Western political interpretation of the 
body, focus was given on the tension between the mortality and corruptibility of the body. Such a tension 
was resolved by identifying the "real" body of the King, which was equated to the body politic, while the 
spiritual body was understood to be eternal. In addition to the absence of Western dualist view of the ruler's 
body, the Chinese political conceptualization of the body also highlighted a tendency to see the particular 
parts of the body as analogies for particular units of government. For medieval Western political 
philosophy of the body, see Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 
1997). 
29 Yang Bojun, Mengzi yizhu 8.3, p. 186. 
30 See Yang Bojun, Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhu, Duke Xi 9: 4, 26: 3, Duke Xiang 14: 8, and Duke Zhao 9: 5, 
pp. 328,440, 1018, and 1311. 
98 
the death of King Zhao aB.3::: of Chu ~ and suggested to the king to offer a sacrifice 
and transfer the disaster to his ministers, the king rejected this and said that there was no 
use to move the illness of the belly and heart to the limbs (~Jn!I~'ZJ~, ffiJ.~tfJNtt, 
W.ia.).31 Clearly, the king regarded his ministers as limbs and viewed himself as the belly 
and heart. In this episode, the body becomes a metaphor and a mutual reliance between 
the ruler and his subjects is emphasized. However, in early political writings the 
ruler/minister relationship as suggested by the reference to the heart and limbs did not 
commonly lead to the same conclusion we see in the Zuozhuan story. There always is a 
gap between the subject of metaphor and its object. Metaphor can be manipulated and 
used by people from opposite stands in any case of argumentation.32 Because of this, 
although the same heart and limbs metaphor was used, different visions of the ruler/ 
minister relationship were advocated by early thinkers. Mengzi and Xunzi probably 
represented two different views of the relationship in question. 
In a conversation between Mengzi and King Xuan of Qi ~ '§ .3:::, Mengzi 
warned the king that if the ruler regarded the ministers as his hands and feet, they would 
treat him as their belly and heart. If he regarded them as his horses and hounds, they 
would treat him as a mere fellow-countryman. Moreover, if the ruler treated them as mud 
and weeds, they would treat him as an enemy.33 Mengzi's words here reject an absolute 
31 Yang Bojun, Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhu, Duke Ai 6: 4, p. 1636. 
32 For an important study of the body as a metaphor in Western thought, see George Lakoffand Mark
 
Johnson, The Metaphors We Live By (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980).
 
33 Yang Bojun, Mengziyizhu, p. 186. Translation modified from D. C. Lau, Mencius, p. 173.
 
99 
subordination ofthe subjects to the ruler and stay in line with Mengzi's general political 
philosophy in which people are valued above the ruler.34 As for the ruler/minister 
relationship, Mengzi did not suggest a control of the limbs by the heart. Instead, he 
promoted a mutual respect between the ruler and the minister. 
Mengzi's idea ofa complementary relationship is elaborated in the "Ziyi" ~~::& 
chapter in Liji. Presented in the voice of Confucius, a discussion of the rule-subject 
relationship unfolds through an analogy with the body: 
rB: "~~tt~I~\, tt~~~~~L 1~\MftIJM1iT, 1~'.mt~IJ~:{j][o I~\*Z, :5t 
~\:t.:Z; tt~fZ, ~~\W\Zo 1~\~M1~, 1)\~M11~; tt~~{+, 1)\~~Lo " 
The master said, "The people treat the ruler as the heart and the ruler treats the 
people as the body. When the heart is composed, the body is at ease; when the 
heart is reverent, the appearance is respectful. When the heart loves something, 
the body is sure to rest in it. When the ruler loves something, the people are sure 
to desire it. The heart relies upon the body to be complete; it is also suffers when 
the body is wounded. The ruler relies upon the people to survive and perishes 
also through the people.,,35 
The passage first acknowledges the ruler is the heart that guides the people. It then 
affirms that the state of the heart is crucial to the wellbeing of the body. However, a 
warning to the rulerlheart is also explicated at the end of the passage. That is, the heart 
will be intact if the body is healthy; it will be damaged if the body is wounded. As for the 
ruler, his survival or fall relies completely upon the people. 
34 In Mengzi 14: 14, Mengzi says that "The people are of supreme importance; the altars to the gods of 
earth and grain come next; last comes the ruler." D. C. Lau, Mencius, p. 315. 
35 Liji zhengyi tl~eiE~ (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1999), p. 1514. Translation adopted from 
James Legge, The Li Ki, in Max Muller ed., Sacred Books a/the East (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1885), 
Vol. 28, pp. 359-60. The date of the "Ziyi" chapter was problematic. However, in 1993 an early version of 
the chapter written on bamboo slips was unearthed from a Chu tomb at Guodian $~Jl5, Hubei Province. 
The tomb was dated around 300 B.C.E., because of this, the bamboo text must have been written earlier 
than Mengzi. A comparison of the Guodian text with the Liji chapter suggests that the later one is an 
elaborated writing of the Guodian "Ziyi". In general, the idesa in Mengzi and "Ziyi" are consistent. 
100 
Xunzi prescribed a different type of relationship between the heart and limbs 
than that found in Mengzi. Xunzi asserts the dominance of the heart over other corporeal 
parts, and by extension promotes the idea ofthe indisputable authority of the ruler. Xunzi 
defines the heart as the ruler of the body and the master of intelligence (Il)~, %z:ti 
ill, mHf/l ll},j Z.:E ill).36 According to Xunzi, the heart "issues commands but does not 
receive commands" (tf:l4-mJ~JiJT~4-). And "[On] its own authority it forbids or orders, 
renounces or selects, initiates or stops" (§ ~ill, § 1till, § l.J ill, § IfXill, § iT 
ill, § 1.1: ill). While other bodily organs can be forced to change, the heart is not 
influenced by outside forces. It accepts or rejects things according to its own decision?? 
Xunzi's promotion ofthe authority of the heart resulted directly from late 
Warring State general concern of the power ofthe ruler (jun quan :titt). Chapter 21 in 
Xunzi begins with an assertion that the world does not have two Ways and the sage does 
not have two hearts (*r~=:ii, ~.A~~1~\)?8 To Xunzi, political disorder arises 
when the Way is not united and authority is divided. Ifpower in a state is shared by the 
ruler and the minister then danger will occur. The solution to this crisis is that command 
comes only from the ruler just as bodily movements are decided by the heart. 
36 See chapter "Jiebi" MmlC in Xunzi xinzhu, p. 354.
 
37 Xunzi xinzhu, ibid. Translation cited from Knoblock, Xunzi, Vol. 3, p. 105.
 
38 Knoblock, p. 100.
 
101 
Interestingly, Xunzi's idea of a controlling heart is found in a more articulated 
expression in the Mawangdui manuscript "Wuxing" 1iiT and is contradicted by a 
probably earlier version of the text discovered in Guodian bamboo documents. 
According to Pang Pu mfr, the Mawangdui "Wuxing" manuscript is composed 
of two sources: one is the classic text, thejing ~,and the other is the explanation of the 
classic, the shuo ~. Jing ~ 22 in the manuscript states that ears, eyes, nose, mouth, 
hands and feet are commanded by the heart. When the heart agrees on things, none of 
them dares disagree. When the heart commands them to move, none of them would 
disobey.39 What is strongly argued by the passage is the absolute control of the heart 
over the body. The heart "yi 19:", employs, other organs and its order must be followed.4o 
However, an earlier version of the "Wuxing" text found in Guodian documents 
presents a totally different conclusion. Slips 45 to 46 contain almost identical wo.rding 
with the Mawangdui manuscript. In the passage, the six organs are employed by the heart 
and none of them dare to resist its order. Nevertheless, this affirmation of the governance 
of the heart is immediately followed by an emphasis upon the cooperation between the 
heart and the organs. As the Guodian text says, "[When the heart and the organs are] 
39 The sentence reads: 1J:§"lJ-¥JE7\~, 1L.\ZJ9:1:Bo 1L.\EJpt, ~J1:!>(IG[pt, 1L.\EJiit, ~]J1:!>c/G[iito IL.\] 
EJ:li, ~:ij:/Gj!o 1L.\EJm, ~:ij:/Gm. See Pang Pu, Boshu wuxingpianyanjiu, p. 60. 
40 This controlling and obedient relationship between the heart and the body is elaborated in the shuo part. 
It adopts Mengzi's concept of "big body" (da ti :kfit) and "small body" (xiao ti /Nil) to argue for the 
logicality of the command of the heart. In chapter "Gaozi shang" 1!f-=f-.t, Mengzi distinguishes bodily 
parts into two levels, important and less important, and uses this to argue for the distinction between men of 
different ranks and moral qualities. Mengzi does not seem to confirm the authority of the ruler in using 
these bodily metaphors. However, the Mawangdui shuo explanation revises Mengzi's acknowledgement of 
rank difference and makes it a reason for the obedience of the minister to the ruler. For Mengzi's concept, 
see Yang Bojun, Mengzi yizhu I I: I5, I I: 16, pp. 270- I. 
102 
harmonious they are integrated. When they are integrated [the body] is good (~O~IJ IPJ, 
As scholars generally agree, the Guodian "Wuxing" was written around 300 
B.C.E. and probably predates Mengzi. The Mawangdui "Wuxing" undoubtedly has a 
close textual relation with the Guodian document. The reason that it did not include the 
Guodian ending is hard to know. It could result from textual corruption or deliberate 
revision. In any case, despite the difference in the two versions, a tension in the ruler and 
minister relationship is apparent in these writings. In other words, from the early Warring 
States until its end there was a general debate about the ruler/minister relationship and 
how that might be most accurately compared to the relationship between the heart and 
other bodily organs. The Guodian text seems to present a balanced view on this issue: 
while admitting the authority of the heart, it emphasizes at the same time the importance 
of the other organs. 
Indeed, this argument of the indispensable role of ministers is not a lonely voice. 
Even when Xunzi stresses the authority ofthe ruler, he also makes it clear that the ruler 
should not intervene in the duties of the ministers. In chapter 12 in Xunzi, the ideal ruler 
is described as being able to see without looking, to hear without listening, to know 
without thinking and to accomplish without moving. He simply sits and the world follows 
41 See Guodian Chumu zhujian ~~J15~~t'r1ll (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1998), p. 150. 
42 Chapter "Jundao" ~j]!. See Knoblock, Xunzi, Vol. 2, p. 185. 
103 
achieve this, the rulerlheart dwells within the central cavity and allows the 
ministers/organs to carry out their individual function (It §.IJ %~~, 1~Ffr~ffiJ/Ft§ 
What is suggested in the above passages is the following: as each bodily organ 
has its own capacity, each minister has his own duties.44 A ruler supervises his ministers 
but leaves them to fulfill their own roles. To a ruler, the key to success lies in the proper 
use of "method" (shu #i).45 
This Taoist-Legalist view was continued in HanJeizi ~l~~-=f and Guanzi "f 
-=f .46 For example, essay 36 in Guanzi compares the position ofthe heart in the body to 
the throne of the ruler and equates the duties of the nine orifices to the divisions of office 
('~'Z:frH, ~zf:fr-tBo n~z~$X, gz7t-tB).Itthenarguesthatiftheheartdoes 
not intervene in the affairs of the ears and eyes, each official is able to maintain his own 
duties ('~'rm~~tJBI!Z*, ~lJgf·WifJt7t*).47 Elsewhere in Guanzi this principle is 
more clearly announced: "The heart does not do the work of the nine orifices but the nine 
43 Knoblock, Vol. 3, p. 16. 
44 These none-interchangeable capacities/duties are defIned by Xunzi as "the faculties given by heaven" 
(7C'§). Knoblock, ibid. 
45 Shu seems to be a popular word in Warring States and early Han political discussions. It appears 
repeatedly inXunzi, Hanjeizi, Guanzi, Lushi Chunqiu and Huainanzi. 
46 See Knoblock, Vol. 2, note 82, p. 323. For Hanjeizi, see chapter fourteen "Jianjie shichen" ~1;b~J\~", 
in Chen Qiyou 1N!:~"IiR Hanjeizijishi ¥'~PT~U~ (Taibei: Shijie shuju, 1963), p. 247. 
47 See "Xinshu shang" It.,ttj..t in Zhi Weicheng 3t{ij!;pj(; Guanzi tongshi 1rTiffi~~, (Shanghai: Shanghai 
shudian, 1996), pp. 258, 260. 
104 
orifices are in order; the ruler does not do the work of the five offices but the five offices 
are in order" (,c..\/f'~11~11~¥€l, tt/f'~11'§11 ,§¥€l).48 
Considering the long textual history of Guanzi, which extended probably from 
the fifth century RC.E. to the early Han, this promoting of the power of the ministers 
while acknowledging the authority of the ruler indicates that a debate on this issue 
probably had been going on during these centuries. Furthermore, if we consider as well 
the same emphasis presented in the Guodian "Wuxing" text, in Xunzi and Hanjeizi and 
compare these with Mengzi and "Ziyi", we see that among Warring States philosophers 
there was an effort, expressed through their use of heart-body metaphors, to restrain the 
power of the ruler while at the same time defending his authority. 
This tension between restraining and defending the power of the ruler continued 
from the Warring States to Han time. For example, despite preparing for the impending 
unification, Lushi Chunqiu nevertheless warns the ruler not to take over the duties ofthe 
officials (tt1~lfi§'] ~lf i§'] ).49 Even when power centralization was finalized during 
Emperor Wu's fttW era, the battle for power between the ruler and the ministers still 
continued. For instance, many chapters in Chunqiujanlu speak of the ruler as the heart of 
the people and the people as the body of the ruler. The ruler/minister relationship seen in 
"Ziyi" and Mengzi is developed in Chunqiujanlu.50 At the same time, the Taoist-Legalist 
ideal ruler is also described in the text. In this description, the metaphor takes on a 
48 See essay "Jiu shou" tL'ij' in Zhi Weicheng's Guanzi tongshi, p. 352.
 
49 Xu Weiyu, Lushi Chunqiujishi, chapter 17, p. lIB.
 
50 See Lai Yanyuan, Chunqiujanlujinzhujinyi, p. 285.
 
105 
somewhat different emphasis. The Taoist-Legalist emphasizes that the ruler should be 
hidden,just as the heart hides in the chest (~Jm~'8, ~1L.\zJU~Jm).51 What follows 
this is an emphasis that the ruler should trust the rights of the minister. To a ruler, he 
should take the state as his body and rely upon the ministers to form his heart (IZSI ~ ~~ 
~, IZSI ~ ~~1L.\).52 
The ruler's body: integration and reduplication 
Despite the different types of ruler/minister relationships described in early texts, 
the analogy between the authority of the ruler and the dominance of the heart in the body 
was commonly accepted by philosophers and was expressed in their writings. With the 
movement toward political unification and the development of a centralized power, the 
advocacy of an undivided and unchallengeable authority was intensified. As Huainanzi 
wrote: "heaven, earth and the universe reside in one man's body and all in the world are 
under the governance of the ruler" (*±lli*Ii! , - AZ~ ill ; /\ -g.Z i*J, - Az1M 
ill).53 In this configuration,Jhe entire universe is compared to a single body-the body 
of the ruler in whom all power is centralized. 
This affirmation ofthe power ofthe ruler found its most explicit expression in 
Chunqiu Gongyang zhuan tftk0$1$. In this text the ruler and the state are regarded as 
51 Lai Yanyuan, Chunqiujanlujinzhujinyi, p. 432.
 
52 Ibid, p. 165.
 
53 Chapter eight "Benjing xun" *~~$II. See Liu Wendian, Huainan hongliejijie, Vol. 2, p. 80.
 
106 
an integrated unit (guo jun yiti ~tt -ftt).54 What is implied in this assertion is a notion 
of consistency between the ruler's body and state politics. When the structure of the body 
is paralleled to social institutions and the ruler is equated with the dominative heart, the 
principle ofmanaging the body became part of statecraft. Following this logic, the way of 
cultivating life and the way of ruling the state became compatible and are condensed in 
the body of the ruler. 55 Because of this analogy, the opening essays in the twelveji 1.ic 
sections in Lushi Chunqiu give detailed injunctions to the ruler on how to nourish his 
body in accordance with the seasonal changes in order to maintain the harmony of nature 
and ensure prosperity of the state. 56 These injunctions concerned such things as which 
imperial hall should be the ruler's place of residence at any given time, what clothes he 
should wear on various occasions, the food he should eat and many other bodily 
movements. The idea behind this was that such choices on the part of the ruler were 
necessary to balance and transform the forces of the universe.57 Any violation of these 
rule (ling ~) will cause disasters both in the natural world and in human society. 58 
54 Chunqiu Gongyang zhuan zhushu :Wt'c 0$1~H!~, (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1999), Duke
 
Zhuang M0 4, p. 123.
 
55 See the Huangdi neijing passage cited on page 13.
 
56 See the fIrst essays in each chapter in theji section in Lushi Chunqiu.
 
57 For example, the essay on the second of summer months indicates that during the month yin and yang 
forces compete with each other, and because of this, a gentleman should keep his body still, restrain his 
desire and settle his heart. These are followed by a prohibition ofthe use of legal punishment in order to 
fmalize the achievement ofyin and yang. See Xu Weiyu, Lushi Chunqiujishi, chapter fIve, pp. 3B-4A. 
58 These regulations in Lushi Chunqiu were adopted by Huainanzi; they appear also in the "Yueling" J:l1(­
chapter in Liji. See chapter fIve in Liu Wendian, Huainan hongliejijie, Vol. 3, pp. 20-41; Liji zhengyi, pp. 
438-565. 
107 
Since natural disaster resulted directly from the failure of the ruler in balancing
, 
the relationship between the human society and the natural world, according to the notion 
ofguo jun yi ti (~tt-H), the state could redeem itself from the natural punishment by 
offering a symbolic sacrifice of the body of the ruler. The sagely King Tang's 
self-sacrifice to end a drought is probably the most famous story reflecting this notion. As 
related in Lushi Chunqiu, after Tang conquered Xia, the kingdom suffered from a 
five-year drought. Tang pleaded with the god and the spirits, claiming that the people 
were innocent and that he was the only one to blame. Cutting his hair and binding his 
hands, Tang offered himself as a sacrifice to bring rain. The people were greatly pleased 
by this and rain came immediately.59 
What is clearly reflected in this story is the integration of the body of the ruler 
with the body of the state. By damaging his own body, Tang repays the damage in the 
natural world caused by state politics. In this sense, Tang transforms himself to become a 
mediator who connects heaven, earth and man and negotiates with the universe on behalf 
ofhuman society. Furthermore, Tang's self-sacrifice demonstrates as well the symbolic 
meaning of his body: similar to his claim as the only representative of the people, Tang 
59 Essay "Shunming" JI~~. See Xu Weiyu, Liishi Chunqiujishi, chapter nine, 6A-B. This story also 
appears in chapter "Zhushu xun" .::Etfj~'11 in Huainanzi, see Uu Wendian, Huainan hongliejijie, Vol. 3, p. 
6. It is also discussed by Wang Chong, who believed that Tang did sacrifice his body but doubted the 
immediate arrival of the rain, see Lunheng, chapter "Gan xu pian" ~J1!lUit pp. 111-3. 
108 
offers his body as the single legitimate redemption that the state can pay for its fault. His 
body therefore represents the state and manifests his authority as a ruler.60 
This integration between the body of the ruler and the body of the state strongly 
promoted the political legitimacy ofthe ruler. According to the notion of the Mandate of 
Heaven (tianming X$), the ruler was chosen by heaven as the agent who carried out its 
will in the human world. Because the ruler's body was regarded as a symbol of the state, 
its physical connections with heaven was then understood as a necessary proofof the 
ruler's legitimacy. Consequently, the ruler's body was often mystified in order to 
promote this idea.61 
The mystification of the ruler's body seems to have undergone three steps of 
development in early China which roughly correspond to the Warring States, the Former 
Han, and the Later Han. Ifwe chose Xunzi, Huainanzi and Later Han chenwei texts as the 
representative of each period and compare their relevant passages, we see some 
interesting changes in the development of the mystification of the body. 
First, qualified candidates for this new myth of the ruler's body were selected by 
different criteria in each period. As indicated in the "Feixiang" chapter inXunzi, Warring 
States attention on this matter was centered upon descriptions both of the unusual 
physical appearances of legendary sages in high antiquity and also the bodies of famous 
60 This symbolic sacrifice of the ruler's body was continued through Chinese history. Whenever there was 
a natural disaster, the emperor would issue a self-blaming decree and practice physical restraint, abstaining 
temporarily from meat, wine and sex. 
61 For mysticism in facilitating and consolidating kingship in early China, see Julia Ching's book, 
Mysticism and Kingship in China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), especially the first two 
chapters. 
109 
officials in the recent past.62 However, in Huainanzi ministers were deprived of this 
attention and the body of the ancient kings was deified, which goes well beyond the 
earlier concept seen inXunzi. This change defined explicitly the rulers' body as the only 
legitimate object of mystification, which further reflects the ideology concerning the 
centralization of power that predominated during Huainanzi's time. In Later Han 
apocryphal texts, sage kings still occupied the center of this type of bodily description. 
However, the definition of sage kings was broadly extended so that it included as well 
mythical rulers such as the Three Emperors (san huang ..=:.~) created by people during 
the Han. In addition to this, Confucius and his major disciples were also granted this 
honor due to the dominance ofConfucian ideology. In the view of the people of the Later 
Han, Confucius and his leading students were shengren JIA who were equal or 
superior in stature to political leaders. Confucius, especially, was the "uncrowned 
king".63 
Second, the descriptions of extraordinary bodies in Han texts were systemized 
well beyond what one finds inXunzi. In the "Feixiang" chapter, physical appearance 
seems to be randomly described with no logical link between the subjects' abnormal 
bodies and their stories. For example, it is impossible to understand why Gaoyao's ..f13ti!l 
face was like that of a shaved melon or why Fuyue 1t"IDt looked like he had a fin 
62 These men include King Van ofXu ~{II.r:, Confucius, Zigong T"3, Gongsun Lii 0fJds, Sunshu 
Ao fJ~J1t, and Duke of She, Zigao ~0T~. SeeXunzi xinzhu, pp. 51-3. 
63 For the changing meanings ofsheng, see Gu Jiegang's "Chunqiu shidai de Kongzi he Han dai de 
Kongzi" wtk~{~I¥JJLT5fQ~{-tI¥JJLT, in Gushi bian ~ ~m (Hong Kong: Taiping shuju, 1962), Vol. 
2, pp. 131-2. See also Zhu Pingyi's discussion on the notion ofshengren bu xiang ~A/f'~§ in his Handai 
de xiangren shu, pp. 84-93. 
110 
emerging from his back. It is also hard to believe that a minister Gongsun Ui 0fj g in 
Wei lt.r was seven feet tall and had a three-foot long face with a forehead three inches 
across and nostrils, eyes and ears all pushed together.64 Xunzi offers no clue to fathom 
the ideas behind these strange physical appearances. 
In contrast, Huainan zi provides explanations that link the sages' physical 
features with their merits. For example, the three ear channels of Yu ~ is termed "great 
passableness" (da tong :*Jm.) and they symbolize his achievement in controlling the 
flood and dredging the rivers. The fact that King Wen had four nipples is called "great 
humaneness" (da ren :*1=) and represent his benevolent governance.65 In these 
accounts, the symbolic meanings of the body are the central focus. The additional ear 
channels are equated with the river channels Yu dredged. King Wen's extra nipples 
allude clearly to his ability to nourish people. In other words, political merits are 
recognizable in the bodies of the sagely rulers. 
A further comparison between Xunzi and Han texts shows that many of the ad 
hoc bodily features in Xunzi disappear in Han records. Instead, Huainanzi and chenwei 
texts present a new set of vocabularies to describe unusual sagely bodies. As a result, 
there was a certain degree of consistency in the Han creation of divine bodies. The head 
and face became the focus of the descriptions, and, at the same time, more and more 
animal features and natural objects appeared on the bodies of the sages. 
64 SeeXunzi xinzhu, pp. 51-3; Knoblock, Xunzi, p. 204.
 
65 See "Xiuwu xun" {,*.f1}WII in Liu Wendian, Huainan hongliejijie, Vol. 3, p. 40.
 
111 
In chenwei texts, "Tiger nose" (hu bi }]E.), "bird mouth/forehead" (niao 
hui/ting I~~/~)' "ox head" (niu shou L:f:: to and, especially, "dragon face" (long yan 
~~m) frequently appear. The reflection of these powerful animals or divine creature on 
the bodies of the legendary rulers clearly suggests the supernatural power these rulers 
possessed. In addition to this, their facial characteristics also resemble natural objects 
such as a mountain (nose, shan zhun W~), river (eye, he mu, ¥PJ §), sun (forehead ri 
jiao B~), and constellations (eyebrow bone, zhu heng :J)jc~). Such features again point 
to the mighty power that Heaven has bequeathed upon them. Liji presents the theory 
behind this: "[Therefore] in making principles [of the world], a sage must model heaven 
and earth as the foundation, yin and yang as the beginnings, the four seasons as the 
handles, and the sun and stars as the order" (t.t~~A 1t~IJ, ~,l;),~±lli~*, l;),~~~~ 
Yfffl, l;), lZYa~~m, l;), B~~f.\C).66 In chenwei texts, this imitation of the heavenly and 
natural principles is corporealized on the faces of the sagely rulers. 
The Han creation of sagely bodies also demonstrates a temporal continuity. 
Despite their time differences, legendary rulers in chenwei texts share many similar 
physical features. The Yellow Emperor, Fuxi, and Yao are all portrayed as having a 
dragon face and a sun-shaped forehead. Both Fuxi and Yu are depicted either as 
possessing a mountain-shaped nose or a nose resembling that ofa tiger. And Yao and Yu 
are similar in having foreheads that resemble a bird. These shared facial characteristics 
make their appearances identical in one way or another, creating a physical continuity 
66 Chapter "Liyun" UHf in Liji zhengyi, p. 698. 
112 
from one ruler to his successor. In return, their bodily resemblances were promoted as an 
evidence of their political legitimacy. The sagely bodies were reduplicated in order to 
illustrate a genealogical line for the succession of power. Moreover, this reduplication of 
the body was extended to the portrayals of Han emperors. Liu Bang, the founder of Han 
dynasty, shared many physical features with Yao, who, in the view of Han people, was 
the very ancestor of the Liu family. Both Yao and Liu Bang had a dragon-like face, a 
sun-shaped forehead, and black dots on their bodies.67 In addition to this, the appearance 
of Emperor Ming of the Later Han was said to "resemble the ancestor Yao.,,68 The 
reduplicated body of Yao illustrated clearly that the political legitimacy of the Han 
emperors was genetic. As Chunqiufanlu argues, "[the ruler] imitates his ancestors' 
appearance and takes their great virtues as his model" (yt*tl3.5tAZ~~fG, ~IJJt~1!) .69 
Political disorder and bodily dysfunction 
This discursive integration of the ruler's body with the body of the state 
presented strong support for the political legitimacy and authority of the ruler. In such an 
extension of the metaphorical meanings of the body into the political realm, a ruler 
governed the state in the way he nourished his own body, making sure that all the organs 
functioned in an orderly fashion, that qi flew smoothly within the body and that the 
67 See Chunqiu hecheng tu wtk-g.~II, in Yasui Kozan ~mW L1J and Nakamura Shohachi J:j=JHJ!fiA
 
edit., ChOshu isho shusei £1Iim~~pj(; (Tokyo: Meitoku Press, 1971), Vol. 4, p. 5.
 
68 Wu Shuping annotates Dongguan Hanjijiaozhu, p. 55.
 
69 Lai Yanyuan, Chunqiujanlujinzhujinyi, p. 245.
 
113 
exchange of energy within the universe was well balanced. As illness would occur when 
the order and circulation of qi inside the human body were interrupted, so the body ofthe 
state would be affected if the ruler did not govern it properly. This illness within the 
political realm was defined in Lushi chunqiu as "the blockage of the state" (guo yu ~ 
e).70 
In the "Da yu" :lie essay ofLushi Chunqiu it first states that if the bones and 
sinews are strong, the heart is at peace; and ifthe blood and qi circulate smoothly, the 
body is healthy. However, when the essential qi (jing qi *"J-') stagnates, it causes illness 
and malevolence (mz. 00 ~ ~z.~ili, *"J-'~ili).71 The text draws a parallel to this 
stagnancy ofjing qi in the natural world, using such images as sewage in water, 
wood-boring insects on a tree and the withering ofa plant.72 As for the state, the ruler's 
de qm is equated withjing qi and is vital in maintaining the health of the state. When the 
ruler's de does not circulate or when the people's desires are frustrated, blockages appear 
Furthermore, evils and catastrophes arise ifproper governance is not 
reestablished and the blockages within the state continue.74 Lushi Chunqiu interprets 
70 Xu Weiyu, Liishi Chunqiu jishi, chapter 20, p. 17 A.
 
71 Xu Weiyu, chapter 20, p. 16B.
 
72 Xu Weiyu, ibid. John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel, The Annals ofLii Buwei, p. 527.
 
73 Xu Weiyu, chapter 20, p. 17A. Knoblock and Riegel, ibid.
 
74 Xu Weiyu, ibid. Knoblock and Riegel, The Annals ofLii Buwei, ibid.
 
114 
ominous signs and evil happenings as misfortunes sent down by heaven to warn the ruler 
about his corruption. As an important component of the state, the bodies of the people 
unavoidably become the victim ofthe improper governance: 
-Ml.:r• .:rEJ: "x;Ltltz~, ~~lf~JFm, S~, ~$~~, m$~#~m, lfJ'B 
1~M, ;~a& ~ 1:. 0 " 
Thus, Master Huazi said: "Among the people of a disordered age there are no 
rules, everything is confused, and thence, all manner of illness arises. The people 
suffer numerous illnesses and afflictions. On the roads are abandoned infants. 
The blind, the bald, hunchbacks, and swaybacks-a myriad ofprodigies 
appears.,,75 
Influenced by this understanding of the relationship between politics and the body, in the 
mind of early Chinese, bodily dysfunction resulted directly from political disorder. 
Because ofthis, Han omenological documents pointedly discuss bodily dysfunctions and 
the abnormalities ofthe body as omens that signify political mismanagement. 
The"Wuxing zhi" 1i11'it chapter in Hanshu warns the ruler to be cautious 
about five deeds: his demeanor must be reverent (mao gong ~~~), his orders in 
accordance with the people's heart (yan cong § 1f£), his inspection intelligent (shi ming 
fJl~Jj), his receiving admonitions impartial (ting cong ~Qt) and his thoughts 
open-minded (si rui ,~,~).76 Violations of these principles on the ruler's part not only 
cause natural and political disasters, they also cause the bodies of the people to become 
dysfunctional. Ifthe ruler's demeanor was not reverent, the people would suffer from 
legal punishments or their appearance would be ugly (~$*&:~:U, EX;%~~IDl!~). If the 
75 Xu Weiyu, chapter 6, pp. 19A-B. Translation modified from Knoblock and Riegel, p. 170. 
76 Hanshu 27: 1351. 
115 
ruler's commands were improper the people would have an illness of tongue and mouth. 
If the ruler was unwise in judging his ministers the people would suffer from eye sickness. 
Dysfunction in the people's ear was caused when the ruler listened to his ministers in a 
partial way. Heart and abdominal pains would afflict the people when the ruler was 
intolerant to his officials.77 What is articulated in this admonition is that the defect and 
disabilities of the ruler's governance directly cause the bodily dysfunctions among his 
people. 
In addition to this, the "Wuxing zhi" chapter also interprets bodily abnormalities 
and transfigurations as omens that indicate disorders in state politics. For example, citing 
ling Fang's ::ij()% commentary on Yijing ~~, the chapter explains that if a woman 
transforms into a man it suggests the yin force overcomes the yang force and the power is 
controlled by women. On the other hand, a man transforming into a woman signifies that 
yang is defeated by yin, and this, with regard to the state, implies the absence of a 
successor to the throne. 78 
The case of a man changing into a woman was reported to have happened during 
the reign of Emperor Ai's .-:Rffl (r. 26-1 BCE). The explanation ofthis oddity is linked 
to Emperor Ai's failure to produce an heir apparent and his indulgence ofmale favorites. 
Similarly, a strange birth recorded in Emperor Ping's fffl reign (r. 1-5 CE.) was also 
77 Hanshu 27: 1353, 1376, 1405, 1421, and 1441. 
78 Hanshu 27, 1472-3. A later Han apocryphal text titled Chunqiu qian tan ba 1:ftlcrlrf ~ also explains a 
woman changing into a man as indicating the dismissal ofa virtuous man and the ruler's lack of proper 
assistance. As for a man transforming into a woman, the text writes it suggests the rise ofyin force and the 
gathering ofpetty men (~T{t~)l:X' ~A -t:1ft., ~J4@; )l:X1t~~T, ~1i*t1.!j[, /J\A~). See 
Yasui Kozan and Nakamura edit., ChOshu isho shiisei, Vol. 4, p. 96. 
116 
believed to indicate problems in the government. In the sixth month of the first year of 
the common era, a woman in the capital gave birth to a son who had two heads, four arms 
and eyes on his bottom. The "Wuxing zhi" chapter cites Jing Fang and argues that eyes 
growing on the lower body suggests that there is no ruler and that power will change 
hands (~~~llt:J:, IEJI{f~J!). This occurrence of such an oddity, Jing Fang asserts, 
negatively points to the loss of authority. In fact, Jing Fang argues that each evil 
happening indicates a loss of rectitude and in all cases has an appropriate symbol in the 
corresponding category in the governance. As he concludes, "In general the surfacing of 
oddities is to criticize the wrongdoings in the government, for each of the prodigies has a 
likeness [in the political sphere]" (fL~Z1t, ~~~IE, ~~~~~).79 Because of this 
way of thinking, the two heads of the boy indicates the disloyalty ofministers and the 
four arms suggest the ruler is making use of evil men. 80 The abnormal birth, noted above, 
probably points in this type of omenology to Wang Mang's usurpation. The dislocation of 
the head or facial organs on the body of the infant clearly alludes to the dislocation of 
authority. His two heads symbolizes as well the division ofpower. 
Such readings ofphysical malformations presents from a specific aspect a 
central characteristic in Han cosmology: that is, in Han cosmological thinking the world 
was made up of a series of categories, and whatever happened to one element within that 
category reverberated throughout other elements or units of that category. In this type of 
thought, the physical body was clearly connected with the body of the emperor and the 
79 Hanshu 27: 1473-4. 
80 Hanshu 27: 1474. 
117 
state. In addition to this, readings of physical malformations reflect as well the popularity 
of omenology in Han China. 81 In Han political thinking, the most important 
responsibility of the emperor and his prime minister was to maintain the balance of 
natural forces, especially the yin and yang ethers. This idea was expressed in numerous 
imperial decrees and memorials. The best example of this political thought was probably 
the anecdote of the Han prime minister Bing Ji p;j~E. As Hanshu reports, Bing Ji once 
ignored a deadly group ofmen fighting on the road but stopped and made inquiries when 
he saw an ox breathing heavily on the roadside. His clerks felt that this behavior was 
curious and inquired as to why he had ignored the one event and asked about the other. 
Bing Ji explained in response that it was the local officials' duty to arrest the street 
fighters but that it was the responsibility of the Three Excellencies to assume 
responsibility for harmonizing yin and yang C-=:. -0.SJ.J~tl~~~).82 According to Bing Ji's 
words, the failure of the government in balancing yin and yang was manifested in natural 
disasters or oddities, omens sent down by heaven as a warning. Because in early Chinese 
medical thought, the body was a microcosm that contained both yin and yang forces and 
exchanged energies with the universe, it could be affected as well by the corruptions in 
81 In Lunheng, Wang Chong criticized a common saying of his time: "People say that men in high antiquity 
were tall and beautiful. Their bodies were strong and their lifetimes were long, averaging one hundred 
years. People in the recent past were short and ugly and they died young. Why was this? [It was said that] 
in high antiquity the qi was harmonious, rich and pure. People were married in time and were conceived by 
good qi and born. When they grew up they-were not harmedandtheir bones were strong. For these reasons 
they were tall, enjoying old age and beautiful looks. The recent generations were opposite to this, therefore 
the people were short and died young, and their figures and faces were ugly. These are absurd sayings." See 
Uu Pansui, Lunhengjishi, p. 381. 
82 Hanshu 74: 3147. 
118 
the politics. As a result, bodily abnonnalities were read as the illustration of political 
disorder. 
The Body as Political Ethics 
This section discusses the ethical meanings of the body in early Chinese political 
ideology. It argues that, in addition to functioning as a political metaphor, the body in 
early Chinese philosophical discourse also describes the ethical foundation ofpolitics. In 
order to do so, virtuous and ruthless rulerships were stereotyped and exemplified through 
the different ways they treated the bodies ofthe people they ruled. The humane care or 
the violent abuse of the body testified to the ethical nature of the state and could even be 
used as an argument for the legitimacy of dynastic change. The discussion that follows 
will be divided into three subsections: first, ruthless governance and its damaging of 
innocent body; second, burying the corpse and the creation of sagely kings; and third, 
Han China's institutionalization of returning home the bodies of dead soldiers as seen in 
the Xuanquan zhi ~7'Ri[ documents. 
Damaging the innocent body: ruthless governance embodied 
The vicious rulers as presented in early Chinese writings shared a set of immoral 
behaviors: they pursued unrestrained material desires, indulged in sensual pleasures, and 
favored evil men while oppressing the virtuous. They were also condemned for their 
neglect of ritual and their betrayal of the proper way. As negative historical precedents, 
vicious rulers were repeatedly referred to in political argumentation and remonstrance. 
119 
Their stories were exaggerated and patterned. From the late Warring States, the 
stereotyped stories of wicked rulers began to focus more and more on their violent 
physical abuse of the bodies of the people they ruled. Damaging the innocent body 
became an evidence of ruthless politics. 
In early Chinese writings, the most infamous rulers were lie ~ of the Xia 
dynasty and Zhou *'l of the Shang. Stories of their moral corruption are found in many 
pre-Qin and Han writings.83 Ifwe compare Mengzi with late Warring States texts, we see 
an emerging focus on the physical torture of the people in the condemnations of these 
unworthy rulers. 
Early Warring States writings present general, less detailed criticisms of lie and 
Zhou. Mengzi's attack on lie and Zhou primarily focused on their violations of 
Confucian principles such as benevolence and rightness.84 According to Mengzi, the 
reason lie and Zhou lost the empire was because they lost the people (~*tz~~r 
ill, ~;!t R.ill).85 However, little detail was provided in Mengzi on how they lost the 
support of the people. Moreover, Mengzi did not seem to view lie and Zhou's brutality as 
a primary expression of their ruthlessness, even though their bad deeds probably had 
83 See Mozi ~T, chapter "Fayi" ~t{'!' Liji, chapters "yong bing" ffl~, "Shao xian" d>ff;J:I and "Bao 
fu" f*{~, Hanfei zi, "Shi guo" +Jte'!, "Nan shi" ~~\ and "Ren zhu" A:t., Liishi Chunqiu, essays "Gong 
ming" J.:IJ~ and "Shen da" 'tJtx, Huainan zi, "Benjing xun" *Y.\~WII, Lunheng, "Yu he" ~.g. and "Qi 
shi" ~tlt. 
84 In Mengzi's words, Jie and Zhou were mutilators of benevolence and cripplers of rightness (Jl;Jlt1ZA). 
See Yang Bojun, Megnzi yizhu, 2.8, p. 42. D.C. Lau, Mencius, p. 43. 
85 Yang Bojun, Mengziyizhu, 7.9, p. 171. D.C. Lau, Mencius, p. 159. 
120 
already been exaggerated in the Spring and Autumn time.86 Similarly, criticism in Mozi 
also showed a general condemnation of Jie and Zhou's hostility toward the people as well 
as their disrespect of gods and spirits. Mozi only briefly mentioned that Jie and Zhou 
cruelly oppressed many people. 87 
Nevertheless, in late Warring States texts, physical torture of innocent people 
became a recurrent theme of the stories of bad rulers. Starting from Xunzi, Zhou was said 
to have created the notorious pao luo Jt!!m torture, by which he forced people to walk 
on a hot metal beam above burning coals. In addition to this, Xunzi claimed that Zhou cut 
open the Shang prince Bigan's b~T body, which, as explained in later texts, was for the 
purpose of examining his heart.88 While strongly arguing for the absolute power of the 
ruler, Hanjeizi continued Xunzi's accusations against Zhou and repeatedly mentioned the 
pao luo punishment and the ripping out of Bigan's heart as examples that a wise ruler 
should not follow.89 In Liishi Chunqiu, more details ofZhou's extreme brutality were 
added. In addition to the accounts found in Xunzi and Hanjeizi, Liishi Chunqiu claims 
Zhou had executed the daughter of the Marquis of Gui (Gui hou -*{~) to confiscate her 
jade disk, cut open the calf of a man to examine his marrow, murdered the Earl ofMei 
(Mei bo MHS) and sent a mincemeat pie made from his remains to the Earl's father King 
86 Zigong -=f~ said that the wickedness of Zhou was not as extreme as it was said (*1z..::f'f!f, ::f"PIJI::z..
 
~m). See Yang Bojun, Lunyuyizhu 19.20, p. 210.
 
87 Mozijinzhujinyi, p. 13.
 
88 Xunzi xinzhu, pp. 244-5.
 
89 See Chen Qiyou, Hanfei zijishi, essays "Nan yan" @§", "Yu lao" Iltltr*, "Nan yi" @-, and "Nan er" 
@=, pp. 49, 400,812 and 823. 
121 
Wen, and also cut open the womb ofa pregnant woman to look at the fetus. 9o A 
stereotyped tyrant and his unethical deeds were thus portrayed through stories that 
depicted him damaging people's bodies and tearing apart their flesh. 
Han documents continued this Warring State's textual creation ofunworthy 
rulers.91 A slightly different account of the above records was repeated in Huainan zi.92 
The criminals in this account were not only Zhou but also the last Xia king lie. The 
accusations against lie for cruel tortures, which earlier texts do not say that he committed, 
and the exaggerated wickedness of Zhou reflect the fear of the ministerial class of 
imagined vicious rulers.93 As Lushi Chunqiu asserts, "The rulers of doomed states are all 
pearls on a single string" (L~Z'±'~Jf).94 lie and Zhou thus represented the 
stereotype ofwicked rulers. 
This late Warring States and early Han intensive condemnations of physical 
torture and brutality resulted directly from the political realities of those times. Consistent 
warfare during the Warring States period caused the loss of many lives, and the Qin was 
notorious for its severe legal punishments, especially corporal punishments. A general 
concern over the ethical degeneration in the political world often found expression in the 
90 Knoblock and Riegel, The Annals ofLii Buwei, p. 596. 
91 Sima Qian accepted many early stories ofZhou. Although in "Basic Annals ofYin" ~*?'c Sima Qian 
did not repeat Zhou's cutting open a man's calf and a woman's womb, he added Zhou's mincing of the 
bodies of two earls. See Shiji 3: 31. 
92 See "Shu zhen xun" ~JU'II in Liu Wendian, Huainan hongliejijie, p. 50. 
93 Zigong -=f~ said that the wickedness of Zhou was not as extreme as it was said (Mz.:If''i1f. :If'"t!Q~z. 
~ill). See Yang Bojun, Lunyu yizhu 19. 20, p. 210. 
94 Knoblock and Riegel, p. 596. 
122 
philosophical writings of these periods. In many cases, this ethical corruption was 
manifested by the rulers' inhumane treatments of people's bodies. For example, Lushi 
Chunqiu listed seven ruthless rulers in the past and described that: 
~~~~,*~.m~.:mHfi.~~~~,~m~.&;*~~MOO~ 
~~~, *_Sf@:; $:~¥*~*it, iE!:§)k, lJi:ij<, ±;fJ;~1iJ¥Jill.~~J3., jB¥)1t~, 
~ B37J, JJQ zl2J- {JjHijU~Uitz. ,l@ 0 
These seven rulers surpassed all other men in acting without the Dao and in 
being immoral. The innocent people they slaughtered and murdered were so 
numerous, they cannot be counted even by the tens of thousands. The corpses of 
the strong and feeble, the old and young, and the miscarried and stillborn filled 
the flat plains and dammed up the deep gorges and great valleys. Those who 
drowned in large floods or huge conflagrations filled ditches and ravines. Yet 
others faced flying arrows or walked on bare blades. And to these we should add 
the sufferings of those who froze or starved.95 
Lushi Chunqiu further lamented that in the contemporary time "[E]xposed skeletons too 
numerous to count form a mound as massive as a mountain." And when a good ruler 
encounters this it would pain his heart and he would be saddened by this. The reason for 
such a tragedy, as Lushi Chunqiu points out, was because of the demise of "those who 
possess the Dao and the licentiousness of those who lack the Dao.,,96 In this conclusion, 
the Dao was clearly understood as an ethical principle and was violated by the physical 
abuse of the body.97 
95 These seven rulers are: Jie, Zhou, King Fuchai ;t(~ ofWu ~, Zhibo ~'rS and Duke Li he -0 ofJin 
fi', Duke Ling Jt-0 ofChen ~t and King Kang J*3:: of Song *. Translation cited from Knoblock and 
Riegel, The Annals ofLu Buwei, p. 183. 
96 Knoblock and Riegel, p. 183. 
97 A passage in Huainan zi confrrms Lushi Chunqiu's description of late Warring State's massive killing of 
people. Chapter "Lan ming xun" jf~ijllI writes: "Near the end of the era (late Warring States), the seven 
states... assembled troops to fight each other. They attacked cities and killed people at random. They 
toppled those on high and endangered those who were safe. They dug out tombs and exposed corpses 100 tit 
z.~, -tOOL. ~~W;f§Jf.l, J5l:~~~, 5~:fe;:t.:, 1ftI!JJf;l;, mA~." Liu Wendian, Huainan honglie 
jijie, Vol. 2, p. 55. 
123 
Burying the corpses: the manifestation o/virtuous rulership 
Despite their different political ideologies, Warring States and Han writings 
commonly present King Wen as a virtuous ruler and an ideal sovereign. The images of 
King Wen in Warring States and Han texts were of a loyal earl to the Shang king, a wise 
ruler who followed the Way, a generous patron of the talented and a humane king who 
cared for his people.98 The depictions ofKing Wen in Warring States and Han texts also 
highlight his disapproval of using violence and warfare. He conquered his enemies 
through moral force rather than defeat them on the battlefield. When he had to attack 
other states, stories often portrayed him as a liberator who saved the people from evil 
kings in accord with the will ofheaven. Such an anti-war, humanist image of King Wen 
in the Warring States period posed a sharp contrast to his character seen in Shijing. In 
addition to being a great, kind ruler, King Wen in Shijing is also a mighty, revered figure 
ofmajesty. For example, one poem praises King Wen's military achievement of conquest 
ofthe state of Chong *.99 Another poem states that when the people ofMi were 
disobedient, King Wen "rose majestic in his wrath" (.3:.#Jj;:jtJT~). He marshaled his troops 
and defeated his foes. This poem also describes that after King Wen conquered Chong, 
"captives were brought in one after another; the left ears [of the slain] were taken 
98 As Sima Qian summarized in Shiji, King Wen was fond of ren (du ren ~1=), he showed respect to the 
elders and affection to the young and treated the worthy with respect and utilized them properly. Shiji 4: 16 
99 See the poem "Wen wang you sheng" )(£ff~, Cheng Junying t!E1~~ Shijing yizhu ~if~~~:nE 
(Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995), p. 520. 
100 Poem "Huang yi" ~~, Cheng Junying, pp. 510, 512. 
124 
This portrayal of King Wen as an awe-inspiring, mighty monarch was erased in 
Warring States textual presentations. Instead, a humane, prudent and tolerant King Wen 
emerged as a commonly accepted image of a virtuous ruler who contrasted sharply with 
the wicked stereotypes of rulers such as Jie and Zhou. King Wen in Warring States and 
Han writings dominated the world by his moral power. He conquered the world by 
winning the hearts of the people. His humane treatment of the people's bodies played a 
significant role in these later descriptions of his moral character. 
For example, Liishi Chunqiu reports the following story: King Wen sent 
someone to dig a pond and the worker found the skeleton of a dead man. King Wen 
ordered it to be buried. When the clerk objected to this because there was no officiating 
host of the skeleton, King Wen replied by saying that the ruler of the world/state was the 
host of the world/state, and therefore he was the host of the dead man. He then 
commanded the clerk to rebury the skeleton in a shroud and coffin. The power of such a 
humane deed, as Liishi Chunqiu says, was so great that the whole world admired him: 
"When the world heard of it, all said, 'King Wen is worthy. His generosity extends to the 
remains of flesh and bone. How much more do the living benefit!",lOl 
Highlighted in this story are two important political messages: burying the 
anonymous body is a political and ethical demonstration, and such an act increases the 
101 Essay "Yi yong" ~ffl. Summary and translation adopted form Knoblock and Riegel, p. 238. This story 
probably derived from an anecdote in the Analects: Whenever a friend died who had no kin to whom his 
body could be taken, the master said, "Let him be given a funeral from my house" (Misi:~, ~?fi~, 
El: ~fltJl). Yang Bojun, Lunyu yizhu 10.22, D.C. Lau, The Analects, p. 104. 
125 
ruler's power because the entire world would come to support a humane king. 102 These 
messages are made clear in Huainanzi that "King Wen buried the skeleton of a dead man 
and the Nine Yi changed their loyalties to him" ()(.=E~~Az..~, rm:tL~~z..).103 
The word gui ~ (to follow, to yield, to submit) was a recurrent theme in 
Warring States stories of King Wen's humane treatment of the people's bodies. In 
Mengzi, the following story was told twice: when Po Yi 1B~ heard of the rise ofKing 
Wen he said, "Why not go home? I hear that Xibo takes good care of the aged" (M~.:p. 
*! -B-lirliffi1Ba.~1'f). When Taigong j;(0 heard of the rise of King Wen he 
repeated Po Yi's words, "Why not go home? I hear that Xibo takes good care of the 
aged.,,104 It is clear here that the reason that people thought of coming to King Wen's 
state as if they were going home is because he nourished their bodies. As Mengzi 
concludes, "When there is someone in the world who takes good care of the aged, 
benevolent men will look upon him as their refuge."lOS 
102 This story is retold in Xinxu, chapter "Za shi" fl$. 
103 Chapter "Renjian xun" A FI'I'wll, see Liu Wendian, Huainan hongliejijie., Vol. 5, p. 27. 
104 Yang Bojun, Mengzi yizhu, 7.13, 13.22, pp. 174,310. D.C. Lau, Mencius pp. 83, 149. 
105 D.C. Lau, p. 149. This winning the heart of people through humane treatment of their bodies was 
repeated in other Warring States texts. Da Dai Liji writes that King Wen requested Zhou to abolish the pao 
luo punishment and the people of Yin followed him. Similar accounts of the story also appear in HanJeizi 
and Lushi Chunqiu in which it says that King Wen's appeal of abolishing the punishment won the heart of 
the people. See Da Dai Liji, p. 44. HanJeizijishi, "Nan er", p. 823. Liu Wendian, Lush; Chunqiujishi, 
chapter nine, p. 7B. 
126 
Xuanquan zhi documents and Han China's institutionalization ofburing corpses 
The idea of humane treatment of the corpse as a manifestation of the ethical 
nature of the state was institutionalized by the Han government. The earliest Han record 
of this is found in Hanshu. The "Basic Annals of Emperor Gaozu" ~*li**c reports 
that in the eleventh month in year 199 BCE, when Liu Bang was attacking King Xin of 
Han (~ij!£1j§) he decreed that "soldiers who died in the army should be given a small 
coffin and returned to their home counties. The counties must provide shroud, coffin and 
other funeral material. They should be offered the shao lao &$ sacrifice and senior 
clerks should attend their funerals.,,106 A Han document discovered in Xuanquan zhi ~ 
jJt:i\ a Han military site, shows the continuation of this tradition to Emperor Xuan's 
(r.73-49 BCE) era. Slip I 0309 of the Xuanquan zhi manuscripts contains the following 
record: 
~fi~~+-~~*, ~~~*.,~.(~)~fiA~~.~~,m~, 
*RJII, J:., ~m, 1~~1i, ~~~, rt~~~~tfcj~W, rtBR~~o l2S1i9Ilm.J!3& 
¥PJ~, WJ~, *RJII, ~W, ~W, m~~*tf7E.~ o~n 0 
Fourth year of Shenjue era (58 BCE), eleventh month, day Guiwei, Li Zun, clerk 
ofprime minister, escorted garrison soldiers, who should serve until the sixth 
year of Shenjue era, from Hedong, Nanyang, Yingchuan, Shangdang, Dongjun, 
Jiyin, Weijun and Huaiyang kingdom to Dunhuang Commandery and Jiuquan 
Commandery. Taking this opportunity he received retiring soldiers, sending 
them to Hedong, Nanyang, Yingchuan, Dongjun, Weijun and Huaiyang 
kingdom. At the same time he supervised escorting the carriages that carry the 
small coffins of the dead soldiers. l07 
106 Hanshu 1: 65. This record is not included in Shiji. 
107 Hu Pingsheng ~Jl5f1:. and Zhang Defang sLH!n ed., Dunhuang Xuanquan Hanjian shicui t!l;l:~~ 
jJU~fll~~W (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2001), p. 45. See also Qiu Xigui's ?&~:=E discussion 
of the word "hui" *~, in Qiu Xigui Gu wenzi lunji tJJt'¥~~ (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1992), p. 567. 
127 
According to this record, returning soldiers' bodies from the border area to their 
hometowns seems to have been a regular duty of the government. 108 
This responsibility of the government to take care of the remains of the people of 
the state is also evident in a Han decree written on a painted wall at the Xuanquan zhi site. 
The decree, titled Sishi yueling zhaotiao [9 B~ jj ~~{H*" was publicized in the fifth year 
of the Yuanshi jG~il era (5 CE), which was the last year of Emperor Ping's .If* reign, 
a period when Wang Mang actually held power. It was issued by the great grand empress 
dowager Wang Zhengjun .:Ei!&tl and it began with a discussion of a recent imbalance 
ofyin and yang. The decree then cites a passage from the "Yue ling" jj4t chapter in 
Liji, which warns people not to get pregnant when thunder is coming: "Three days before 
thunder, [officials] wave the bell and command the people, saying, 'Thunder... (one 
character missing) pregnant, until the whole day'" ([5t'§f] - S, .~ ~ ~~~~ El: '§f 
otl1:I: (~f) , -'i:lt S). The missing character in the sentence makes it difficult to 
understand; however, on the painted wall there is a new line written next to it that 
interprets for the readers the meaning of the sentence: "It means that thunder will sound 
in the day of... (a character missing). Three days earlier the government shakes bells in 
order to warn the people of impending thunder. These who do not restrain their behavior 
(getting pregnant), their children [will be imperfect]. There certainly will be disasters 
108 The record ends with Xiao Wangzhi's If~z. comments that Li Zun's delegation should lodge at the 
government posts along the road, as the law prescribes. See Dunhuang Xuanquan Hanjian shicui, p. 45. 
128 
This decree clearly reflects a popular Han belief that for someone to become 
pregnant during a time of thunder could cause both physical and mental defects to an 
infant. Wang Chong's Lunheng provides more information on this. The physical defects, 
according to Wang Chong, include deafness, muteness, being crippled, and blindness. 
Wang Chong believes that human life is formed by qi and that in a day ofthunder the qi 
is so excessive that it harms the conception ofthe fetus. 110 
This concern that the health of the fetus would be affected by excessive natural 
energy derived unquestionably from the early medical notion concerning the formation of 
life. In the Chinese medical tradition, the unstable balance between yin and yang 
impacted directly upon the human body, causing disease, death, bodily abnormalities and 
other physical symptoms. Because in early political thought a ruler was responsible for 
maintaining the balance between yin and yang, it was thus his duty to keep the people 
safe from natural disasters. This notion of the ruler as a nurturer of the people, with its 
strong ethnical connotations, had been articulated in texts describing virtuous political 
leaders and ideal society long before the Han dynasty. However, the Hanshu passage and 
the Xuanquan zhi documents show that the Han government had made an effort to 
109 Dunhuang Xuanquan Hanjian shicui, p. 192-4. Since the decree cites from the "Yueling" chapter, the 
missing characters can be easily supplemented by the "Yueling". Thus the two characters following 1:-=t­
must be "bu bei" ~1i, which mean physical and mental imperfection. See traditional commentaries on 
this "Yueling" passage in Liji zhengyi, p. 476. 
110 Lunhengjijie, p.156. 
129 
institutionalize this ethical idea as a part of official policy. To the Han government, the 
body was not just a metaphysical concept that facilitated the construction ofpolitical 
ideology, it was, more importantly, a social substance that could be utilized, controlled, 
and displayed for various political purposes. 
From Metaphor to Actual Policy-the Body in Han Foreign Policy 
So far in this chapter we have considered how the body is used as a metaphor for 
the relationship of the ruler to the ruled, and also how the care of the peoples' bodies 
became a critical sign of how effectively the ruler was actually governing. In addition to 
this, the body was also turned into a political tool through imposing display and 
ceremony-something I shall refer to here as a "bodily politic" in that the bodies of 
Chinese soldiers and ministers were organized and presented ceremonially to secure a 
favorable foreign relationship. For an example ofhow this worked in the early Chinese 
political world, we tum now to a specific example: the bodily politic as it played out in 
Chinese-Xiongnu ~~X relationships during the Han dynasty. To do so, I will first 
review previous Xiongnu policies carried out by Han China and then discuss the creation 
of a bodily politics by Han elites in dealing with the nomadic people. This section 
therefore follows a roughly chronological order. 
Military campaigns and marriage alliances: unsatisfactory Xiongnu policies 
Throughout the years of Western Han rule, relationships with the Xiongnu 
remained the most important issue of foreign policy. For over a hundred years the Han 
130 
court struggled to maintain peace with, as well as occasionally to fight against, its strong 
northern neighbor. In 51 B.C. the court saw its first Xiongnu shanyu ¥ T, chieftain of 
the Xiongnu people, Huhanye USff~~~, arrive at the capital. The homage that the shanyu 
paid to the Han court thus may be seen as having symbolized the submission of the 
Xiongnu to the Han. However, this turning point did not guarantee that the Chinese court 
would be free from worry at its northern border. Tension and distrust often challenged an 
already fragile relationship. The Xiongnu's own succession process was one such tension. 
Any Han emperor would view a new shanyu with suspicion, since the latter might easily 
deny his submission and invade the border. To confirm his own suzerainty, the Han 
Emperor had to show that he was able to summon the shanyu to his court. Rendering 
homage then provided a certain testimony of the shanyu's loyalty, as well as emboding a 
moment of ritual, splendor, and parade, in which the Han state demonstrated its power 
and ensured loyalty from the Xiongnu. Not only were the visits of the various shanyu 
entered in the Basic Annals of the emperors, but also they were the most important 
episodes in the political careers of the officials who participated in these events. As 
shown in the relevant biographies collected in Han shu, the Han court had a fascinating 
awareness of the significance of the physical appearance, demeanor, and actions of its 
own officials in the enactment of Xiongnu diplomatic affairs. The Han court's triumph 
over the Xiongnu was secured in great measure through the display of the grand and 
masculine bodies of its officials. In the world of Xiongnu relations, making an impression 
with bodily size or gestures served the Chinese as a successful tool for creating a 
convincing and dramatic body-politic. 
131 
-_._---_._--­
During the Western Han period Xiongnu policy had gone through three stages. 
In each stage, certain policies that were detennined by changes in military equilibrium 
between the Chinese court and the Xiongnu had been adopted by the Han government. In 
the first stage, the Chinese used military force to drive the Xiongnu out of its northern 
frontier. In the winter of 200 BCE, the Han emperor Uu Bang launched a campaign 
against the Modun shanyu '@ iJ!J{¥ T, in order to dispell the latter's border invasion. Uu 
Bang's ambition proved unrealistic: he was besieged in the city of Pingcheng 5jZ~ for 
seven days and seems to have escaped capture quite ignobly.lll 
After this humiliation, a military solution was abandoned; instead, accepting the 
court advisor Liu Jing's ~rH!& suggestion, Uu Bang established a new Xiongnu policy. 
This second policy stage has been called the "Harmonious Kinship" policy (he qin )fO~J[). 
It contained two major items: first, a Han court princess would be married to the shanyu; 
second, the court would give the Xiongnu "gifts" several times each year. While the 
"princesses" were not always true daughters of the Han emperors, the "gifts", such as silk 
and food, were real and valuable spoils. I 12 Peace thus was maintained until the early 
period of Emperor Wu's iltm reign (141-87 BCE). 
The he qin treaties were an effective ifnot totally satisfying policy. After the 
first treaty of 198 BCE, although there was no major invasion, raids still frequently 
III Pingcheng is located near modem-day Datong ::ki"iJ in Shanxi LlJ®. The doubtful scheme Emperor 
Gaozu used to escape is not preserved in any Han document. Later texts report the rumor that the emperor 
dressed in women's clothes to escape. 
lIZ Of the Chinese princesses married out to nomadic rulers in early and medieval Chinese history, only a 
few of them were true daughters of the emperors. See Thomas Barfield, The Perilous Frontier (Cambridge, 
Massachusetts: Basil Blackwell Inc., 1989), p. 152. 
132 
occurred along the frontiers. In Emperor Wen's Xm reign (179-156 BCE), even the 
Han capital Chang'an ~~ was not safe from the threat of the Xiongnu cavalry. In 
addition to the fact that the he qin treaties did not stop the Xiongnu's continuous attacks, 
the policy was ideologically unacceptable to many at the court. Holding the traditional 
idea that China was the center of the world and the only world power, Han officials felt 
the Han's passiveness and deference to the "barbarian" were humiliating. l13 
Jia Yi's JH'il (200-168 BCE) words demonstrate this anger. In a memorial to 
Emperor Wen, Jia Yi wrote: 
~~~~~fflM.~~~~, ~~~~, Wili?~ili .•~~, ~~~ 
~,Wili?~ili.~~~a~~~,~~~ili, ~~~~, ~LBili, W 
.~.~.*.~*~.~~.~, ~~~~.ili; ~~~R, ~~~~ 
Utili. ~&m~, ~nm~, {i~M:t,lol!:t, ~~~~M, ~~~~1f A3]2? 
Now the situation in the world is upside-down. Why in fact is any emperor the 
world's head? Because he is superior. Why are Man and Yi the world's feet? 
Because they are inferior. In our day, the Xiongnu are haughty and arrogant 
and invade us. This is extremely disrespectfuL The sufferings they have caused 
to the world are countless. Yet every year the Han send them gold, cotton, and 
colored silk as tributes. To summon and command barbarians are powers the 
emperors should wield. The Son ofHeaven's offering tributes is in fact a ritual 
that defines a subject. Perversely, the feet occupy the top and the head occupies 
the bottom. T4e world has been turned upside down like this ~et no one is able 
to save it. Does there exist any man who acts for the nation?l 4 
Jia Yi also pointed out that Emperor Wen, with such a worldly title, was in fact acting as 
a noble of the Xiongnu and his status was thus inferior. Furthermore, Jia Yi criticized the 
113 For a good study ofHan-Xiongnu relationship, see Nicholas Di Cosma's Ancient China and Its 
Enemies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). 
114 Han shu 48:2240. 
133 
inefficiency of ministers who had advised Emperor Wen on how to control the Xiongnu, 
because none of their schemes worked. I 15 
Although Jia Yi does not tell us what these latter schemes were, his criticism 
simply shows us that proposals at court were frequent and numerous, and that the 
problem endured. When its military force waned in ability, the court, it seems, then began 
exploring ways to dominate the Xiongnu culturally. They kept trying to bolster the notion 
of China culturally superior. We see such cultural attitudes in the revealing story of a Han 
traitor Zhongxing Yue ~1T~, who lived inXiongnu territory, and his disputes with 
frequent arrivals from China. 
An emissary from China usually delivered the silk, wine and food the court paid 
to the Xiongnu. They were executants of the he qin treaties, policies designed for 
appeasement rather than provocation. However, they seemed to have a cultural task to 
achieve-convincing the Xiongnu that the Han was culturally superior. The "Xiongnu 
zhuan" 12m~.xif chapter in Han shu reports in detail Zhongxing Yue's disputes with Han 
emissaries on the issue of cultural superiority. 
A Han emissary criticized the Xiongnu for being disrespectful to their elders 
people. He also condemned the Xiongnu's tradition of incestuous marriage. These 
criticisms are clearly driven by Han moral standards, because the emissary concluded that 
the Xiongnu did not have the morals of gentlemen and lacked the rites used at court (~ 
Ja~z.1iP, ~~J*z.fl). In his response, Zhongxing Yue first pointed out that the 
115 Han shu 48:2240. 
134 
Xiongnu's living environment was not the same as that of the Han, thus the cultures 
should be classified differently. The custom of the Xiongnu, as Zhongxing Yue argued, 
was indeed more effective in assisting in governance than were the false rituals of the 
Chinese. Even the tradition of incestuous marriage was praised as crucial for the Xiongnu 
preserving the purity of their lineage and securing the continuous succession of the ruling 
family. II 6 
Even though this emissary failed to accomplish his cultural mission and only 
succeeded in escorting goods to the Xiongnu, the Chinese did not then abandon their 
policy. Later arrivals to the steppe capital desired to argue with the Xiongnu, but they 
were dismissed by Zhongxing Yue, who commanded that these emissaries should deliver 
goods only and should not argue anymore. 117 The strategy to convince the Xiongnu to 
modify their own culture, which was a part of the he qin stage, was thus totally destroyed. 
As summarized by Yu Yingshi ~~~, this second stage also featured "the use 
ofHan China's superior material culture.,,1l8 Ban Gu *1f!I attributes the strategy to Jia 
Yi, naming Jia Yi's policy the "Five Baits" (wu 'er liM). The details of the "Five Baits" 
are gained only by way ofYan Shigu's Mi5rPtt (581-645CE) commentary: 
~z:.!&]~.* ~)J~r;1t· §; ~z:.!&it~11-* ~)Jt~ I::J, ~ z:.i¥d~~HwA ~)Jt :;lt1}; 
~z:.~~.*m.~~~.~~; ~*~~, ~~~$z:., ffi~., .~ 
ITiFfitz:., ~tft~IL.\; lItliMillo 
116 Han shu 64: 3760. 
117 Ibid. 
118 See his chapter, "Han Foreign Relations," in The Cambridge History o/China, ed. by Denis Twitchett 
and Michael Loewe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), Vol. 1, p. 388. 
135 
We give them ornate clothes and carriages to corrupt their eyes; we give them 
sumptuous meals and delicious food to corrupt their mouths; we give them 
music and girls to corrupt their ears; we give them lofty buildings, large 
mansions, granaries and slaves to corrupt their stomachs. As for Xiongnu who 
surrender to us, Your Majesty summons them, entertains them, and personally 
pours wine to them and feeds them in order to corrupt their hearts. These are 
the five baits. 1l9 
Using China's luxurious goods to corrupt the non-Chinese invaders was a 
traditional strategy that was often proposed by Chinese court officials in earlier times. 
The first anecdote of this is found in Hanjeizi; it narrates the story about Duke Mu ofQin 
*t~0 and his use of music and dancing girls to corrupt the King of the Rong tribe JX 
.:E and conquer his land. 12o The anecdote was adopted into important Han texts such as 
Shiji, Han shi wai zhuan ~$~~~H~, and Shuo yuan ~:ffi; its repetition attests the impact 
that the notion of corruption through culture had in the minds of elite writers. Jia Yi's 
"Five Baits" perhaps was just another repetition of this theory. Moreover, the notion of 
using one's culture to corrupt an inferior enemy remained more ideal than practicable. As 
Thomas Barfield convincingly discusses in his book, The Perilous Frontier, the "Five 
Baits" could not bring substantial harm to the Xiongnu because of the latter's political 
and economic structure. 121 In other words, it was a failed strategy that had attempted to 
use superior material culture to weaken the Xiongnu's martial qualities. 
The third policy stage occurred under the leadership of the ambitious Emperor 
Wu. The he qin treaties were abandoned and an offensive military policy was adopted. 
119 Han shu 48: 2265. 
120 Chen Qiyou, Hanjeizijishi, pp. 186-7. 
121 Thomas Barfield, The Perilous Frontier, pp. 51-52. 
136 
After war broke out in 133 BCE, the Han court combined military and diplomatic 
schemes to destroy the Xiongnu. The war lasted over forty years and was both costly and 
devastating for China and the Xiongnu. In spite of the loss of troops and resources, the 
war against the Xiongnu forced the Han government to become politically and 
economically more centralized. Emperor Wu received criticism for his arbitrary rulings 
and the damage he caused to China's finances. 
The damage the war brought to the Xiongnu was even more serious than the 
damage suffered by the Chinese. They were forced to retreat far north from the frontier 
and their traditional way ofraiding the border areas to supply their economy therefore 
became infeasible. The war ended the he qin treaties, and the shanyu had no Han goods to 
redistribute among tribal leaders. He was cut off from an important source by which to 
manipulate his powerful followers, as Thomas Barfield argues. 122 In addition to the 
military attacks launched by the Han and even by other nomadic nations, the Xiongnu 
also suffered from natural disasters. Blizzard and famine brought major loss to people 
and stocks. The immediate consequence of these political and natural deficits was the 
instability of the shanyu's governance. Internal power struggles broke the Xiongnu 
empire into parts. For a certain period oftime there were even five shanyu who claimed 
the Xiongnu throne. 123 
The struggle for the throne soon became a war between two brothers, Zhizhi ~~ 
5t and Huhanye. After destroying other competitors, Zhizhi defeated Huhanye and forced 
122 For detailed discussion on Han China's war against the Xiongnu see Barfield, pp. 51-59. 
123 See Han shu 94: 3795-6. 
137 
him to flee to the Han administrative border. This pushed him into a desperate situation, 
making it virtually unavoidable that he would seek an alliance with the Han. 
In order to gain support from the Chinese court, Huhanye had to abandon the 
symbols of equal political status implicit in his titles and statements, a symbolism that 
previous Xiongnu leaders had enjoyed, and finally to yield to the Han tributary system. 
This deliberation about possibly submitting to the Han, as had actually first been 
suggested by a king ofHuhanye, was immediately rejected by other Xiongnu nobles. 
After protracted debates, however, Huhanye ultimately took the side of the king and sent 
his own son as a hostage to the Han court in 53 BCE. In the next year, Huhanye 
approached the border administration and asked to render homage as a vassal to the Han 
court in 51 BCE. By doing this, as Yu Yingshi summarizes, Huhanye "thus fulfilled in 
minutest detail all the forms required under the Han tributary system" and formally 
submitted his state to Han China124• 
The creation andpractice ofthe bodilyforeign policy 
To the Han government, Huhanye's submission was unprecedented, because 
never before had the Han seen a shanyu surrender. In order to deal with this new 
relationship, the previous policies used in the he qin and the war stages had to be adjusted, 
and a new strategy conceived. This new strategy, I argue, was the bodily politic, in which 
massive bodies of Han people were displayed in order to impress the shanyu. The 
following event reported in Han shu shows this bodily politic: 
124 Denis Twitchett and Michael Loewe ed., The Cambridge History a/China, p. 395. 
138 
~~, ~~$¥T~~~¥,~~~~tt~o~~*~~M~~~,~~~ 
~~~=T~,~~~Lo¥Ttt~~~~T~~~,~.~~~,Na~ 
~£L, .~.~w~~o.~mm~~, fi~•••,~A~,.n, ~ 
-~,~~~, ~~+, ~*-*,~~-~, ~+~~, fi~=+fi,~ 
=+_, ~*~~+~., ~.~*~~tHfU\T~, ~/\Tfio filL 1t1t1tr~ 
¥T~tr,m~foL§~~*~~~oL~~f,~¥T~~,~ft~~ 
~~M~~m~.,H~.~~~£~&_,~~~mm~,*~~oL~ 
mm, ~._~o¥T.~, m~.,~M~o 
The next year (52 BCE), Huhanye shanyu made his presence known at the 
Wuyuan Pass and issued his intention to go to court to render homage on the 
New Year's of the third year of the Ganlu reign (53-49 BCE). The Han sent 
General of Chariots and Cavalry Han Chang to receive him. In each of the 
seven commanderies through which the shanyu passed, the commandery 
cavalry of two thousand horsemen were dispatched and displayed along the 
road. On the New Year's the shanyu was received in audience by the emperor 
at the Ganquan Palace and was treated with special ritual. He was ranked 
above nobles and princes. In introductions he was addressed as a minister and 
not by his given name. He was bestowed a cap, a belt, clothes, a golden seal, 
a Ii cordon, a sword with jade handle, a knife, a bow, four sets of arrows, ten 
halberds with black cloth draped over, a carriage, a saddle set, fifteen horses, 
twenty jin gold, two hundred thousands cash, seventy seven pieces of clothing 
and bedding, eight thousand bolts of brocade and silk fabrics, and six 
thousandjin of cotton. After the ceremony, the emperor sent envoys to lead 
the shanyu by going ahead on the road. The shanyu lodged at Changping. The 
emperor returned to Chiyang Palace from the Ganquan Palace. The emperor 
arrived at the Changping Palace and decreed that the shanyu should not bow 
to him. All the shanyu's ministers at left and right were allowed to observe in 
lines. Including several ten thousands of kings and chiefs ofvarious Man and 
Yi nations, they all welcomed the emperor beneath the bridge of the Wei 
River, squeezing along both sides of the road. The emperor ascended the Wei 
bridge, and all the people shouted "long live the emperor." The shanyu was 
accommodated at his residence. He stayed at the capital for a month and was 
h· 125sent to return to IS state. 
In addition to giving a long list of the gifts that the Han emperor granted to the shanyu, 
the Han shu narrative also highlights the great number of people that participated in this 
event. In each of the seven commanderies through which the shanyu was to pass, two 
125 Han shu 94: 3798. 
139 
thousand horsemen were dispatched to receive him. The amount of troops was 
considerable, totaling fourteen thousand men and horses for the seven commanderies. 
Traditionally, China measured its military strength by its number of infantry and 
associated laborers and porters. Cavalry was the particular advantage of the Xiongnu. In 
order to defeat the Xiongnu on the steppe, Emperor Wu had encouraged local officials to 
raise horses in the border area. His major campaigns would not be possible until he had 
trained enough soldiers and raised enough horses. However, the Han court had lost most 
of its horses in warfare during Emperor Wu's time. In fact, the reason that after Emperor 
Wu's reign China had been unable to launch major military campaigns against the 
Xiongnu was because of the insufficiency of horses. In this context, marshalling fourteen 
thousand horsemen and dispatching them for a diplomatic reception, instead of 
assembling them for battle, was indeed an unusual effort on the part of the Han court. 
As the word chen ~ indicates, these cavalry troops were "displayed" along the 
road. They were used in order to make a visual impression rather than to secure the safety 
of the shanyu. The intention behind lining the road with fourteen thousand horsemen was 
to demonstrate China's might. Mounted on the back of the horse, the bodies of the 
soldiers were taller and more awe-inspiring than infantry.126 Wearing armor and the Han 
uniform, holding weapons, bars and flags, the soldiers' bodies became amplified, and 
taken as a unity, they could encapsulate the military strength of the Han. The assembled 
and enhanced bodies symbolized the power of the nation. 
126 Cavalry rather than infantry was precisely the power that Xiongnu most understood, since their military 
force relied solely upon cavalry. 
140 
Another massive display of bodies was carried out at the Wei River bridge, 
where a ceremony was held to welcome Emperor Xuan's return to the capital. The event 
was as dramatic as a luxurious Broadway show, with Emperor Xuan performing as the 
leading actor while the Xiongnu people were his audience. The Han shu description says 
that the Huhanye and his companions were sent to Changping, a place near the Han 
capital, before the Han emperor returned. As any audience at a play, they waited outside 
the theater for the show to start. The Han emperor returned to the Chiyang Palace and 
ascended the upper bank of the ling River r~1ij at Changping. At this high place, he 
granted the shanyu status as a distinguished guest and permitted other Xiongnu nobles the 
right of observation, announcing the opening of the show. The narrative then draws our 
attention to the stage. Several tens of thousands ofnon-Chinese chieftains, kings and 
marquises, acting en masse in their supporting roles, were lined up along the road and 
waited beneath the Wei River bridge for the entry of the leading actor, Emperor Xuan. 
Again, he ascended the bridge and all people on the "stage" saluted him, shouting "Your 
Majesty." It is easy to sense that the visual effect of the performance was extraordinary. 
More Han and non-Han people were on display, positioned at a lower place, beneath the 
bridge as well as at circumambient locations at both sides of the road. The highest and 
most central position was reserved for the emperor. 
Ascending the bridge, Emperor Xuan was highest of all and the only one whose 
physical gestures were decidedly masculine. The thousands of others had to bend their 
bodies humbly before him, ritually displaying their powerlessness. The supremacy of the 
Han emperor could be appreciated through his power to cause people, especially non-Han 
141 
people, to prostrate their bodies in front of him. A unique factor of this show was that the 
Xiongnu were not only the intended audience. They were also actors. They too had to 
bend themselves in a submissive gesture. 
The bodily politic seemed to have been coordinated so successfully that when 
Huhanye carne again to the capital two years later, no massive display of such physical 
pomp was organized to impress him. Instead, the court seemed to be confident using only 
material goods to reward his loyalty. 127 
However, trust between Han China and the Xiongnu remained fragile. In Han 
China's view, the Xiongnu were capricious and unfaithful, an impression that carne from 
the Xiongnu's alternative use of war and peace to demand benefits from China. The court 
always kept a vigilant eye on the Xiongnu. Even Huhanye, who paid homage to the Han 
court three times, was considered a potential threat, 128 Anxiety grew when the Xiongnu 
became stronger and more independent, especially when the new leader, Fuzhuleiruodi 
~~~tf¥JE, succeeded Huhanye in 31 BCE. 
Unlike his father, Fuzhuleiruodi belonged to a younger, more diplomatically 
distant generation. At the time when he ascended the throne, both Huhanye and Emperor 
127 See Han shu 64: 3798-9. 
128 Two anecdotes in Han shu demonstrate Han China's precautious attitude towards Huhanye: When Han 
Chang and Zhang Meng ~~ arrived in Huhanye's territory as emissaries, they saw his tribe was in fact 
very strong. Being afraid that he would become impossible to control, Han and Zhang made a covenant 
with Huhanye, swearing that forever Han China and the Xiongnu would not deceive and attack each other. 
After his rival Zhizhi was killed, Huhanye paid his third homage to the Han court and was given a court 
lady as his wife. Huhanye was delighted by this and sent a memorial to Emperor Yuan 5G*, requesting 
dismantle all the border fortresses. A court official Hou Ying 1~.Ll!J.\ listed ten reasons to oppose this 
proposal. The key point Hou Ying made in his argument was that the Xiongnu was a hostile country to 
China. See Han shu 64: 3801, and 3803-4. 
142 
Xuan, founders of the new China-Xiongnu relationship, had died. Even Emperor Yuan, 
whom his father had also seen in person, died two years previously. Fuzhuleiruodi 
probably had never been to China and his Chinese rival, Emperor Cheng PX;fflCr.32-8 
BCE) was established only one year preceding Fuzhuleiruodi' s succession. With the 
death of the older generation, the emotional bond between the two nations waned, a bond 
typified, as demonstrated above, by face-to-face posturing and physical gestures. 
His alienation from Han China caused Fuzhuleiruodi to probe the court's policy, 
as well as to test its attitude towards him. In 28 BCE, he sent a Xiongnu prince to the Han 
capital to pay tribute. The prince allegedly claimed that he wanted to surrender to China. 
A survey was made among the court officials on how to respond. While some officials 
suggested accepting the prince, Gu Yong ~jk and Du Qin ;f±~ strongly opposed this. 
Gu Yong and Du Qin suspected that the surrender was a trap conceived by Fuzhuleiruodi. 
If China provided refuge to his prince it would give the shanyu an excuse to alienate 
himself from China and attack the border. Gu Yong and Du Qin' s suspicion proved to be 
true. When the emperor sent an official to investigate in detail the prince's submission, 
the latter immediately denied his claim and returned to Xiongnu lands. 129 
To Chinese officials, the prince's sudden turnaround was a manifestation of the 
fact that China-Xiongnu relationship established in Huhanye's time had to be constantly 
consolidated and concretized. To secure the relationship, successful diplomatic 
precedents would have to be followed. Thus, another choreography of the bodily politic 
was carried out. 
129 Han shu 64: 3808. 
143 
The homage Fuzhuleiruodi rendered in 25 BCE provided an opportunity for the 
court to impress the shanyu with the able body of the typical Han official. Instead of the 
massive display, this time the power of Han China was symbolized by the Prime Minister 
Wang Shang's :E1fij body. The following episode in Wang Shang's biography in Han 
shu articulates how the shanyu was frightened and spiritually defeated by Wang Shang's 
great physical appearance: 
~A$Jl:ff~:m:, ~)\.R~, 5JB1~:*:, ~~Jl!fJ®*~Ao ~PJ.lf[g:q::, ¥-=f 
31f~)L iJl~BmJ%to iIsif§1fij~*:9cff9=', ¥-=fIW, ff~1fij ° 1fijJt9, ~r.t~ 
§, ¥ -=ffl1J*j[1fij~Jl, :*:iltz, jlH!!Pi!o 7(rljfJffijDJtEl: "l!:t~~if§~! " 
As a person, [Wang Shang] was substantial and dignified. He was more than 
eight chi high and his body was tall and large. 130 His looks far surpassed others. 
In the fourth year of the Heping era, the shanyu came to the court and was 
presented to the emperor at the Baihu Hall. Prime Minister Shang sat in the 
center of the court ofthe Weiyang Palace and the shanyu came forward to pay 
respects to him. Wang Shang stood up, left his table and talked with the shanyu. 
Looking up at Wang Shang's features, the shanyu greatly feared him, turned 
away and retreated. The emperor heard this and sighed, "This is a true Prime 
Minister of Han!"l3l 
The narrative of Wang's life first gives us descriptions of his body, emphasizing its 
unusual height and size. He was dignified and his looks were extremely impressive. We 
can see once more the choreographic strategy in Xiongnu relations. The shanyu was led 
to the Baihu Hall, where he would be received in audience by the emperor. He passed 
the court ofthe Weiyang Palace and met Wang Shang there. Just as Huhanye was 
accompanied by fourteen thousand horsemen on his journey to the capital, 
Fuzhuleiruodi had to encounter Wang Shang before he saw the emperor. While 
130 Eight chi roughly equals 1.84 meters. 
131 Han shu 82: 3370. 
144 
Fuzhuleiruodi was led into the palace as a guest, Wang Shang sat in the center of the 
court. In this scene, the physical position of the two was not equal. Wang Shang 
possessed the dominant position-the center of the court, which functioned as both a 
spatial and political center. He also dominated by remaining seated waiting for the 
shanyu to come forward and pay respect to him. 
All the physical signs and symbols were orchestrated so as to make explicit 
Wang Shang's dominance and the shanyu's weakness. This relationship becomes more 
clear as we read that Wang Shang did not stand up until the shanyu paid respect to him. 
The narrative then focuses on the shanyu's reaction to Wang Shang's body. The shanyu 
had to "look up," yang shi fCIJtJ[, at Wang Shang. The different heights of the two men 
determined who was psychologically more powerful in this encounter. Wang Shang's 
able body caused the shanyu "greatly to fear" Wang (da wei zhi A -lIZ). The shanyu 
turned away and moved backward. He dared not to challenge Wang Shang. We have no 
record of any conversation between the two men and no performance of grand court 
rituals is mentioned. Instead, the competition between the leaders of the two nations was 
condensed into a single physical confrontation. In addition to this, no third-party body 
or person was presented. The narrative portrays the way in which Wang Shang's 
imposing physical stature overshadowed the shanyu's more common physical 
characteristics. The martial quality ofthe nomadic people was thus stripped away and 
the shanyu was spiritually defeated by a Han minister's physical body. Emperor 
Cheng's words, "This is a true Prime Minister of Han ," announces his success in using 
a bodily politic to humiliate and psychologically defeat the Xiongnu leader. 
145 
The above choreography of the bodily politic in Emperor Cheng's reign 
contrasts sharply with an episode during the era of Empress LU's § JS (r. 187-180 
BEC), in which the body was also used as a political component but in a different way. 
In the peak ofhis power, the Xiongnu leader Modun ~~~ demanded in a 
letter not only material goods from China but also the marital hand of the ruler of China, 
Empress Lu. So furious was the empress that she wanted to attack the Xiongnu. She 
soon realized that China's military force was no match for the nomadic cavalry and sent 
a letter to Modun begging for peace: 
~~~~, ~~~~,tr~~~, .T~~, ~~§~o~~~~, ~ft 
Jt~o 
My age is advanced and my vitality is weakening. Both my hair and my teeth 
are falling out, and I cannot even walk steadily. The shanyu must have heard 
exaggerated reports. I am not worthy of his lowering himself. But my country 
has done nothing wrong, and I hope he will spare it,132 
Although the descriptions ofher body were probably exaggerated, such an old, weak and 
unattractive body symbolized the submissive and unthreatening stance ofher nation. 
From the weak and vulnerable Empress Lu to the strong and awe-inspiring 
Wang Shang, the changing images of the body show us the changes in the power 
relationships between China and the Xiongnu. The growing strength ofRan China was 
symbolized by the able bodies of its soldiers and ministers. In fact, politicizing the 
body-using the body to create a political effect, to demonstrate power and to act 
properly in a hierarchical world-has had a long tradition in Chinese history. It was 
especially an important component of court culture and was facilitated by sets of rules, 
132 Translation cited from Yu Yingshi, The Cambridge History a/China, p. 387. 
146 
including those concerning rituals and clothing. However, Han court elites seemed to feel 
that the bodily politic was most important and efficient in handling international affairs, 
especially in dealing with the Xiongnu. Yang Xiong's tmtll memorial to Emperor Ai 1& 
'* (r. 6-1 BCE) illustrates the Han elites' perception of the Xiongnu's bodily culture and 
their strategy ofusing the Han bodies to create grand ritual display in conquering the 
Xiongnu's heart. 
The background of Yang Xiong's memorial can be summarized as follows: in 3 
BCE, Wuzhu shanyu ,~:f$K. r made a request to render homage to the court the 
following year. Emperor Ai had been sick at that time. Some ofhis officials said that the 
Xiongnu brought ill-omen to China, since every time a Xiongnu leader came to the 
capital a Han emperor died. Emperor Ai therefore did not want to invite the shanyu to 
visit. Yang Xiong sent a memorial arguing against this decision. 
In the memorial, Yang Xiong first looked back on past Han-Xiongnu history, 
pointing out that using only military force to control the Xiongnu was a failed strategy. In 
the current situation the Xiongnu had already submitted themselves to the court, and thus, 
in Yang Xiong's opinion, China must secure their loyalty by conquering their spirit. As 
Yang Xiong articulates in his words, the body weighs heavily in the overall equation: 
~r~~tE;tt~, %~ti~, ~jJl~~, jiHt.~:§:, ~~~~, ~5mU~t!J, 
~~umo~*m~~, ~m~~, M~~., ~F~~, ~~~~, ~ 
~~Uili; ~~~~, ~.OO~, ~~~milio._.ft, ~~~~, 
Those foreign people [the Xiongnu] are irascible and ruthless. In form and 
appearance they are imposing and strong. They rely on their strength and 
presume upon their power. They cannot be civilized by kindness but can easily 
be governed by dignity of demeanor. It is hard to bend their power to our will; 
it is difficult to gain peace from them. Therefore when they had not yet 
submitted to us, we tired our troops by mounting long-distance attacks. We 
147 
exhausted our country's resources and drained our materials, our soldiers' 
bodies piled up and their blood flowed, we broke into their fortress and 
defeated the enemy. It was so difficult to conquer them! After they have 
submitted, we console them, recommend them and comfort them, we make 
contact with them and send them gifts, bending and lifting our bodies, we show 
them dignified demeanor-Our preparation should be of this type. 133 
Yang Xiong here highlights the more imposing physique of the Xiongnu. They were 
taller and stronger than the Han Chinese and had more martial qualities. These physical 
characteristics created a bodily culture among the Xiongnu people that was quite different 
from what existed among the Chinese. They were proud of their strength and admired 
those who were more powerful than they. Because of this, Yang Xiong suggested, the 
court must use e ~ and weiyi ~fi-a dignified, awe-inspiring demeanor created by 
the body and body performance-to conquer their heart. 
Yang Xiong's advice was accepted by Emperor Ai. Two years later, when 
Wuzhu finally came to the court he faced again the able bodies of Han ministers. An 
anecdote in the Dongguan hanji *I~~*c demonstrates the recurrence of the bodily 
politic: 
~m~~~~*~, ~~~~o~~~~~~o~~.T*~, ~m=T 
~~~~~~~~, ~*~~~~*~o 
[Peng Hong] was the Grand Administrator of the Yuyang commandery in 
emperor Ai's reign and was famous among the people at the border. His looks 
and capacity for eating and drinking were peerless. At the time when the 
shanyu came to pay homage to the court, officials, ranking two thousand shi, 
and having outstanding looks and great capacity for eating and drinking, were 
chosen to be [Grand Administrators] of commanderies through which the 
shanyu passed. For this reason Peng Hong was transferred to be the Grand 
Administrator ofthe Yunzhong commandery.134 
133 Han shu 64: 3814. Van Shigu glosses the word e jg\ as wei ~o 
134 Wu Shuping, Dongguan hanjijiaozhu, pp. 273-4. 
148 
The strategy we see in this event resembled that was used in Huhanye's time. The only 
difference was, instead of the massive display of the bodies of horsemen, Han officials' 
bodies were presented along the road. Not only did these grand bodies show the power of 
China, but also they covered up the weak body of the emperor---emperor Ai was 
physically weak through his life. Using the bodily politic to conquer the nomadic people 
was by no means Yang Xiong's personal insight. On the contrary, it was a general belief 
among the court elites of the western Han and was inherited by the eastern Han ministers. 
Du Shi 1±~~ (?-38 CE) praised Fu Zhan's {Xm (?-37 CE) outstanding looks as the 
illustration ofthe greatness ofthe nation ($~Jt¥:'¥:, ~Zjt.).135 In Emperor Ming's 
f!Ij '* era (r. 58-76 CE), Cheng Gong ffi '8 was so admired by the Xiongnu that the 
shanyu even sent an emissary to the court in order to see Cheng Gong. Emperor Ming 
ordered Cheng Gong to dress up to meet the emissary, but Cheng Gong refused. Cheng 
Gong told the emperor that he was ugly and should not to be seen by foreigners. He then 
suggested that the emperor choose a minister who was tall and of dignified appearance to 
meet the Xiongnu. The emperor therefore replaced him with another court official. 136 
As I have pointed out above, politicizing the body had deep roots in earlier 
China court culture and was adopted by the Han government to control the Xiongnu. 
When the he qin policy and the military campaign failed or proved ineffective in dealing 
with the changing relationships with the Xiongnu, the Han court developed this 
body-politic and employed it along with material subsidies to secure loyalty from the 
135 Wu Shuping, p. 476. 
136 Wu Shuping, Dongguan hanjijiaozhu, p. 529. 
149 
nomadic people. This new strategy resulted also from Han elites' improved 
understanding of the Xiongnu customs, as articulated in Yang Xiong's words. The 
lessons learned from past experiences and the knowledge accumulated from contact with 
the Xiongnu drove Han court elites to be more creative and practical in making their 
foreign policy. The body-politic seemed to be a successful strategy to the court elites; 
they repeatedly used it to conquer the Xiongnu's spirit. In its foreign policy, the 
politicized body of Han people became a powerful means to help Han China control the 
Xiongnu. 
Conclusion 
Warring States and Han China witnessed a rapid growth of traditional Chinese 
political thought. Early political ideas were broadened and enriched by Warring States 
thinkers' different, often competitive, theories and doctrines. A general interest in the 
state structure as well as a common concern for power relationships in the political body 
ofthe state characterized the political philosophies produced during this period. These 
interests and concerns were adopted and further developed by Han thinkers in a time 
when consolidating a centralized power was in immediate demand. In this development 
of early Chinese political thought, the body was used as an important metaphor in 
political discussions, and the perception of the body also became a significant 
consideration in policy making. 
Early Chinese philosophers understood the body from a moral perspective. 
While the selfwas the subject of individual moral cultivation, its improvement was 
150 
nevertheless displayed by the physical appearance of the person. This emphasis on moral 
demonstration gave political significance to the body, since morality was a major concern 
in Chinese political thought. Cultivating the body therefore became the first step towards 
the proper governance of the world; the body was thus politicized. 
Chinese medical theories of the body further strengthened the relationship 
between the body and politics. Two ontological concepts of the body, the fluid body and 
the body as a spatial entity, carried strong political implications and enabled a mutual 
correspondance between the physical body and the body of the state. In these medical 
concepts, the body was given a cosmological reading, and the state and governance too 
were examined by the same principle-that harmony should be maintained between the 
body/state and the universe in order to keep the body/state healthy. At the same time, the 
hierarchical structure of the society found a perfect equation in the stratified internal 
structure of the physical body, when each organ was given a specific duty and served 
together the command of the heart. 
The hierarchical relationship between the heart and other bodily parts was 
conveniently adopted as a metaphor by Warring States and Han philosophers in their 
argumentation concerning the ruler-minister relationship. The changing voices from 
Mengzi's advocacy of a mutual reliance between the heart/ruler and the limbs/minister to 
Xunzi's emphasis upon the absolute control of the heart/ruler tell of a tendency towards a 
centralized power that had become popular in late Warring States political thought. 
Although concern for restraining the power of the ruler was never absent from the minds 
of late Warring States thinkers, they unanimously promoted the authority of the ruler by 
151 
referring to the commanding rule of the heart in the human body. This consequently 
highlighted the symbolic meanings of the ruler's body and integrated the body of the 
ruler with the body of the state, as the famous Gongyang phrase "guo jun yi ti" illustrates. 
On a "physical" level, the ruler's body was mystified and reduplicated in order to argue 
for his political legitimacy. Han documents pointed to physical resemblances between 
Han emperors and legendary kings in high antiquity as a genetic evidence for the 
unquestionable legitimacy of the Han emperors. 
In early Chinese political discussions, the body was also used to evaluate the 
ethical nature ofpolitics. Stereotypes of good and evil rulership found their dividing line 
in their treatment of the bodies of the people. Stories of a good ruler burying a nameless 
corpse and bad rulers damaging the body of the innocent became recurrent themes in 
political argumentation. The body thus served as a touchstone that testified to the ethical 
nature ofthe state. This ethical meaning of the body that had remained largely on a 
theoretical level in Warring States philosophy then became institutionalized by the Han 
government. Documents found in the Xuanquanzhi Han military site provide concrete 
evidence that show the Han efforts to actualize bodily theories in the real political world. 
In addition to adopting and systemizing extant bodily theories, the Han 
government also utilized concepts of the body in other political practices. In Han foreign 
policy, the different perceptions of the body held by the Han Chinese and the Xiongnu 
nomadic people helped the Han to adopt a more creative and efficient bodily politics, 
employed together with traditional material subsidies and military preparations, to 
maintain a relationship favorable to Han China. In this Han creation of a bodily politics, 
152 
the relationship between the body and the politics moved beyond metaphorical realm and 
participated in the real political world. 
153 
CHAPTER IV 
RITUAL AND THE BODY 
Introduction 
This chapter discusses the relationship between ritual and the body. It argues that 
in early Confucian texts ritual was defined as both an ideological concept and the coded 
human behaviors that were integrated by bodily performance. In early Confucian 
philosophy, ritual addressed the issue ofconstructing social order by means of regulating 
individual acts. In other words, ritual trained the body to be acceptable to the society and 
the society needed the normalized body to maintain its hierarchical order. In this sense, 
ritual was both meaning and action, a system ofbelief and ceremonies of performance. 
To demonstrate this, I will organize my chapter according to the following sections. 
Section one looks at how the perfomative body integrates ritual theories and ritual 
practice and directs them to a social ending with an emphasis upon ritual's moral value. 
Section two presents a close examination of the issue ofritualization. I argue that, in 
order to maintain a hierarchical social order, relationships among different social groups 
must be normalized, manifested and reconfirmed by training the body and displaying 
properly regulated bodily movements. From this perspective, ritual must be performed. 
Section three attempts to demonstrate the pedagogical nature of early Confucian ritual 
texts. I argue in this section that, by prescribing detailed instructions ofbodily 
154 
movements for a sweeping range of ritual settings, ritual texts function as manuals that 
train the body to be acceptable to society. The essential concern of ritual theories and 
practices points to their public nature. At the same time, individual moral improvement 
achieved through ritual practices serves ultimately for the maintenance of social 
hierarchy. 
Principle and Practice in Early Confucian Ritual Discourse 
From Confucius to Xunzi: philosophical foundations ofIi and the role ofthe body 
Confucius' philosophy was centered on reno As the most important virtue in 
Confucian teaching, ren was not only desirable for good rulership, it was also the highest 
moral quality one should seek. To Confucius, ren meant the power of empathy. It 
suggested an ideal human relationship in which one cared about the feelings of others and 
did not impose one's self interest upon others. By extension, ren described a perfectly 
harmonious society in which every social member was self-restrained and willing to help 
each other and in which the state was governed by the ruler's moral power. Ritual, Ii, 
served ren and was secondary to it. In Analects 3.3 the master said that "Being a human 
but not humane, ofwhat use is ritual" (AITff;;f1=, ~11111~)?1 This comment points out 
explicitly that ren is the root of Ii and moral pursuit is both a prerequisite and goal of 
ritual exercise. At the same time, Ii is the approach through which ren can be achieved. In 
Analects 12.1, when asked by Yan Yuan about ren Confucius asserts that "To restrain 
I Yang Bojun, Lunyuyizhu, p. 26. 
155 
yourself and to return to the rites constitutes ren" (~c.nHI, ~1=)? At the surface 
level, Ii seems to be the external regulation that disciplines people. However, at the same 
time Confucius believes that self-restraint directed by ritual is indeed an action of reno He 
thus internalizes Ii and regards it as a part of inner virtue. Performing ritual is therefore 
understood as a way of moral cultivation. 
Then what is Ii to Confucius? Apparently, Confucius rejects the definition of Ii 
as ceremonial performance. In Analects 17.11 he questions the simple equation of ritual 
to material sacrifice that lacks emotional commitment Olidl~, .:IS. ~ ~~? ).3 
Indeed, to Confucius formality is less significant than the expression of sincerity in ritual 
practice. What is important to Confucius are the moral attitudes expressed and developed 
in ritual exercise. Because ofthis,jing * (reverence) and rang gJ (deference) become 
two standards he applies in judging ritual conduct.4 
Clearly, this internalized Ii carries a strong moral emphasis and it stays in line 
with Confucius' overall political doctrines. To a certain extent, the ideal society 
Confucius envisions is a moral community in which each member is morally refined and 
the state is guided by the ruler's exemplary deeds rather than by political forces. By 
defining Ii as a way of improving inner qualities, Confucius provides a theoretical basis 
for maintaining social order through enhancing people's moral consciousness. Therefore 
2 Yang Bojun, Lunyu yizhu., p. 130.
 
3 Yang Bojun, p. 192.
 
4 See Analects 3. 26, 4.13, and 11.26. Yang Bojun, pp. 36,41, and 127.
 
156 
to Confucius the perfect state is not governed by coercive regulations (zheng i!&) and 
punishments (xing 7fU) but by virtue and 1i. 5 
Confucius strongly emphasizes the relationship between individual action and 
ritual's social function. As a moral concept, ritual must be carried out and accomplished 
by people (it ~qTZ).6 For this reason, human behavior as a part of social exchange 
needs to be guided by Ii. In Analects, Confucius repeatedly instructs that one must 
establish (Ii iL) himself through ritual.7 Ritual, in this sense, is the rule of daily conduct 
that ensures that each individual acts appropriately. Confucius warns that, in addition to 
broadly learning culture, a gentleman must restrain his conduct by the rites in order to 
again, is confirmed by Yan Yuan who says that Confucius broadens him with culture but 
restrains him with the rites (tw~~j(, *~~~f.l).9 
In prescribing specific rules for restraining individual conduct by ritual, 
Confucius focuses primarily on control of the body. When Yan Yuan~ in a famous 
passage found in Analects, asks the details of how to restrain oneself and return to the 
5 Analects 2.3, Yang Bojun, pp. 12-3. See also Edward Slingerland, Confucius Analects (Indianapolis:
 
Hackett Publishing Company, 2003), p. 8.
 
6 Analects 15.18. Yang Bojun, Lunyuyizhu, p. 172.
 
7 See Analects 8.8, 16. 13,20.3. Yang Bojun, ibid., pp. 87, 185,218. That people must be refined by ritual
 
is explicitly stated in Analects 8.2, in which Confucius says: "If you are respectful but lack ritual you will
 
become exasperating; ifyou are careful but lack ritual you will become timid; if you are courageous but
 
lack ritual you will become unruly; and ifyou are upright but lack ritual you will become inflexible."
 
Slingerland, Confucius Analects, p. 78.
 
8 Analects 6.27. Yang Bojun, p. 68. 
9 Analects 9.11. Yang Bojun, p. 97. 
157 
rites, Confucius gives the following advice: "Do not look unless its is in accordance with 
ritual; do not listen unless it is in accordance with ritual; do not speak unless it is in 
accordance with ritual; do not move unless it is in accordance with ritual" (~nliJJ:fJL ~~ 
iliJJl!, ~~:f!iJJ§, ~~miJJJJJ).lO The body, as conceptualized in this passage, seems to 
be driven by unrestrained desires that are potentially dangerous to the social order. When 
bodily action is spontaneous and not subject to self-conscious control it is inevitably 
transgressive. As a conscious moral practice, ritual regulates the body by determining 
beforehand which of its actions are appropriate and which inappropriate. When individual 
bodies are disciplined through adherence to ritual, the result is a harmonious society. As 
Confucius' disciple Youzi 1fT says, "Of the functions of ritual, harmony is the most 
valued" (:f!zffl, ~Il~.).n 
In contrast to the emphasis upon Ii in the Confucian Analects, ritual did not 
occupy the center ofMengzi's philosophy. Only on a few occasions did Mengzi talk 
about ritual. This peripheral status of Ii in Mengzi's philosophy derived directly from his 
belief in the goodness ofhuman nature. Since human nature was innately good, there was 
no need to control people's behavior by external regulations. To Mengzi, problems 
occurred when environment corrupted people and caused them to give up their good 
10 Analects 12.1. Yang Bojun, p. 130. 
11 Analects 1.12. Yang Bojun, p. 8. 
158 
nature. Thus Mengzi urged people to regain their good heart (3.K)t}j)(JI)).12 However, 
Mengzi did not view ritual as an indispensable way to rediscover one's good nature. 
In Mengzi's view, Ii was the heart of respect and reverence that was possessed 
by all men. 13 Li was not acquired from knowledge and training, because Mengzi believed 
ritual, as well as humanness, rightness, and wisdom, is rooted in a gentleman's heart (tt 
f-fJTtt, 1=tMI~;f~1nJI)).14 Mengzi also says that "Humanness, dutifulness, ritual and 
wisdom do not give me luster from outside, they are in me originally" (1=, ., iI, 
~, ~~EEj~~fJtill, fJtf@1ofZill).IS However, we should not conclude that Mengzi 
understood Ii as a part of one's inner virtues. Instead, in Mengnzi's view, Ii is an external 
manifestation of ren (1=), yi (¥l) and zhi (~). Mengzi warned a gentleman to be aware of 
whether people's reaction towards him was ritually appropriate, because if the gentleman 
was reverent in his own heart, he would be respected by others. And when one is the 
recipient of a disrespectful attitude from others, it indicates problems in his own moral 
cultivation.16 As the body illustrates a gentleman's virtue through a sleek facial 
appearance, Ii provides for a gentleman an intelligible reference that could be used to 
• 
examine his morality. 
12 Mengzi 11.11. Yang Bojun, Mengzi yizhu 11.11, p. 267. 
13 In Mengzi 11. 6 it writes: $tIDl:ZJ~', UH:f:l, and $tIDl:2A~', .A '&1f2.. See Yang Bojun, ibid., p. 259. 
14 Mengzi 13.21. Yang Bojun, p. 309. In 11.6 Mengzi says that "humaneness, dutifulness, ritual and 
wisdom do not give me a luster from the outside, they are in me originally." 
15 Mengzi 11.6. Yang Bojun, p. 259. 
16 See Mengzi 8.28. Yang Bojun, p. 197. 
159 
However, the external Ii does have some important influence upon the internal 
virtues. This is due to the fact that in Mengzi's philosophy ren andyi are not only 
conceptual, they are actions too. According to Mengzi, humaneness and dutifulness are 
revealed in such behavior as serving parents and obeying elder brothers. 17 Ritual, in this 
sense, is to "regulate and adorn" these deeds. 18 To fulfill such a purpose of ritual, the 
body and bodily movements must be controlled. Mengzi directly associated ritual with 
the bodily actions ofjin (:ii, to move forward) and tui (iI8, to move back). 19 The finest 
control and adornment of the body in accordance with ritual, as Mengzi claimed, 
manifestes the highest of virtue (i1J~mJjJE r:pf!1!f, ~ti&\z~ ill).20 
Among early Confucian philosophers, Xunzi was the most serious advocate of Ii. 
Xunzi's promotion of Ii is constructed by his theory of the three roots (san ben ­ *) of 
ritual: heaven and earth were the root oflife, ancestors are the root ofkinship, and rulers 
and teachers the root of order.21 Ritual serves heaven above and earth below and 
functiones first as a natural principle. According to Xunzi, it is because of ritual that 
17 Mengzi 7.27: t:Z., $~JE:m; ~Z., fJt5GJE:m. Yang Bojun, p. 183.
 
18 Mengzi 7.27: lIz., il(JJt~tjr=:jlfJE:m. Yang Bojun, ibid.
 
19 Mengzi7.1. YangBojun,p.162.
 
20 Mengzi 14.33. Yang Bojun, p. 338. 
21 Xunzi xinzhu, chapter "Li lun", pp. 310-1. Knoblock, Vol. 3, p. 58. For a good discussion on ritual in 
Xunzi, see Scott Cook, "Xunzi on Ritual and Music," Monumenta Serica 45 (1997), pp. 1-38. For a 
comparative discussion of ritual in Confucius and Xunzi, see Michael Martin, "Ritual Action (Li) in 
Confucius and Hstin Tzu," Australian Journal o/Philosophy 73.1 (1995), pp. 13-30. 
160 
heaven and earth are conjoined, the sun and moon are brightened, and the order and 
movements of the four seasons, the stars and the rivers are maintained.22 
In addition to being the cosmic rule, ritual also serves as the dominant ethical 
law in the ideal society Xunzi envisioned. Xunzi considered ritual as the highest principle 
of governance and believed that the state must be rectified by ritual.23 This 
understanding of ritual as the foundation of the state derives from Xunzi's belief that 
social disorder was generated by the people's evil nature.24 In the chapter "Li lun" 1!~ 
(Discussion on Ritual), Xunzi asserted that the creation of ritual was necessary because 
people have selfish desires, which, when not satisfied, led to contention and social 
disruption. In order to stabilize society and maintain its order, ritual was created to 
differentiate people's rights in accordance with their class differences and to prescribe for 
them the proper means to satisfy their needs. Here Xunzi did not condemn people's 
natural emotions (qing 'tJf) and desires (yu ~) but advocated moral scrutiny of each of 
these by means of ritual. Instead, Xunzi argued that the purpose of ritual is to "nurture the 
desires of men" and "supply the means for their satisfaction.,,25 Thus, perfect ritual in 
22 Xunzixinzhu, p. 313. Knoblock, Vol. 3, p. 60. 
23 Chapter"Yibing" ~A reads, "lS:jlf, ~¥}fZ~]m, sm[f!/z;;1s:mo " Chapter "Wang ba" IGwrites: 
~~lSflu:lf'iE. SeeXunzixinzhu, pp. 244,169. 
24 Chapter "Qiang guo" Sm~ reads: ~Z i1J1:EUt Xunzi xinzhu, p. 253.
 
25 "*Az~, mrAz31< 0 "Xunzi xinzhu, chapter "Li 100" .f!"ili, p. 308. Knoblock, Vol. 3, p. 55.
 
161 
Xunzi's thought is the full realization of both human emotion and the artificial forms of 
Z•261. 
While emotions and desires were acknowledged by Xunzi, he does emphasize 
the idea of social distinction enforced by ritual at the same time. Xunzi pointed out the 
difference between music and ritual in the following words: "Music harmonizes and 
unites, while ritual distinguishes and stresses difference" (~1rIPJ, fIJJIJ~).l7 The 
differences emphasized by ritual were clearly based upon social hierarchy, as Xunzi 
affirmed that ritual meant the rankings ofthe noble or the base, the disparities between 
old and young, and the distinctions among poor and rich, insignificant and significant.28 
From this perspective, Xunzi concluded that ritual was the "model for the primary social 
distinctions and the categories used by analogical extension for the guiding rules and 
ordering norms of behavior" (1!z:::k*, ~JizJI~1.\~ill).l9 
In consolidating social hierarchy and providing order to norms ofbehavior, ritual 
serves as a ubiquitous ethical principle that directs all human relationships. According to 
Xunzi, the proper role each individual performes in society must be guided by ritual. 
Xunzi differentiated people according to their social relationships with others and 
prescribed for them ritual principles on how to interact with each other. The relationships 
26 Xunzi xinzhu, p. 313. Knoblock, Vol. 3, p. 60. 
27 See "Yue lun" ~~ chapter in Xunzi xinzhu, p. 338. Knoblock, Vol. 3, p. 84. 
28 The sentence reads, "f!*, .~1f'W, ~M1f~, ~~'~£~1ff.jl}*-tE."Xunzi xinzhu, chapter "Fu 
guo" ~1PJ!j, p. 141. Knoblock, Vol. 2, p. 122. 
29 Chapter "Quan xue" WJ"', Xunzi xinzhu, p. 7. Knoblock, Vol. 1, p. 139. 
162 
of the ruler and minister, father and son, brother and brother, and husband and wife all 
should be perfected by ritual. A harmonious society would therefore be created when 
people's morality is refined by Ii.3D The power of ritual, as Xunzi concluded, is to 
determine ethical relationships among men 01 ~ JE{1fij).31 
In order to achieve the ethical qualities implicit in ritual, human behavior must 
be regulated. Different from Mengzi, Xunzi strongly insists that people must learn ritual. 
This understanding of the acquired nature of ritual stayed in line with Xunzi' s general 
emphasis upon learning. In fact, to Xunzi learning would not be complete without the 
study of ritual ([~] ~f~J:UI).32 At the same time, ritual would not be complete 
without a gentleman's active practice of it. Because of this, Xunzi argued that the 
gentleman is the beginning of ritual and moral principles: he must act with Ii, actualize it 
and accumulate it over and over (~Z, -.Z, fi't:£Z).33 
The above argument clearly reveals the performative nature of ritual in Xunzi's 
theory. Ritual must be performed and actualized by human conduct; at the same time, it 
regulates and refines human behaviors. Chapter "Xiu shen" {~~ (Cultivating the Self) 
thus points out that: 
itAA, :t<)~Ii~ J~L"~ I}]a¥, E13tl~IJ~IJ~fJ, /fEl3tl~lJd~EEtJ*; ~~~ ~Lt~ 
Jl~ miT, E13tl~IJ*fE, /f E13tl~IJ~lf!l~ m:il~ JlmWffo 
30 SeeXunzi xinzhu, p. 193. 
31 See Chapter "Zhishi" l&± in Xunzi xinzhu, p. 226. 
32 Xunzi xinzhu, chapter "Quan xue" itJ"', p. 7. 
33 Xunzi xinzhu, chapter "Wang zhi" .r:*~, p. 126. Knoblock, Vol. 2, p. 102. 
163 
When one's food and drink, clothing and dress, dwelling and home, activity and 
repose follow the dictates of ritual, they are harmonious and measured. But when 
they do not, they become offensive and excessive and so will produce illness. If 
one's manner and appearance, bearing and deportment, entrances and exits, and 
one's rapid steps proceed according to ritual principles, they will be cultured. 
But when they do not, they will seem arrogant and obstinate, depraved and 
perverted, utterly commonplace and savage. 34 
It is apparent from this passage that the purpose of ritual is to perfect human actions and 
make them harmonious (he ~O), measured (jie iff) and cultured (ya tIE). In other words, 
ritual rectifies people's bodily movements in order for them to be accepted by the 
society.35 
Indeed, the body was an important component in Xunzi's ritual theory. Xunzi 
explicitly defined ritual as "to nurture" Ci!iJ[f!1!r, .1£).36 The idea ofnurturing is 
defined as a comprehensive care of the body: using delicate foods to nurture the mouth, 
fragrances to nurture the nose, decorated objects to the eyes, music and sounds for the 
34 Xunzi xinzhu, p. 17. Knoblock, Vol. 1, pp. 152-3. 
35 The understanding of the body in ritual context between the Chinese tradition, as represented here, and 
the Hebrew tradition, that was to have such a profound impact on Christianity, are significantly different. 
Early Chinese philosophical discussions of the body show an attempt to tum the body into a harmonious 
part of society. In doing so, specific focus on the body and its physical characteristics became absent; 
instead, the body was de-individualized and transformed into a smoothly functioning part of the social body. 
In other words, early Chinese ritual discussions emphasize the performative, trainable nature of the body 
while the physical functions of the body were deemphasized. Contrary to this, Western ritual texts, 
especially the Hebrew Bible, show a strong awareness of the polluting danger of the body. Leviticus, for 
example, is dominated by the concerns ofpollution and purification in ritual activities. In this text, the body, 
from its surface (skin disease) to the inside (physical discharges) becomes the source of pollutants that 
undermine the service of God in purity. Many regulations prescribed in Leviticus draw a boundary between 
the contaminative physical conditions of the body and the health of the society. See, for example, Leviticus 
13.40-45, 15. 19, in Everett Fox trans., The Five Books ofMoses: Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, 
Deuteronomy (New York: Schocken Books, 1995), pp. 570, 582. 
36 Xunzi xinzhu p. 308. 
164 
ears, and rooms, couches and cushions to nurture the body.37 Ritual therefore became a 
method in the popular late Warring States technique of controlling qi and nourishing the 
mind UEUf~(..IL"z.#J).38 More importantly, the principle of ritual in the art of nurturing 
the body was to ensure that good order would penetrate every aspect of people's activities 
and prevent the occurrence of unreasonable, dilatory and negligent actions (fLffl.rfn.-', 
ritual in order to comply with social standards. At the same time, Xunzi also maintained 
that ritual should be embodied by the body: 
tt~z.~m, A-f-:E!=, ~-f-IL," lIJ-f-IlYH, %-f-lbH¥o ~ffijffi]§, ~ffi]lb, 
PI tJ,~~!~1J 0 
The learning of the gentleman enters through the ear, is stored in the mind, 
spreads through the four limbs, and is visible in his activity and repose. In his 
softest word and slightest movement, in one and all, the gentleman can be taken 
as a model and pattem.40 
We see an agreement between Xunzi and Mengzi in the above passage-that is, the 
refined moral quality, no matter by means of learning or through the rectification of the 
strayed heart, was materialized by the human body and became visible in bodily activities. 
Thus, in Xunzi's philosophy a materialization of virtue was realized by ritual. A 
37 Xunzi xinzhu, p. 308. Knoblock, Vol. 3. p. 55.
 
38 Xunzi suggested that "of all the methods of controlling the vital breath and nourishing the mind, none is
 
more direct than proceeding according to ritual principles (f'LYB••IL.'t.1*j, ~1~ El3un. See Xunzi
 
xinzhu, p. 18. Knoblock, Vol. 1, p. 154.
 
39 Xunzixinzhu,p.I7.Knoblock, VoI.I,p.I52.
 
40 Xunzixinzhu, p. 9. Knoblock, Vol. 1, p. 140.
 
165 
gentleman's learning of ritual, as Xunzi concluded, was to refine his body (tt-=fz..¥ 
Early ritual texts: the concern ofritual practicability and the use ofthe body 
The philosophical foundation of Ii established by Confucius, Mengzi and Xunzi 
was developed in Warring States ritual texts. In early Confucian ritual texts, there are two 
issues to deal with: the first is to confirm the purpose of ritual and the second is the 
question of the practicability of ritual. In other words, how to conceptualize ritual and 
make ritual practicable became the dominant concerns ofearly ritualists. The following 
discussion will be organized around these two questions by examining closely the major 
ritual text Liji. 
The first chapter in Liji begins with the theme of ritual "giving peace to people" 
(an min tfi:. ~). 42 This statement explicitly confirms the value of ritual in consolidating 
the social order advocated by Confucius and Xunzi. As the chapter continues, ritual is 
promoted as the highest principle that completes and finalizes the cultivation ofvirtue, 
41 Xunzi xinshu, p. 9. Knoblock translates the word shen as "character." However, in the sentence 
immediately before this Xunzi criticizes the learning ofpetty men as entering the ears but coming out the 
mouth. Since the distance between the mouth and ear is less than four cun, Xunzi questions that how this 
kind of learning could be sufficient to refine the seven chi body ofa man (!J'Az~-tE., A-'fIl=. ili-'f 
rJ 0 rJ II=z.ra'~rJ [g-tIl=, ~JEl;)J(H:;f~z.~~J'Jlt). Because of this, Ithink the word shen connotes the 
same meaning of human body. 
42 See Liji zhengyi (thereafter LJZy)' p. 7. 
166 
the establishment of custom, the rectification ofhuman relationships and the functioning 
of government.43 
This emphasis in Liji upon ritual as the most authoritative law guiding all aspects 
of society clearly reflects the influence of Xunzi more than that of Analects or Mengzi. 
Still, the role of ritual in individual moral improvement, which is given equal attention in 
Liji, may show influence from the Mencian branch of Confucianism.44 
In explaining ritual's importance in refining people's morality, early Confucian 
ritualists had to confront the question of how to conceptualize ritual. Since Confucius, 
Mengzi and Xunzi presented different views on this matter, their theories become both a 
challenge and an opportunity to develop new ideas. Liji picks up and revises a crucial 
issue concerning Ii, that is, whether ritual was internal (nei I*J) or external (wai 71'). 
As I have discussed above, Confucius suggested that ritual was both an action of 
as well as an approach to reno In Confucius' teaching, the inward attitudes ofjing 
. 
(reverence) and rang (deference) formed the substance of ritual. At the same time, ritual 
served to rectify human behavior by consciously restraining improper desires. Somewhat 
different from this, Mengzi viewed ritual as simply an external manifestation and 
decoration of internal virtues. To Mengzi, ritual did not have ethical power but provided a 
visible reference for examining one's inner moral quality. In Xunzi's philosophy, the 
43 See LJZY, p. 14. 
44 Many scholars have pointed out the close relationship between Xunzi's theory and Liji. Some examples 
of this argument include Feng Youlan's i!i!!ititlfiii Zhongguo zhexue shi r:p WlJrg-~ -*. (Hong Kong: 
Taipingyang tushu gongsi, 1961), p. 369, Yang Junru's m~~Q Xunzi yanjiu 1IJ-=f-liJfYi: (Taibei: 
Shangwu yinshuguan, 1968), pp. 21-7. 
167 
learning of ritual also pointed to a moral ending: it was through learning that a gentleman 
"refined his person/body" (~;t=t:~). What makes Xunzi important to Warring States 
ritualists is his emphasis on ritual nurturing and differentiating human desires and 
emotions. 
Liji synthesizes these three philosopher's ideas while showing a strong 
characteristic ofXunzi's views. Similar to Analects, Liji also requires moral sincerity in 
ritual performance. Liji cites Confucius that in the rites ofmourning "reverence is the 
most important ,thing" (1WrJ,gJ::) and "facial expressions should agree with the emotion" 
(~-@.~.fl}:lt,t.').45 What is important in this sentence is the idea that ritual corresponds to 
what is in the heart. Sincerity and reverence are thus given priority over external 
expressions. However, the notion of a natural flow from inside to outside is equally 
stressed in Liji chapters. For instance, chapter 48 indicates that in mourning for a parent, 
what is bound up in a filial son's heart is manifested in his countenance (1.:5~IL.\, %~ 
-@.).46 The explanation for this is that the internal grief and sorrow produce a change on 
the appearance of the filial son (~~:a1:E~, "MI:%~j]~~Hg).47 
This idea of ritual as a secondary manifestation of the inward state was further 
complicated in Liji by an emphasis upon ritual's impact on the heart and emotions. Since 
human nature could either be good or bad and people have all kinds of emotions, there is 
45 LJZY, p. 1200. 
46 Ibid., p. 1344. 
47 Ibid., p. 1535. 
168 
a need to control excessive feelings and rectify the heart. Ritual fulfills this responsibility. 
For this reason, when Youzi 1fT praised a child's crying for his parents as a sincere 
expression of feeling and considered it as sufficient for ritual, Ziyou TVIf disagreed 
with him by pointing out that restraining and regulating emotions is the real ritual.48 In 
addition to this, ritual also rectifies people's heart. For example, although the chapter 
"Yue ji" ~~c writes that the sphere in which ritual governs is exterior Cf.'H:E.* I tJJjj~ 
~r*ill), it warns that indifference and rudeness would invade people's heart if for a 
moment the outward demeanor was not respectful and reverent (~r~JcAA~~7Gm7G~, rm 
$HiZ.A~J\AZA~).49 
We see two important points in the above example. First, although ritual is 
external it has an impact upon internal virtue and emotion. This view ofritual is certainly 
not bifunctional. In fact, in traditional Chinese thought, nei and wai are never two 
separated worlds. There are always links connecting these two spheres and ritual is only 
one of them. Second, the above example suggests that normalized demeanor in ritual 
practice could prevent the corruption of the heart. Because normalizing demeanor is 
closely related with corporal control, the body therefore becomes an indispensable 
component in ritual discourse. Furthermore, the involvement of the body in ritual 
discussion is necessary for the consideration of the practicability of ritual. In order to sell 
their doctrine, Confucian scholars had to make ritual theoretically sound as well as 
48 LJZY, pp. 283-4. 
49 Ibid., p. 1140. 
169 
"feasible" in real world situations. Liji and other ritual texts therefore create ritual 
systems for the state, local community and family, trying to institutionalize ritual in the 
social sphere. At the same time, ritual as a moral guide demands a practicable system for 
each individual to follow. A set of coded behaviors is thus created to carry out ritual ideas. 
Liji writes: "The beginning of ritual and its principle lies in the correct arrangement of the 
body and demeanor, the proper adjustment of the countenance and in the natural order of 
the speech" (fl~z~€l, a.M-IEWH, 1If~~~, JII~;¥4-).50 From this perspective, the 
body is a handy material that enables ritual to be practicable. Because ofthis, Liji claims 
that ritual is comparable to the human body (ll~1!f, ~ltt~).51 As the human body 
must maintain its integrity, so is the rule of ritual to be completed. The most important 
way to do this is to manipulate the body and train it to carry out the meanings of ritual. 
Ritual, in this sense, is distinctly performative. It is a social and individual system 
actualized by encoded bodily movements. It is meaning and action, integrated by the 
emblematic display of the body. Huainanzi thus concludes, "Ritual means the 
body/embodiment (il1!fH~).,,52 
50 LlZY, p. 1614. Translation adopted from James Legge, The Li Ki, ibid., p. 425.
 
51 Ibid., p. 740.
 
52 Liu Wendian, Huainan hongliejijie, p. 62.
 
170 
Ritualizing the Body 
Ritualization ofspace and the body 
In their book, Thinkingfrom the Han, David Hall and Roger Ames characterize 
the Chinese conceptualization of the self as a focus-field model that emphasizes the 
relationship between self and society. According to Hall and Ames, the self is the focus 
that constitutes and is constituted by the field, which, as the authors describe, is a "variety 
of specific contexts defined by particular family relations, or sociopolitical orders." The 
field shapes the self but in return the self constructs the field. Without the connection 
between them, either part of the model would become meaningless. For this reason Hall 
and Ames define the model as the "art of contextualization." In other words, the Chinese 
focus-field model "results from the understanding ofone's relation to the world to be 
constituted by acts of contextualization.,,53 
There is no doubt that when Hall and Ames use the word "field" they are talking 
about a social network such as complicated human relationships and interpersonal rules. 
Although this is so, it is still interesting to note that Hall and Ames use "field", a word 
carrying a strong spatial connotation, to interpret the society in which the self obtains its 
full meaning. Admittedly, a society cannot exist if there are no accepted rules, customs or 
clearly defined relationships that bond its members together. Nevertheless, we should 
also consider the fact that in its physical form a society is a "territorial space" with a 
division between center and periphery and with an opposition between inside and outside. 
53 David Hall and Roger Ames, Thinkingfrom the Han: Self, Truth, and Transcendence in Chinese and 
Western Culture (Albany: State University ofNew York Press, 1998), pp. 39-43. 
171 
Probably in ancient time the spatial form of society was of equal importance to any 
abstract notions that may have identified that society. 
Understanding society as a space does not contradict Hall and Ames' view of 
society as rules and connections. Because not only is space a form but it also a concept. 
In fact, similar to his interpretation of time as "an order of successions," Leibniz 
understands space to be "an order to things which exist at the same time.,,54 Following 
this assertion, Mark Edward Lewis makes a suggestion that space implies relations, order 
and division. 55 From this perspective, Hall and Ames' term "field" clearly shares the 
same meaning with the word "space" explained by Leibniz and Lewis. To be sure, space 
is both material and metaphysical. 
This understanding of society as constructed by space permeated early Chinese 
thought. As Lewis points out, early Chinese myths tell of the beginning of the world in 
terms of the creation of space, the emergence of objects from formless chaos.56 Because 
the formation of space began with a primal chaos, the concern with constructing spatial 
order dominated the mind of Chinese for over a thousand years. To maintain an orderly 
world, it was important to construct boundaries and divisions both in physical forms and 
at the conceptual level. From an early time the Chinese had a strong consciousness of 
center and periphery, interior and exterior, and selves and others. 
54 Cited from Mark Edward Lewis, The Construction o/Space in Early China, p. 1.
 
55 Ibid.
 
56 Ibid., p. 2.
 
172 
Ritual facilitated the construction of spatial order. Early ritual texts show a 
strong awareness of space and an effort to structure space by controlling the body and 
bodily movement. Although the ultimate goal of ritual was to regulate social relationships, 
it nevertheless began with clarification and definition of spatial units. The idea behind 
this was that in early Chinese thought the world was constructed by spatial 
units/communities of different levels: household, city, region, state and the world. The 
boundary of each unit clarified what was inside and what was outside. Within each unit 
smaller segments of space were further divided into center and periphery; and various 
locations within this enclosed unit were further differentiated as superior and inferior 
according to their distances from the center and their directions from the center in terms 
ofyinyang cosmology. 
Ritual recognized this hierarchical order of space by assigning each place, 
location and direction specific symbolic meaning.57 These symbolic meanings were 
closely associated with the ethical relationships existing within the spatial unit but were 
beyond the limitations of that unit, because within the same unit relationships varied due 
to the change of participants. To construct order and regulate the activities within a given 
space, ritual first needed to discern the current agenda and its agents in that space-that is, 
to understand what the event was and who the people involved were. For example, a 
family compound could be a place for family members' daily activities; but it could also 
57 Chapter "Yi ji" in Liji reads: "The relation between ruler and minister was determined from a 
consideration of heaven being honorable and earth being mean. The positions of noble and mean were fixed 
with a reference to the heights and depths displayed by the surface (of the earth)," ritual was "framed after 
the distinctions between heaven and earth." (~~:l:iE.*, ttl~2:;:E~o !1f!-~B~t, JU~Hs'l.~ .... ~QJ1:t, JtIJ 
l!';j!t~:l:iE.z..Jj'Jili). See LlZY, pp. 1094-5. Translation adapted from James Legge, The Li Ki, p. 103. 
173 
become a public place when a wedding or a funeral was held and guests from other clans 
came to attend. Once the agenda and agents were recognized, with reference to the 
symbolic meanings of each spatial component, ritual actualized the agenda by arranging 
spatial sequences of the event and by locating the participants in proper positions in 
accordance with their social hierarchy. The "Ritual of the Drinking Festivity in the 
Districts" (xiang yinjiu Ii #1~tiXt@11) described in Liji provides a good example of this. 
According to Zheng Xuan's ~~~ (127-200) commentary to Liji, the xiang yin 
jiu Ii was a ritual performed at local schools to manifest the idea ofhonoring the virtuous 
and the elderly. The details of the festival display a careful arrangement of spatial 
sequence and designate the proper locations for each participant. As seen in Liji, the ritual 
begins with a reception of guests outside the school gate. This is followed by a series of 
movements from outside to inside and by repeated bodily acts ofbowing, ascending and 
descending: the host leads the guests in entering the gate; they bow to each other three 
times while walking to the steps; they yield precedent to the other three times before 
ascending the steps; they enter the hall, sitting at their proper locations; they descend the 
steps, take off their shoes, then ascend the steps, and sit properly again. In each sequence, 
the position of each person is deliberately assigned and their social roles match the 
symbolic meaning of the position. For example, in regard to the seating arrangement, Liji 
prescribes that the host should assign the guest a seat on the northwest while the host 
himself sits on the southeast. The reason for this is that the northwest represents the 
righteous qi ofheaven and earth, and the host should seat the guest there in order to honor 
him, for the guest represents the treatment of others according to justice. Moreover, 
174 
because southeast represents the warm and genial qi, it is the place where the host sits 
since he represents the treatment of others according to benevolence and genial 
kindness.58 
While the host and the guest are seated at the center of the hall, other participants 
in the festival are designated lower and circumambient locations: the musicians enter the 
hall to sing songs but are expected to descend from the hall after their performance is 
completed. The organists can only play below the hall. When all the music performances 
are completed, the musicians walk to the west steps, and stand there facing northeast until 
the ritual is completed. 
In this arrangement ofpositions, ritual stratifies space so as to embody the social 
hierarchy. Space is organized by ritual in the same way as social relationships are 
normalized. The following passage from Liji demonstrates how ordering space and 
regulating the society are equalized by ritual: 
§J5z~, ~ljff:!~Jt, ~~IHLtr, $~ljffftk1, 1T~IJff~Ji, j'[~ljff~, tl 
Z.&ooo~~*~£~~,M.9,~M,~ili,~~,*~,.~ffi 
:®I~, ~ El3li:~~ tl:l & 0 
A house made by a good eye will yet have the corner ofhonor, and the steps on 
the east for the host to ascend by; every mat has its upper and lower end; every 
chariot has its right side and left; walkers follow one another, and those who 
stand observe a certain order-such were the right rules of antiquity.... 
Anciently the sage rulers and intelligent kings and lords, in making a distinction 
between noble and mean, old and young, remote and near, male and female, 
outside and inside, did not presume to allow any to transgress the regular rule 
they had to observe, but all proceeded in the part which has been indicated.59 
58 See LlZY, p. 1630. Summary adopted from James Legge, The Li Ki., pp. 437-8. 
59 LJZY, p. 1390. Translation modified from Legge, pp. 276-7. 
175 
In this equation, relationships became discernible by observing hierarchical spatial units 
determined by the ritual context. For example, according to Liji, Confucius mourned the 
dead in various places: the ancestral temple was the place to wail for brothers, outside of 
the temple was for friends of his father, the chamber was for his teacher, outside the door 
ofthe chamber was for friends, and the open country was the proper place to wail for an 
acquaintance.6o According to this reference, ritual locations were determined by 
relationships among the participants and in return they became material parts of those 
relations. 
In ritual's construction of spatial order for the purpose of affirming social 
relationships, the human body, which is the smallest spatial unit in traditional Chinese 
thought, is also regulated in order to facilitate the normalization of spaceY In early ritual 
texts, great attention was paid to prescribe detailed rules for people's facial expressions, 
gestures, and actions in various ritual environments. For example, there are numerous 
instructions in early ritual texts on how to behave and act in a funeral ceremony, the most 
important ritual event to Confucians throughout Chinese history. As seen in the chapter 
"Ben sang" Jif:~ in Liji, the ritual of "hurrying to a funeral" was a complicated 
procedure of repeating bodily actions in selected places. Upon hearing the news of a 
60 LlZY, P. 201. Another passage about funeral ritual in the text describes different locations for crying 
depending on the relationship between the person and the dead: "One hurrying to mourning rites, if they 
were for a parent, wailed when he looked towards the district; if they were for a relation for whom nine 
months' mourning was due, he wailed when he could see the gate of his house; if for one to whom five 
months' mourning was due, he wailed when he got to the door; if for one whom but three months' 
mourning was due, he wailed when he took his station." See Legge, The Li Ki" p. 372. LlZY, p. 1532 
61 For the notion of the human body as the basic spatial unit, see Mark Edward Lewis, The Construction of 
Space in Early China, ibid. 
176 
parent's death, a filial son should first react with a cry before asking the reason for the 
death. The action of crying was repeated in his journey back home: traveling in a foreign 
state, he should cry only when he came across the border of the state, but he should keep 
crying once he sees the border of his home state. When he arrives at his home, he must 
enter it from the left side of the gate and ascend to the hall from the west steps (east steps 
were reserved for parents when they were alive). Sitting on the east side of the coffin, the 
filial son fully expresses his sorrow by crying. After this he ties his hair in a knot, bares 
his arms and goes down from the hall, standing on the east, where he cries towards the 
west. Having completed the leaping, he covers his arms and puts on his sash in the 
corridor on the east. In this procedure, the filial son is positioned in the east, a direction 
equated with superiority and authority. This arrangement symbolizes the son's heritage of 
his parent's status as the host of the household, but at the same time, he must demonstrate 
his sorrow by taking off his cap, stripping off his clothes, leaping and crying consistently. 
In other words, the chapter "Ben sang" gives strict details for a filial son on the 
performance appropriate for his body in each spatial unit during the whole course of 
preparation for the funeral. 
In the above example, we see a very mechanical division of space and location 
and patterned display of actions. The body and bodily movements were highly codified 
by ritual and this codification was to a considerable level determined by the ritual 
function of space and the social status of the people involved. Chapter "Yu zao" 3i~ III 
Dji provides good material to demonstrate this. 
177 
Concerning the rite of offering sacrifice in the ancestral temple, the chapter "Yu 
zao" gives rules on many specific bodily performances, including the way one should 
walk during this ritual event. Accordhi.g to the chapter, the ruler and the representative of 
the dead (shi P) should walk in step (tt~P~lit), a Grand Minister should step along, 
one foot after the other (:*xr.llit), a shi ± should keep the length ofhis foot between 
his steps (± t:p lit). Their speeds were different due to the differences in their social status 
and their significance in this ritual event. In addition to ancestral sacrifices, the chapter 
describes different styles of walking for other occasions and gives precise rules for each 
of them. For example, duan xing ~ffHT required one to walk erect while the chin projects 
forward like the eaves of a house and the advance is straight as an arrow. In the case of 
what is called "bian xing" ff-1T, one must walk rapidly while the body has the 
appearance of rising constantly with an elevation of the feet. In addition to prescribing 
choreographed bodily movements, the chapter also regulates the demeanor appropriate to 
walking in different places: on the road the carriage of the body should be straight, in the 
ancestral temple it should be reverent and grave, in the court it should be exact and easy 
(1T?§:'~'~, fimt:p1!f1!f, lj!AJ*¥~~fJ~fJD .62 As for a gentleman, his demeanor and 
bodily movements must be strictly controlled: 
~TZ?§:~~, ~m~~1!fo~?§:g, ¥?§:~, §?§:~, Q?§:K,~?§:D, 
~*~ ¥*_ ~*~ ~*~ ~~np ~$&~~
.ltftit'1=l.' ~it'Jffil' ...lLit'I~' r:,it'lIr, ::E)l.H "lhJI:':t P iIDl.illUo 
The carriage of a man of rank is easy, grave and reserved when he sees anyone 
whom he wishes to honor. He does not move his feet lightly, nor his hands 
irreverently. His eyes looks straightforward, and his mouth is kept quiet and 
62 LlZY, p. 925. Summary adopted from Legge, The Li Ki., Vol. 28, p. 25. 
178 
composed. No sound from him to break the stillness, and his head is carried 
upright. His breath come without panting or stoppage, and the way he stands 
gave an impression of virtue. His looks are grave, and he sits like a personator of 
the dead. When at leisure and at ease, and in conversation, he looks mild and 
bland.63 
In this passage, the body of a gentleman must display a respectful air that is appropriate 
to his social status and his role in the ritual event. In addition to this, the chapter "Yu zao" 
also requires that the performing body of a gentleman exemplify his moral superiority: 
~~m, *wro, ~~~~, ~~~.,w~~tr, ~*~~o 
He [a gentleman] stands with an appearance of lowliness, but with no indication 
of subservience. His head roises straight up from the centre of the neck. He 
stands as firm as a mountain, and his movements are well timed. His body is 
well filled with the volume of his breath, which comes forth powerfully like that 
of nature. His complexion shows the beauty and strength ofa piece ofjade.64 
From the above examples, we see that space was socialized to serve for ritual 
purposes; at the same time, the human body was equally socialized in order to manifest 
the ritual meanings of the space. Ritual carefully positiones the body, strictly controlles it 
and deliberately designes choreographic movements for it to construct and actualize order 
and display ritual value projected in social space. The body is thus ritualized as a spatial 
unit. 
Interplaying socialized body: the notion ofwei yi ~11. 
In socializing the human body for the purpose of constructing order in space and 
society, ritual must deal with conflicts generated by class difference and social hierarchy. 
63 See LlZY, p. 925. Translation modified from Legge, ibid., p.25. 
64 LlZY, PP. 926-7. Legge, The Li Ki, p. 26. 
179 
Ritual recognizes social conflicts and solves them by enforcing the acceptance of 
differentiated bodily demeanor among social groups. In other words, ritual attempts to 
create a harmonious society through the interplay ofproperly socialized bodies. It 
promotes a ritualized, awe-inspiring demeanor for the upper class while encouraging 
other social members to accept this dignified body as a manifestation ofpolitical 
authority. In early texts, wei yi, the awe-inspiring demeanor, best exemplifies the 
ritualized interplay of the social body. The following discussion examines closely the 
meaning and social function ofwei yi. 
The notion of creating an awe-inspiring demeanor, wei yi lIDG1~t first appeared in 
early texts as an indication of aristocratic identification. In two of the Wei 11& family 
vessels discovered in 1976 in Fufeng j)lcJl County, Shannxi Province, Weibo ~'rB, son 
of the famous Scribe Qiang (shi qiang Jl:.Ji), identifies his family with the duty of wei yi. 
In two bronze inscriptions Weibo mentions that his ancestors took charge of or helped the 
Yin 'jt clan to take charge ofwei yi and thereby serve the previous kings (~H~, i§] 
In these records, the family merit ofhelping cultivate and sustain wei yi for generations 
serves to define the Wei clan's elite status. Wei yi in these bronze inscriptions appears to 
be a court ceremony and does not have any moral implication. 
65 Zhou Fagao WJft;,frf6, Sandaijijin wencun bu =-1-\ti~)(fHffi (Taibei: Tailian guofeng she, 1980), pp. 
103, 104. Cited from Yang Rubin, Rujia shentiguan, pp. 31-2. 
180 
The association of wei yi with aristocratic identification is most frequent in 
Shijing poems, especially those found in the Ya :m and Song ~~ sections of the text. 
Many of these songs are either descriptions ofcourt banquets, admonitions directed to the 
Zhou kings or portrayals of virtuous ministers. In these songs wei yi is presented as an 
expected deportment of a noble and begins to carry moral meanings. For example, poem 
256 ("Yi" 1flJ) says: "An outward demeanor, cautious and grave, is an indication of the 
inward virtue (1flJ1flJmlG1f!, ~t1~Z~).,,66 Poem 253 ("Min lao" ~~) also advises that 
a noble should be reverently careful in demeanor so as to cultivate associations with the 
virtuous (tIDttft~1f!, ~;l)i:ff1~).67 This connection of wei yi with inward virtue is 
further advocated in Shijing poems as a behavioral doctrine that was taught by the 
ancients. In poem 260 ("Zheng min" *~), the poet describes the virtues of the minister 
Zhong Shanfu 1~ Lil li in the following: 
1~ Llr liz1~, 
*~Mtf!iJ, 
4-1R~~, 
/J\/L,jljl: 
t1WII~j\;,
 
mlG1R~jJ 0
 
7(T~;;(5,
 
r~)llfp1tM 0
 
The virtue of Zhong Shanfu 
Is mild and admirable, according as it ought to be. 
Good is his deportment; good his looks; 
The lessons of antiquity are his law; 
He is strenuously attentive to his deportment. 
66 Translation adopted from James Legge, The She King (Taibei: Wenzhi chubanshe, 1981), p. 406. 
67 See Legge, ibid., p. 396. 
181 
In full accord with the Son of Heaven, 
He is employed to spread abroad his bright decrees.68 
In this poem, Zhong Shanfu is praised as a virtuous minister who austerely controls his 
body and behaviors in accordance with the rule ofwei yi and consequently reveals 
himself as a qualified minister of the king. The merit of Zhong Shanfu, as admired by the 
poet, lies in his exemplary demeanor refined by the principle ofwei yi. 
Indeed, in many Shijing poems wei yi, a demeanor originally identifying 
aristocratic status, is transformed into a political symbol. It carries the power of 
governance by displaying an authoritative deportment that is to be taken as an example 
for the rest of the society to imitate. The Shijing poems "Yi" (#256) and "Pan shui"~* 
(#299) thus admonish the nobles to be reverent in their outward demeanor because it will 
become a pattern for the people Clti~Jjj;mlG1~, ~ ~ZfliJ).69 
Undoubtedly, the moral implications ofwei yi contribute greatly to its political 
effect. In this integration of moral significance with political symbolism in such a bodily 
performance, we see a transformation ofwei yi from a signifier of class to a concept 
meaningful for ritual discourse. Many discussions ofwei yi in early ritual texts continue 
this understanding of wei yi as both moral demonstration and political method, which is 
implied in Shijing poems. 
68 Translation modified from James Legge, ibid., p. 428. 
69 See James Legge, The She King, pp. 406, 484. 
182 
A passage in the chapter "Yue ji" ~§C in Liji provides a good theoretical 
explanation of the dual powers of wei yi. In discussing the difference between music and 
ritual, a passage in this chapter makes the following argument: 
3&1!~¥B~5~rJJI±~, JI±~~rJ~mlZo J[)~1JT~~::f~O::f~, iffim~tZA~,-Az..~o 
;rr~Jl;JtIT~~::fJl±::f~, iffi£ttz..JL.\Az..~o iiJ[~ili*, tJJ~[7g1!fili; 1!ili1!f, 
tJJ~;rr*ilio ~~l~O, m~]JII~, [7g~Orm;rrJII~, ~1J~JjJt~~~rmJIH~*ili; 
~;tt~~Jl, rm~::fj:£'~~o t&t~.tJJ~[7g, rm~~::fJ1dU~; :@~~~;rr, 
rm ~~::f J1dl~ 0 
When one has mastered completely the principle of ritual so as to regulate his 
body accordingly, he becomes grave and reverential. Grave and reverential, he 
comes to be regarded with awe. If the heart for a moment is without the feeling 
of harmony and joy, meanness and deceitfulness enter it. If the outward 
demeanor is for a moment without gravity and respectfulness, indifference and 
rudeness show themselves. Therefore the sphere in which music acts is the 
interior of man, and that of ritual is his exterior. The result of music is a perfect 
harmony, and that of ritual a perfect observance of propriety. When one's inner 
man is harmonious, and his outer man thus docile, the people behold his 
countenance and do not contend with him; they look to his demeanor, and no 
feeling of indifference or rudeness arises in them. Thus it is that when virtue 
shines and acts within a superior, the people are sure to accept his rule, and 
hearken to him; and when the principles ofpropriety are displayed in his conduct, 
the people are sure in the same way to accept and obey him.70 
This passage begins with a strong declaration of the power of ritual in dignifying one's 
body. It articulates the principle that ritual generates a grave and reverential appearance 
and enables one to make an awe-inspiring impression. Such an impression is only 
possible when one's inner heart is harmonized by music and his external appearance is 
refined by ritual. According to the passage above, the power of music lies in creating a 
harmonious state while that of ritual is shun, a word that denotes multiple meanings such 
as "to follow," "to submit," and "to obey." Shun also means to be agreeable, indicating 
70 LlZY, PP. 1140-1. James Legge, The Li Ki, Vol. 28. pp. 125-6. 
183 
strongly the feeling of acceptance. These meanings of obedience and acceptance, which 
are conveyed by the word shun, are confirmed by the Liji passage: when people observe 
the dignified demeanor of a gentleman they perceive his virtuous inner heart, accept his 
moral authority and abandon their own desire to contend. Therefore the passage 
concludes that when a gentleman's virtue is illuminated by his external demeanor people 
will heed and obey him. 
There are two important notions in the quotation above that deserve closer 
examination. The first is the belief in a physical manifestation of inward virtue, the idea 
that a gentleman's de 1~ will infuse his face. Here we see a clear influence from Mengzi, 
who maintains that virtue will be materialized in a gentleman's physical appearance. The 
second concerns the sentence "lifa zhu wai" J£~~~)t~ ("the principles ofpropriety are 
displayed in his conduct"). The word Ii J£ contains such variant meanings as "reason" 
and "principle." What is interesting is that the Han scholar Zheng Xuan interprets the 
word here as referring solely to "the advance and retreat of deportment" (J£, ~~~z.:J1t 
ltill).71 Ifwe consider the whole passage together, it is clear that Zheng Xuan explains 
ritual to be closely related to bodily movement and demeanor. 
Moreover, Zheng Xuan also adopts Mengzi's idea ofa corporalized virtue when 
he renders the word de hui 1!8.l;Jjf! as a sleek color (1!;Jjf!, ~~~Jj~ill).72 As Mengzi 
71 LJZY, p. 1140. 
72 Ibid. 
184 
proclaims, "What is within someone will be shown without" (~~i*J, 16,%~)7r).73 
From this perspective, both the Liji passage and Zheng Xuan's commentary teach the 
same lesson-that is, they both claim a dignified demeanor is a manifestation of the great 
virtue of superior men and treat it as evidence oftheir natural leadership. As for the 
people, both the passage and the commentary suggest that they understand this to be a 
physical manifestation of the greater morality ofa superior man and then accept his 
political authority just as they accept his moral superiority. 
This treatment of wei yi as an important part of ritual and an indication of 
political authority is also evident in a Zuo zhuan passage. In Duke Cheng JJ.lZ0 13.2, 
Marquis Uu (~u-=f) gives the following comments: 
~~~: ~~~~~~~~, ~~~~~M.~.~~, ~~$ilio ~# 
.~J;},~ti, /F~~#5&J;},IfXf~o ~ilttt-=f1JJ11, IJ,AfllJJ 0 
I have heard that people receive the harmonious qi between heaven and earth 
and conceive life, this is called destiny. For this reason there are rules for actions, 
rites and wei yi to secure their destinies. The able men cultivate these destinies 
and find ways to fortune; yet the unable men ruin these destinies and receive 
disaster. Thereupon a gentleman is austere in practicing ritual but a common 
man in action.74 
The word wei yi in this paragraph is clearly associated with the junzi. Considering the 
context in which Liuzi's comments are made,junzi must refer to the tuling class of the 
state. For them, wei yi is a part of their destined authority and carries with it the 
requirement that they must be austere in the performance of ritual. 
73 Yang Bojun, Mengzi yizhu, p. 284. 
74 Yang Bojun, Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhu, pp. 860, and 861 .. 
185 
Probably the clearest instruction concerning wei yi is presented in Duke Xiang 
..0 31.13 ofZuo zhuan. After observing the wei yi ofthe Chu ~ prime minister Wei 
III, Beigong Wenzi ::ItE.'Jtr delivers the following comments: 
0E1: r~~! 1~~~,OOG1~? J WEI: rff ,OOGrmPJ ~~Z,OOG, ff1~rmPJ~*~z 
1~o tlfftlz,OOG1R, JtE2:~rm~z, ~rJrm~z, $:~~ff;1t;J*, 1(-1jl:J-Rt!L 
E2:ffE2:z ••, ;1t~~rm~z, $:~~;1t~., *~~*oM~~~W~ 
~, ~~J:~~~if§l1!!lillo 1¥j~~EI: r.1R****, /FPJ~ill], §"tlE2:, J:~, 
)(r, JL~, pgj~, j(/J' Wff.1Rill· .... ·iiJ[tlr1£1fLPJ~, nffi~PJ~, J!ill 
PJ~, ~JjJEPJ~rJ, ~ltPJI!, 1t$PJy!, tt1TPJ ~, ~~PJ~; tJJ1tffJt, 
§"mff*, ~~~~,~zff,OOG.illo 
The Duke [of Wei] said, "Excellent! What is wei yi?" [Biegong Wenzi] replied, 
"To have the dignity that is awe-inspiring is called wei; to have the demeanor 
that is imitable is called yi. A ruler should have a ruler's wei yi, for which his 
ministers revere him and love him. They will take it as a model and imitate it, 
and thus the ruler is able to possess his state and make his reputation last over 
generations. A minister should have a minister's wei yi, for which his 
subordinates will revere and love him. He thus is able to preserve his office, 
protect his clan and benefit his family. Those who are inferior to a minister 
should all follow this, for by this the relationship between superior and inferior 
can be solidified. A poem of Wei says, "My deportment is dignified and 
peaceful and my dignities are too many to be counted." This is to say that 
whether it is the relationship between ruler and minister between superior and 
inferior, between father and son, between older and younger brothers, between 
insider and outsider, or between the important and the insignificant, there is wei 
yi for each of them... , Thereupon a gentleman is reverent when he is in his office, 
is admirable when he bestows, is measured when he advances or retreats, is 
imitatable when he moves, and his appearance and demeanor are observable, 
deeds can be followed, virtues can be modeled, sound and voice are joyful, his 
actions are patterned and words are orderly-using these to govern his subjects 
is called having wei yi. 75 
There are several important concepts conveyed in the above Zuo zhuan text. The first is 
that wei yi serves as a principle for the people to follow. Beigong Wenzi twice cites the 
Shijing sentence "be reverent in outward demeanor because it will become a pattern for 
75 Yang Bojun, Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhu, pp. 1194-5. 
186 
the people (~/~'®(;1R. ~1t ~Z.J~rJ)." Second, not only does wei yi cause the people to 
revere the ruler, but it also makes people emotionally and behaviorally attached to him. 
They feel grateful to him and are delighted by him. They observe and imitate his 
movements and actions. Wei yi therefore becomes a controlling force by which a 
collective behavioral normalization can be carried out. In this sense, wei yi consolidates 
the social hierarchy by setting up the superiors' dignified bodily demeanor as the 
example for all the inferiors to take as a model. Social harmony is therefore achieved 
when this bodily display ofhierarchy is accepted, admired and found desirable by the 
people. 
The Zuo zhuan passage explicitly states that in each social relationship, no 
matter whether it is between a ruler and minister, a father and son, or a superior and 
inferior, there is a proper wei yi for each person to follow. As the chapter "Qu Ii" atlUl 
explains, the demeanor of the Son ofHeaven should be characterized by majesty; that of 
the lords, by gravity; that of the ministers, by a regulated composure; that of the officers, 
by an easy and rhythmic step; and that of the common people, by simplicity and humility 
(7(T~~~. ~1~~~. *X~~jl'f. ±~..~... f,ff-Aitit).76 Thus the demeanor of 
people in different social groups varies accordingly. Even in the case of a single person, 
deportment should change according to the nature of his relationship with others. 
According to Xunzi, when a scholar or a gentleman plays the role of a father or an elder 
brother, his demeanor should be relaxed, dignified, grave, inspiring, correct but 
76 LlZY, p. 146. James Legge,The Li Ki, Vol. 27, p. 112. 
187 
comfortable to be around, noble and imposing, broad-minded, enlightened, and calmly at 
:X:5LZ.~1E); however, when he plays the role of a son or a younger brother, his 
demeanor should be attentive, temperate, confident, helpful, honest, constantly striving, 
. (i=t~~ JA5!J.'. ,WlJ./,>. i1i;ftlJ./,>. iWlJ./,>. @lJ./,>.respectful,exempIary, an d unassummg ;:Tl;.:@-m;J~~/\',~' lY'f(,~' 'l'fBf(,~' )ljlijf(,~' is{(,~' 
In Xunzi, what is elsewhere called "dignified demeanor" is labeled rong, a word 
denoting a strong sense of decorated appearance, codified gesture, or public performance. 
It is no doubt that these decent demeanors are exaggerated by Xunzi in a way that makes 
them appear more like lofty ideals rather than actual norms of conduct. This might also 
be true of the duty of Baoshi {If: ~ as reported in Zhou Ii Jj!fJUl, which includes teaching 
sons of the king six kinds of demeanor: that in sacrifice, in receiving guests, in court, in 
funeral, among the troops and in driving a carriage (tt~T /\1iN: ~El~flz.~, =El 
77 See Xunzi xinzhu, ibid., chapter "Fei shi'er zi" ~~+ =T, p. 74. Knoblock, Xunzi., Vol. 1, p. 228. 
78 See Lin Yin 1*7'" annotates, Zhaulijinzhujinyi )WJf!.6j-U.6j-~t;1 (Taibei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 
1972), p. 139. The relationship between rang and Ii mdeserves serious scholarly attention. Rang 
frequently appears in early ritual texts but it is uncertain as whether it just remained at theoretical level or it 
was actually performed. It is also unclear how did the idea of rang participated in the development of ritual 
discourse in early China. It seems that in the early period in western Han rang was separated from the 
scholarly concept of Ii. As reported in chapter "Rulin zhuan" 1f1ij1*1$ in Shiji, a certain Confucian scholar 
Xu 1*1: from Lu • was good at acting rang (~~?§:). He was appointed grand minister of Ii in 
Emperor Wen's era. His grandson Xu Xiang ~. was also good at acting rang due to his looks but he 
could not master Lijing CJtJ!!;~~?§:, ::ffj~jjl «UI~~» ). See Shiji 121: 3126. 
188 
Despite the question ofhow real these ritual requirements might be, the idea 
expressed in these writings is clear: in any social context there is a specified conduct for 
all members of society. One must understand the relationship in which he engages and 
adjust his action to be acceptable to society. In other words, a hierarchical social network 
is constructed and stabilized by performing normalized bodily actions. The body is thus 
trained by ritual in order to meet social expectations. But there is a symbiosis here, for 
just as the body is trained by ritual, so ritual in an important way constitutes the body. 
From this perspective, ritual texts are instructions concerning bodily movements and their 
value is realized by the trained body. 
Embodying Ritual 
The "Xiang dang" chapter in Analects 
The above discussions lead to the issue of the practical value of ritual texts. In 
competing with other philosophical teachings and doctrines, Confucian ritualists do not 
only advocate Ii at the theoretical level. In order to promote ritual as the most 
authoritative principle that governs every aspect ofhuman society, ritual texts must serve 
as a guide or a manual in which the norms for doing things can be found. This is to say, 
ritual needs to be practiced and ritual texts should function as handbooks to teach the 
people the art of embodying ritual. It is in this regard that chapter ten ofAnalects, "Xiang 
dang" ~., finds its significance. 
In many ways this chapter is different from the rest of the Analects. It does not 
contain oral teaching from Confucius nor is it composed of exchanges between the 
189 
master and his disciples. Its descriptive but injunctive language and the implied subject of 
Confucius leads some scholars to question the authenticity of the chapter, especially since 
it contains descriptions that parallel other early ritual texts. Arthur Waley reflects this 
skepticism and concludes that the chapter is "a compilation of maxims from works on 
ritual" and does not belong to the rest of the book.79 
Probably because of the canonical status ofAnalects, traditional commentators 
nevertheless maintained the integrity of the text. In defending the reliability of all 
chapters, they explain the chapter "Xiang dang" as truthful observations of Confucius' 
daily ritual activities recorded by his disciples. Traditional commentators argue that the 
effort of consistently realizing one's belief and principle is the true teaching of Confucius; 
the chapter "Xiang dang" faithfully demonstrates this Confucian doctrine. Whatever 
opinion we hold on the date and ultimate authenticity of this chapter ofAnalects, there is 
no doubt that it reflects the same attitudes toward ritual and its bodily expression that we 
have seen in the texts examined above. 
A close examination of the chapter agrees with the traditional commentarial 
view. Although descriptions of Confucius in the chapter are diverse, readers can still 
organize them by content. Bruce Brooks suggests that these descriptions can be divided 
into four categories: those about public occasions, about clothing and food, about visits 
and gifts ~md about the master's private behavior.so Brooks' division is clear but not very 
convincing, for clothing, food, visits and gifts would be matters of both public occasion 
79 Arthur Waley, The Analects ofConfucius, (New York: Vintage Books, 1989), p. 21.
 
80 See Confucius and the Analects, edited by Bryan Van Norden (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002),
 
p.188. 
190 
and private life. In fact, what bring the passages together are two issues: the exemplary 
deeds and speeches ofthe master. The chapter pays great attention to how Confucius acts 
and it presents his actions as the real life demonstration of a true ritual master. No matter 
on what occasion, the Confucius in this chapter displays the virtues of timeliness and 
appropriateness by handling his body with great elegance. When receiving a guest, 
Confucius' countenance was grave and serious and his steps hastened. When bowing, his 
robes remained perfectly arrayed. When he moved quickly, his gesture resembled wings 
gliding.8! In private life, his demeanor was perfectly controlled. He never talked while 
eating, did not sit if the mat was not correctly placed, and he did not sleep like a corpse.82 
In reading these descriptions, we are introduced to a different Confucius. The 
images ofConfucius as seen in other chapters portray a frustrated politician, a devoted 
scholar, an amiable teacher, and a person whose strong personality and weaknesses were 
equally revealed. Nevertheless, the Confucius in chapter ten is a ritualist who trains 
himself austerely. His speech and attire are appropriate to the requirements of the social 
situations, no matter at court or at home, his actions are always flawless for public 
scrutiny, and his demeanor is symbolically profound. His body is perfectly ritualized so 
that embodies his teachings imparted throughout Analects. Compiled at the end of the 
"Shang lun" -.CWO section, the first ten chapters that are traditionally believed to be the 
earliest layer of the book, the chapter "Xiang dang" function, in Slingerland's words, as a 
"capstone" and suggests the importance of embodying ritual in the teaching of 
81 See Slingerland's translation, Confucius Analects, pp. 98-9. 
82 Yang Bojun, Lunyu yizhu, 10.10, 10.1 2, 10.24, pp. Ill, 113. 
191 
Confucius.83 The chapter serves as a handbook for those who admire the master and 
desire to imitate him, to train their own bodies and to improve themselves as social 
beings. 
Ritual texts as manuals 
This pedagogical function of the "Xiang dang" chapter also characterizes the 
Warring States and Han ritual texts. To their core, these ritual texts were compiled as 
manuals for the use in the real political and ethical world, as well as being blueprints for 
the creation of an ideal society. Among the three major ritual texts, Zhouli jWHI, Yili iii 
11 and Liji, which were finalized during the Han but contain large amounts of Warring 
States material, this instructional function is most clearly demonstrated in the first 
two-Zhouli and Yili. 84 Five ofthe six extant sections in Zhouli are definitions of various 
governmental offices and descriptions of their duties. Its systematic structure and detailed 
explanations of the names, organization, and responsibilities of government offices at all 
levels make the book appear as a sort of constitution for an ideal state. A similar attribute 
is also seen in the content and structure of Yili, which is comprised of comprehensive 
descriptions of ritual ceremonies of the shi ± class. The seventeen chapters in Yili cover 
ceremonial rules from capping rites (shi guan Ii ±*HI) and marriage rites (shi hun Ii 
± ~1I) to funeral and sacrificial rites (shi sang Ii ±~il and shaolao kuishi Ii y¢til 
83 See Slingerland, introduction to chapter 10, p. 98. 
84 In his recent book, Chinese Society in the Age o/ConfUcius (1000-250 BC), Lothar von Falkenhausen 
describes Zhouli as "one of the three ritual compendia in the Confucian classical canon; compiled in the 
fourth and third centuries BC, partly based on earlier records." See Chinese Society in the Age o/Confucius 
(1000-250 BC) (Los Angles: Cotsen Institute ofArchaeology, 2006), p. 554. 
192 
irUl). These were presumably compiled together as a handbook for the ritual practices of 
the shi class. 
In comparison with these two other texts Liji lacks a systematic structure and its 
contents are miscellaneous and styles diverse.85 However, it contains records of 
numerous ritual rules that might have been followed and practiced in different periods in 
early time.86 From this perspective Liji might be valuable for its preservation of raw 
ritual materials and its encyclopedic collection of ritual discourse, prescriptions and 
anecdotes. This unpolished, documentary nature ofLiji is most evident in its first chapter, 
entitled "Quli" Itt! fl. 87 
85 In an effort to systematize the text, Liu Xiang %\!u ~ (?77-6 BCE) divides the 49 chapters into nine 
categories such as "Weights and Measures" (zhidu 1Mlt, "Comprehensive Discussions" (tonglun jffi~) 
and "Auspicious Affairs" (jishi 1!f$). This categorization is problematic because of the uncertainty of the 
dividing principle. Sometimes Liu Xing categorizes a chapter by its content, but sometimes he labels other 
chapters by style. For a criticism ofLiu Xiang, see Yang Tianyu's fi}~* Lijiyizhu 11~c~iU 
(Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1997), "Introduction," pp. 15-7. 
86 The Tang scholar Lu Deming ~tg Ijjj believes that Liji reports what have been left by Zhouli and Yili. 
He thus considers the passages in Liji as raw ritual materials. See LlZY, p. 1. 
87 The chapter is titled by the first two characters that appear in the first paragraph. The word quli also 
appears in the chapter "Liqi" fI~, which writes that "the principles of ritual are three hundreds in number; 
the items of ritual are three thousands in number (#~11=B, IlB 11 = -=r)." The interpretation ofjingli and 
quli is problematic, because both words can refer to a text. It seems in chapter one the word quli refers to an 
ancient text and the lengthy remainder of the chapter could be contents cited from this ancient book. Some 
scholars associate this ancient book with the Han scholar Hou Cang )§If's Qutaiji 1lB~~c (also named 
Qutai Hou Cang 1lB~)§lf). See Jeffrey Riegel's introduction to Liji in Michael Loewe ed., Early Chinese 
Texts: A Bibliographical Guide (Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of 
East Asian Studies, 1993), p. 296; Yang Tianyu, ibid., p. I. 
193 
Despite the complicated nature of the chapter, "Quli" contains, in its 
fragmentary passages, comprehensive presentations of ritual activities.88 It also contains 
ritual instructions that are not specifically targeted at specific social groups or social 
occasions. In this it stands in contrast to Zhouli, which describes a mainly bureaucratic 
system, and Yili, which is strongly oriented to the shi class. Moreover, the descriptions in 
"Quli" reveal a strong pedagogical sense. Similar to what we encounter in chapter "Xiang 
dang," these descriptions promote the idea of ritualization by means ofbodily training. 
When putting these scattered passages together, we found this chapter is largely 
composed ofmanuals of ritual performance. 
To demonstrate this, we shall examine closely some passages in this chapter. 
Following several brief opening discussions of the importance of ritual, paragraphs 
thirteen to twenty-eight are mostly instructions for daily ritual activities that can be 
categorized in what Zheng Xuan calledjiali IHI (Auspicious Ceremonies). Paragraphs 
thirteen to seventeen are behavior and clothing regulations for a son, including a son of a 
very young age. Paragraph eighteen is about the proper demeanor a student shows to his 
teacher when they are traveling. This is followed by a segment of rules concerning when 
88 "QuIi" contains 104 entries that are miscellaneous and unrelated to each other. From the Eastern Han 
period scholars have tried to explain why these ostensibly unrelated passages were put together in a single 
chapter and have attempted to organize them into reasonable categories. Zheng Xuan argued that the 
chapter contains passages relating to the traditional five ceremonies:jili Eft (auspicious ceremonies), 
xiongli (inauspicious ceremonies), binli (the rites ofhospitality),junli (the rites ofwar) andjiali (festival 
ceremonies). Zheng Xuan's theory was accepted by all traditional commentators. However if we examine 
the "Quli" paragraphs carefully Zheng Xuan's divisions are still problematic, because in this chapter there 
are many discussions of the value ofritual and numerous regulations do not belong to any of the five rites. 
Probably we should treat the chapter as a primary collection of various ritual materials completed by 
different hands. The passages in this chapter thus can be divided into two major categories: theoretical 
argumentations about ritual and instructions on specific ritual behaviors. For Zhuang Xuan's theory, see 
LlZY, p. 6. 
194 
a person should or should not speak with a loud voice. The correct manner of entering a 
room is described in paragraph twenty and is followed by another fragment concerning 
how a shi official should enter his ruler's house. This switch to a court setting is 
continued in paragraph twenty-three, which contains rules of official gift exchange, but is 
then interrupted by paragraph twenty-two relating the rules of receiving guests. 
Paragraphs twenty-four, twenty-six, twenty-seven and twenty-eight introduce the rules 
for sitting in attendance before a teacher, a gentleman or a senior. Finally, paragraph 
twenty-five is about correct manners at a banquet,89 
There are several dominating characteristics found in these seemingly random 
paragraphs. The first characteristic one notices is the comprehensiveness of the ritual 
matters with which these paragraphs deal. The prescriptions summarized above cover 
almost all social relationships (between father and son, ruler and minister, student and 
teacher, young and old and host and guest) and occasions (at home, on the road, receiving 
guests, attending teachers and elders, walking, eating, and speaking). Since people all live 
in society and are part of the overall social network, ritual applies to everyone regardless 
of age or sex. For example, paragraph seventeen prescribes that a young boy must stand 
straight and square, and not incline his head when listening. When an older is holding 
him by the hand, he should hold the elder's hand with both his hands. When the elder is 
speaking to him with the side of his face bent down, he should cover his mouth with his 
hand in answering.90 
89 These paragraphs are numbered by their sequence in UZY.
 
90 Summary cited from James Legge, The Li Ki, Vol. 27, p. 70. See also UZY, pp. 32-3.
 
195 
In the above paragraph, bodily gestures between the elder and the child are of 
important symbolic meaning. When the elder offers his hand to the child, he is accepting 
the child as a member of the family or the society at large, and thereby shows him 
affection. In order to honor this acceptance the child must hold the elder's hand with both 
his hands. The bodily gesture of the child on this occasion directly expresses his respect 
and appreciation to the elder; and his desire to be accepted is clearly manifested by using 
both hands. In addition to this, his willingness to join the relationship and subordinate 
himself to the elder is explicitly demonstrated by the action of covering his mouth. The 
child should control his body, in this case his breath, to avoid offending the elder and to 
make himself an acceptable part of the elder/child relationship. 
In reading the above prescriptions, traditional commentators emphasize a related 
message that is conveyed by this paragraph. According to Zheng Xuan, the prescriptions 
for the child's behaviors-standing straight, holding the elder with both hands and 
covering his mouth-are for the child to xi ~ how to interact with the elder.91 The 
word xi denotes learning and practicing and it suggests strongly the sense of training. In 
other words, the child has to repeatedly train his body through learning and practicing in 
order to be accepted. 
This discussion leads to the second characteristic found in these paragraphs: 
they contain detailed rules on training the body for ritual purposes. For example, 
paragraph eighteen instructs that when a student meets his teacher on a road, he should 
91 Zheng Xuan comments that to let a child stand straight is to train his own dignity, to require a child to 
hold in both hands is to train him from a young age how to assist and take care of an elder, to prescribe a 
child to cover his mouth is to train him hold his breath in front of an elder. See LlZY, pp. 32-3. 
196 
hasten forward to him and stand with his hands joined across his breast. When in the 
company of an elder, he must keep his face towards the direction in which the elder 
himself is looking. In addition to this, paragraph twenty-eight requires that when a young 
person is leaving from attending an elder he should kneel down, take up his shoes, move 
them to one side, tum his face towards the elder, stand by his shoes, then kneel again, and 
then after moving away from the elder some distance, stoop down and then put his shoes 
on.
92 A young person, following this complicated and subtle procedure, is thus trained to 
ritually perform his subordinate status by removing and bending his body in front of a 
supenor. 
Observing the detailed prescriptions contained in these paragraphs, one notices 
that numerous rules are designed to teach how to control the body for the subordinates, 
whether they are students, descendants, or youngsters. The "QuIi" chapter, as well as 
other portions ofLiji and other ritual texts, lists many bodily prohibitions for the 
subordinates in order to maintain the hierarchical social relationships in a ritual context. 
For example, paragraph twenty-seven teaches that when one is sitting in attendance on a 
superior, one should not listen with the head inclined to one side (!7f{~,ljll1), nor hold the 
body in a slouching position (:!7f,5tfrt); he should not saunter about with a haughty gait 
(W1:!7f{M), stand with one foot raised (ir.:!7fR&), nor should he sit with his knees wide apart 
92 Summary adopted from James Legge, The Li Ki, Vol. 27, p. 70. See also LlZY, pp. 35, 50. 
197 
C~~:@f~).93 These bodily prohibitions are also strictly applied to women. The chapter 
"Neize" I*J JW gives the following instructions: 
~~~~~~m, ~$~, ."~", ew, ~ill, ~~m.o*~, ~ 
A,mm~~~,~,~,~,~,~,m,.,.m,~~~,~o.~ 
~., 1l~~;j'io 
When with parents, [a wife] should immediately respond and reverently proceed 
to do whatever she is ordered to do. In going forwards or backwards or turning 
round, she should be careful and grave; while going out or coming in, while 
bowing or walking, she should not presume to eructate, sneeze, or cough, to 
yawn or stretch herself, to stand on one foot, or to lean against anything, or to 
look askance. She should not dare to spit or snivel, nor, if it be cold, to put on 
more clothes, nor, if she itch anywhere, to scratch herself.94 
What is striking in the above passage is the emphasis upon rigorous control ofthe body. 
The thirteen actions prohibited above are indeed instinctual behaviors. By forbidding 
these natural human actions, ritual transforms people from biological beings into social 
beings. For this purpose, ritual texts teach people what to do and what not to do. The 
"Neize" passage, for example, is in fact a training list for a wife to follow, and at the 
same time it is also a check list for the parents and others to judge her. 
This pedagogical function of ritual texts is designed to establish proper social 
relationships by normalizing the body. It eliminates unacceptable bodily actions to ensure 
people's right to social participation.95 It regards the body as the embodiment of ritual 
93 James Legge, The Li Ki, p. 76. LlZY, p. 48. 
94 Translation modified from James Legge, ibid., Vol. 27, pA53. See also LlZY, p. 835. 
95 Paragraph 19 in chapter "Quli" describes that when a person is about go up to the hall of a house, he 
must raise his voice. When about to enter the door he must keep his head low and his eyes cast down. The 
purpose ofraising the voice is to announce his arrival to the people inside the hall. He thus requests by 
voice his participating in the relationships in the hall and avoids to be considered an intruder. By lowering 
his head, he humbly and ritually displays his status as a newcomer to the already established relations in the 
hall. His voice and bodily gesture are thus ritualized to ensure his acceptance. See LlZY, p. 36. 
198 
and accordingly determines a person's acceptability to society. In other words, the body 
must be disciplined in order to be accepted. Moreover, this training of the body, as 
reflected in ritual texts, does not distinguish ritual between public and private ritual 
environments. Rather, it deconstructs private space and treats all individual activities as 
public presentations. In the "QuIi" paragraphs discussed above, many prescriptions 
concern ostensibly trivial matters that occur in private, familial settings, but people's 
behaviors in these environments are still highly regulated as if they are performances in a 
public ceremony. Indeed, early ritual discussions are especially cautious about people's 
private behaviors and argue explicitly the necessity of self-ritualization. For example, the 
"Daxue" *~ chapter of Liji repeatedly warns a gentleman to be watchful over his 
behavior when he is alone (~-=P1~HJrtt~). He must act as ifhe is under consistent 
public observation and judgment, as Zengzi ~ -=P laments, "What ten eyes behold, what 
ten hands point to, is to be regarded with reverence [when a gentleman is alone]" + I§ Jifi 
fJL +Cf-Jifit~, JtI(3f).96 In other words, a gentleman has to keep regulating his 
behavior no matter when and where he is because his body is no longer an individual's 
body, it has become a social subject. Ritual thus destructs the boundary between public 
and private and prescribes obligatory rules for one to refashion himself into an acceptable 
social member. 
96 LlZY, p. 1593. . 
199 
Conclusion 
Ritual, ii, was a major concern in Confucian thought. Early Confucian 
philosophers Confucius, Mengzi, and Xunzi all advocated the social importance of ritual. 
Although these three Confucian masters presented different understandings of ii, they 
nevertheless all treated the body as an important issue in their ritual discussions. Different 
from Western emphasis upon the physical features of the body in ritual activities, early 
Confucian ritual thought attempted to erase the physicality of the body and to transform 
the body into being a meaningful social member that could be trained to demonstrate 
social relationships. The body was thus conceptualized as performative and its movement 
to be normalized. 
Warring States and Han ritual texts continued the early philosophical 
conceptualization of the body. In Liji, ritual was further discussed with clear reference to 
the body, that is, in terms of whether ritual is internal emotion or external demeanor. In 
addition to the theoretical discussions, the practability of ii formed another major concern 
of early Confucian ritualists. To them, ritual as a moral guide required a system to direct 
individual behaviors for the purpose ofmaintaining social stability. Because of this, 
bodily movements were codified by ritual in order to carry out symbolic meanings 
indispensable to stabilizing and regulating social relationships. For this reason, Huainanzi 
concludes that ritual means the body. 
The ritualization of the body took it first step by treating the body as a spatial 
unit. Ritual texts show a strong awareness of space as stratified units that construct, as 
well as resemble, the hierarchical structure of the society. Ritual as a moral guide 
200 
projected symbolic meanings to spatial units, including the basic unit, the human body, 
and integrated them with ethical rules in human relationships. Again, the bodily 
movements were choreographed so as to facilitate and manifest the normalized 
social/spatial order; at the same time, the normalized body, demonstrated by its codified 
deportment, became acceptable to society. 
It is in this sense ritual texts functioned as manuals for individual behavior in 
social contexts. The earliest handbook of this type was probably chapter ten, the 
"Xiangdang" chapter, in Analects. Although the descriptions in this chapter are probably 
late representations of Confucius, the purpose of including them in the text is clear: they 
were collected as demonstrations of exemplary deeds performed by the ritual master, 
Confucius, and they were meant to be imitated and followed. 
Such a pedagogical function ofritual texts was designed to discipline the body 
for the purpose of social acceptance. In doing so, it eliminated unacceptable bodily 
actions to ensure that interactions between people would be predictable and, consequently, 
stable. As behavioral guides, ritual texts were comprehensive in the sense that they 
treated the body completely as a social subject. The training of the body, as reflected in 
ritual texts, did not distinguish ritual environments as public or private. Instead, it 
deconstructed private space and conceptualized all individual activities as public 
presentation. In other words, ritual texts attempted to train the body to be an embodiment 
of ritual in any time and place. 
201 
CHAPTER V 
CONCLUSION 
The body was an important concept in early China that integrated early Chinese 
natural philosophy and sociopolitical thoughts. In the discussions of the body produced 
from Warring States to Han times, the body was never simply understood as a medical 
substance separated from the political and social world. Instead, it was politicized and 
ritualized, serving both as a metaphor and a tool for political needs, as well as functioning 
as a basic unit for the maintenance of a hierarchical society. 
The political conceptualization and social use of the body unfolded in many 
different ways in early China. Physiognomy, a technique of bodily divination, read the 
body for political purposes. In pre-Qin China, physical features of the body were 
interpreted by a gradually systemized physiognomic knowledge in order to address 
political problems of the state and alleviate individual anxiety generated by social 
mobility. In Han China, this political reading of the body became prevalent when it 
connected the Han imperial body with political legitimacy, transformed female body into 
a form ofpolitical investment and became deeply involved in the selection ofHan 
officials. 
This political reading of the body stimulated philosophical responses from the 
pre-Qin to the Han. Warring State philosophers such as Mengzi and Xunzi criticized the 
202 
use of physiognomy and attempted to replace its power in the political world by 
promoting a politics based upon ethics. However, because physiognomy still exercised its 
strong influence in Han society, Han thinkers focused their interest upon how to 
philosophize and systemize it. Dong Zhongshu linked bodily theory to the notion of the 
mandate of heaven and extended his philosophy of tian to the individual realm by arguing 
that a heavenly bestowed fate left physical marks upon the human body. Wang Chong 
and Wang Fu continued Dong Zhongshu's adoption ofphysiognomy and made efforts to 
synthesize and systemize previous scattered physiognomic discussions in their 
philosophical writings. 
As an important period to the development of Chinese physiognomy, the 
Warring States and Han times were valued as a crucial time during which Chinese 
political thought grew. A tendency towards political centralization and consolidation 
from late Warring States to early Han made the concerns of state structure and the 
ruler-minister relationship become dominant in the mind ofpolitical thinkers of this time. 
The body, in this transitional time, was used as an important metaphor in political 
discussions. The hierarchical relationship between the heart and other bodily parts was 
used to describe proper relationship between the ruler and ministers as the authority of 
the ruler and the restraint ofhis power weighted equally heavy. Consequently, symbolic 
meanings of the ruler's body were highlighted; his body was mystified and reduplicated 
in order to argue for his political legitimacy. As the same time, the indispensable role of 
the ministers to the state was made clear by highlighting the indispensable function of 
internal organs and limbs to the body. 
203 
As generally agreed, morality formed the foundation of traditional Chinese political 
thought. In early Chinese political discussions, the body was used to evaluate the ethical 
quality of politics. The different treatment of the people's body in early records testified 
to the ethical nature of the state, virtually indicating the legitimacy of the rulership. This 
ethical meaning of the body, which remained largely on a theoretical level in Warring 
States philosophy, was institutionalized by Han government, as demonstrated by Han 
military documents found in its border area. In addition to this adoption and 
systemization of earlier bodily theories, the perception of the body was also utilized by 
the Han government in its policy making, especially in shaping its foreign relationship 
with the Xiongnu nomadic people. 
In addition to serving as a political metaphor, the body had also become an important 
social concept in early China through the process ofritualization. As a major issue in 
Confucian teachings, ritual and its social significance were advocated by Confucius, 
Mengzi and Xunzi. These three Confucian philosophers all emphasized the role of the 
body in ritual practice. In their discussions of ritual, the body was conceptualized as 
performative and its movement needed to be normalized. Such a understanding of the 
performative body in ritual context was continued by late Warring States and Han 
ritualists. The regulated body was indispensable to maintaining social stability. Bodily 
movements were ritualized in order to make interaction between different social groups 
predictable and practicable. The choreographed bodily movements thus facilitated and 
manifested the normalized social order, the ultimate goal of ritual, and trained the body to 
be acceptable to the society at the same time. 
204 
Because of this, ritual texts functioned as manuals for individual behaviors in social 
context. They were designed to discipline the body in a comprehensive way for the 
purpose of social acceptance. That is, ritual texts deconstructed private space and treated 
all individual activities as public presentations. The body was thus trained by ritual to 
become a qualified social member in all social circumstances to sustain the hierarchical 
social order. 
The political conceptualization and social function of the body in early China is 
a complicated topic. In many ways this present dissertation is a primary study. There are 
many other issues that require further investigations. One of these issues is how the body 
participated in the Confucian discourse of filial piety and what the social meanings of 
bodily mutilation were. In addition to this, a comparative study of the conceptualization 
of the body in the early Chinese tradition and in the Western tradition would be most 
welcome. All in all, I hope this present study demonstrates the significance of the issue of 
the body in the study of early Chinese philosophy, politics and society. 
205 
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